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* * Thc folly of to-day is the wisdom of themorrow." " Alas.' poor countrv I Almost afraid to know itself I"
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IRELAND. TO THE PEOPLE. Air dear Fbie-vu...
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views, or ideas, csnrxft fall to the gro...
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UNION OF TnE MIDDLE AND WORKING CLASSES....
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AH! AH! AH! If Joii> T Bmgiit does not k...
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THE CHARTIST C0-WEXT10X AXD ASSEMBLY. TO...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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* * Thc Folly Of To-Day Is The Wisdom Of Themorrow." " Alas.' Poor Countrv I Almost Afraid To Know Itself I"
_* * Thc folly of to-day is the wisdom of themorrow . " " Alas . ' poor countrv I Almost afraid to know itself I "
Ireland. To The People. Air Dear Fbie-Vu...
IRELAND . TO THE PEOPLE . Air dear _Fbie-vus , —For many years , ever since the year 1 / 82 , when the Volunteers , with Lord C ' liAKLEJioxi at their head , extracted their share of plunder from the _English _£ oYcriiuient , through patronage and by popular force , the power ofthe people has been su bdued by the treachery of their leaders ; until at length the Irish people have become so disheartened that they are driven to the alternative of popular combination , to overpower the _^ o -uspiracy ofthe Saxon law , aud the duplicity of their leaders .
I have frequently reminded you that "the folly of to-day may be the wisdom of the morrow ; " and you are well aware that I bave beeu subjected to no slight censure for exposing and combating the folly of popular leaders ; while , upon the other hand , I rejoice in their _discovery of error and their " new birth unto rig hteousness . " I think yon will admit , that durino * seventeen years of persecution b y the Irish ° leaders , and the Irish press , I have never once denounced the Irish priesthood or the Irish people ; that 1 bave borne the slander and the revilings of _O'Cosxell and bis party , of faction and its press .
You will remember how often I have told you that , for either io be free , England and Ireland must be united in one common bond , marshalled under one banner , and- directed to Una attainment of one commou object—THE PEOPLE'S _^ CHABTER _. _^ _lTelther have yon for jjotten flte _;* thiMm . er in winch * En-f _^ _isfe-Oiiar--tism has been repudiated and reviled by Irish Datriots and the Irish Press . The GULF _VAS SO WIDE , that Jlr . _Drarr , of the " Nation , " -would resist any attempt to bridge it over ; while now the fraternity has become so indispensable , that Mr . Duffy sees no alternative but the union of the two people . Mr . Du ffy having seen the foll y of having slandered the Irish priesthood—perhaps as a body , She most devoted and patriotic men in the -world—would now assume to himself and his
writings the responsibility of Ireland ' s recent mishaps , misfortunes , and failures . Well , I would be the last person to censure a . public man for the confession of error , the . avowal of repentance , and the resolution to au no more ; but has not Mr . _Dufey saddled himself with a charge of sucb an amount of folly as has led te the destruction—or , at all events , to the postponement for many a year —of Ireland's regeneration ? Mr . DcEFr , in an article in last week's - •* Nation , " headed ' "What "will the Pecbsts Do ?" says : —
there is another reason not to he passed over in silence bv Tl , e Nation . A large class of persons in this country an * _dit'jilv _im-irfc-sed with the conviction that if the Coni " cdtratt-s * _ha-l had only steel and fire to encounter in ' 48 Ave wuuM ere now have had an end of foreign rule and social -niser _*** . If the priests suppressed the insurrection , we caun « t refuse to admit that the Confederate leaders liadthem-{ . Ires lnrgvlv to Wame . They excited a profound _jealousy of their ultimate designs _amon-j the _cler-jy _, "by indiscreet _Tvri _* unssa «« ispsccl \« s ; which to men who did not tawvihwn , and who had been _^ stematicaU ? prejudiced against them , meant many things they were never intended to mean . Thev were guilty in this ofa fatal error for which _lit-v have paid a terriblepenalty . Perhaps Thomas Meagher anil The A ' ation were the chief sinners in this respect . If _s » let it l * e _kno-vn that thev saw tlieir error and admitted
it , Iu tlie last conversation betwsen Mr . Duffy and Mr . _Me-isherin Itichmowi Prison , the former said " You and 3 committed a blockhead blunder mv friend—we arrayed against us the most vital institution of Irish Ireland , by nitre fully . O'Connell told the priests we were tlieir enemies aud * as if to confirm this calumny we uttered and publithe- ! many things absolutely certain to be misunderstood _br tlii-m . Aud behold the result—an attempt to raise tbe countrv without their help ; a project as feasible as raising the Scottish highlands a hundred years ago without the Scottish chiefs . " " True , true , " rejoined Meajjher— "it was a creat error . One to bc avoided again . Any future movement must be based more largely on the religion , tlie svmpathies , tlie old traditions of Ireland . For if our country is to have a new birth to liberty , she must this time be baptised hi the old Holy \ _ie \ V
Thomas _Fiiamcis . Meaghee , the gem of gems , the soul of patriots , the pride of his cotmfay , and the loved and honoured of all , is in the above made to confess his error ; while in his last letter , written to me before he was banished from tbe land of his birth—as Mr . Dcffv now admits by the enthusiasm inspired by the " Nation— " was of a very different character , and conveyed neither sorrow nor repentaucc : indeed , so dear is tbat young patriot's name aud memory to me , tliat I cannot refrain from publishing his defence , against the calumnious charge of repentance urged against him by Air . _Dcfft ; and although it is marked * ¦• * ¦ private , " I cannot see that its publication can in tiny way damage the heroic young victim _, llere it is : —
( Private . ) IUclimonCl Prison , June titli , ISiO . Mr DfAa _FEiBcrs _O'Coxson , —Tou will have seen , toft-re these few hives _ic-skIuis 50-1 , _ttv-it our -fete has been decided . Wc are to leave the country—( probably tomorrow night)—as convicts for Van _Diemen's Land . 1 write to bid you an affectionate farewell , and to thank _jon—as I sincerely and most gratefully do , for the deep sympathy you have felt for me , and tbe efforts to defend wy name and conduct , yon liave so generously and bravely inatle . May the good God , iu whose justice all opprcsssed nations repose tlieir trust—protect , aid , and with his Almighty arm . esalt the cause of freedom which you have served so Ion ; and faithfully , and may you live to witness in its triumph , the reward of the sacrifices you liave made in its behalf .
This , mv dear , excellent friend , is the sincere prayer of one who glories in the proud thought that the first days of his vouth have been devoted t <» tlie straggle ofhis country , and _' that foiling in that _strugsle , he wis doomed to be removed _, far , far from bis old home ; in testimony ofthe love . -ith which he clung to it , and the sincerity with which he strove to render her honourable before all nations—a benefactress and a glory to humanity . Be .-. iigood as to hand thc enclosed to that noble-hearted EnglMmiati , And ever believe me to remain , My dear Feargus O'Connor , * Wherever my lot may be cast _. Your sincere and affectionate young friend , TH 05 IAS _FaiXCIS _ilEAOIIEK . Now let me ask how the above letter tallies
with"True , true . " replied Meagher , "but it was . 1 great error , one to be avoided again . Any future -movement must be b'tsed more largely on the _reli' -ion _, the sympathies , the old traditions of Ireland . For if our country is to have a new birth to UUertv , she must this time be baptised in the old Holy WelL" * In a letter previously written to me , thc young Martyr says : — " Though my fate is now sealed , I do not repine , as my suffering may tend to regenerate my fallen country . " 13 ut what apoor importance the Irish people must henceforth attach to the Press , when they read the following extract from the above -passage : —
" TIIEY EXCITED A PROFOUND _JEA-10 TJST OF THEIR ULTIMATE DESIGXS AMONG TIIE CLERGY BY INDISCREET WMTINGS WD SPEECHES ; - \ YII 1 CII TO MEN WHO DID NOT KNOW THEM , AND WHO HAD BEEN SYSTEMATICALLY PREJUDICED AGAINST THEM , MEANT MANY THINGS THEY WERE NEVER INTENDED _TOMEAN . " Herethen , wehave thc unequivocal admission , that the " A ' _atio »" publishedmany things that the writers did not mean , or things which were not understood by its readers . We know not npon which horn of tins dilemma Mr . DuflV will hang—whether upon the indiscreet writings and speeches" published in the " Nation , " or the _ignorancc of the readers of those writincrs and speeches . Howbeit , we have the free admission of Mr . Duffy
himself , that the " Xation" and its party , were the ori ginators aud destroyers of the recent Irish enthusiasm—I will not call it even revolution or outbreak—and the _eonsequence is , that tlie Irish people , being deceived by Old _Jjelauders _, and Young Irelanders , and their press , are cow establishing loeal combinations , as the only means of saving themselves from the plunder and rapacity of feudal lords , by tutting and carrying thoir crops , and leaving the swep t soil to _' the landlord—to whom they bare paid , not only rent , but _feuikl fees , _& ' _£ costs , and other charges , to five times fee amount of the rent ; aud yet tbey are plunderers : "While naug ht but pity and _comsii = eration is beard for the real p lunderer , •¦ _s-ho under tbe sanction of law , has driven his _serf to the alternative of defending the pro-
Ireland. To The People. Air Dear Fbie-Vu...
_w _& ar periswn ' - _* - *•¦ Ms _Aga - J ° , ? _w remember , _sometlnW ' bedeuce of delaying operations until the harvest of 1848 was read y for the sickle . And if such a process should again cause devastation and massacre in Ireland , surely Mr . Dvffy will not have forgotten tbe " indiscreet writings and speeches" published in the « Nation" of that date , and the meaning of which , the most ignorant of the peasantry to have
appear literall y construed , and criticall y understood . Now , if there is any one danger to a political party greater than another , it is that of leaders and their organs , repudiating a policy b y which tbey have organised and directed the public mind . It is especiall y dangerous as regards tbe Irish people , as they are cautious , watchful , andjealous ; and tho confession of past errors by which they were led into great difficulties , will naturally make them sceptical as ¦ firffie dinoun't of _^ lianc _^ to be placed in ¦ future designs . .. _.. _"^ ... o _* _-. _ " .. ' . _! .. ..
1 Talnng . aH those matters into consideration , will any man—the best versed in politics , or in social policy—point out any hope for the regeneration of Ireland , aud of England too , other than the fraternisation of the working classes of both countries , supposed to be governed by the same laws ; and by which fraternisation they may insure a FULL , FREE , AND FAIR REPRESENTATION OF THE WHOLE PEOPLE IN THE COMMONS HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT . Such a system once established , neither Press , nor demagogue , can mislead the public mind by " INDISCREET SPEECHES AND WRITINGS , " nor can the most
cunning so misinterpret them aa to stamp them with an erroneous impression . There is no man more ready or willing than I am , to make compensation to an injured person ; aud I do think thatthe confession of Mr . Duffy ' s errors , should have induced him to offer some apology for bis abuse of John O'Connell , who , with the exception of Mr . GritEENE , was tbe only Irisb member -who voted for the PEOPLE'S CHARTER—a fact which has induced me to forget " ffly every difference witb that gentleman .
L'eland is now about to suffer from another famine ; Ireland , as if designed by nature to be her oppressors' GREATEST DIFFICULTY , will also be found to be England ' s greatest difficulty— -not only the difficulty of the English Government , but the difficulty of the English people— -as swarms of banished Lishmen will come to the Saxon land , to compete with Englishmen in their own Labour
market—while there is a palace to be erected for the Queen in Ireland—the Cove of Cork is now Queenstown— -the lickspittles ofthe same city hope to change its name to Alberttown—aud the future King of England is to be Earl of Dublin , as well as Pkince of Wales . Why do not the loyal Scots insist upon his being Marquis of Modern Athens as well ?
All the writers inthe "Nation" who touch upon the subject at all , are discussing the indispensable necessity of a fraternisation between tbe two people—tbe developement of the Land Plan , and the justice of reducing rents to the standard of tbe reduced price of produce . And let me ask yon—you , the reviled Chartists of England—if there is one of those questions connected with Irish policy , and tbe necessity for the Irish people adopting them , that I have not expounded over and over again ?
Arthur O'Connor—and not Grattan , although it has been ascribed to him—declared in his speech in the Irish House of Commons , in 1796 , that " three million English slaves would rivet Britain ' s chains "—and Ireland has now more than double that number o f slaves . However , the English Government may rest assured tbat agrarian disturbances will constitute a much greater difficulty than political quackery . In the one case , the policy is for the poor to save what they can from the ravager ; in the other , the policy is for the
demagogue to extract what he can from the credulity ofthe poor . However , I hope and trust tbat ere long the confidence of the poor in their own order alone , will place them in that independent position , to achieve which for them , has boen and still is , the darling object of my life , and in which course I will persevere until that object is achieved . And may God grant , that neither dread of persecution , nor newspaper policy , will ever compel or induce me to retract my princi ples , or mourn over the injury and injustice that my
" INDISCREET WRITINGS AND SPEECHES" may have imposed upon others . I see before me now a great , a glorious , a noble and holy prospect—if the people are but true to themselves ; a prospect—the realisation of which , neither press nor demagogue will be able to blig ht nor destroy , as the free mind of man has now ripened to that extent , that will enable it to combat against and overpower all the elements of faction . * I remain , Your faithful and uncompromising friend , Feargus O'Connor .
Views, Or Ideas, Csnrxft Fall To The Gro...
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Union Of Tne Middle And Working Classes....
UNION OF TnE MIDDLE AND WORKING CLASSES . TO TIIE EDITOR OF TnE _XOnxnERN _** _STAH . Sir , —In thc Star of Saturday last , tbe 22 nd instant , in a letter addressed to the working classes , by Mr . Feargus O'Connor , there appears the following , amongst other remarks , to which , with your permission , I beg to offer a few words in reply : — " Let me now explain to you the reason for -ehus addressing you . I understand that Mr . James Lcacli—recently released from Kirkdale prison—lias invited the Manchester working men to resist sternly tli ' e proposed union between the veritable middle and working classes . "
Upon this part of Mr . O'Connor s letter there arc only seven correct words in it , as far as regards myself—namely , " that I have been recently released from Kirkdale prison . " "Whoever was Mr . O'Connor ' s informant as to me advising the working classes to resist an union being formed betwixt themselves and tlie middle classes must have been greatly imposed upon himself . Perhaps "he had read the lying and scandalous reports in the Manchester Examiner or _Siicctator , both of wliich seemed to vie witli each other in their infamous misrepresentations of the proceedings . What I did say was— " That no man iu England would hail with greater pleasure than myself an union of the middle and working classes ; but that union must only be on the consideration that the working classes should fully participate in any benefits arising from the changes this union proposed to bring about . " To this declaration I am prepared to stand , regardless
of police spies , their perjured tools , or the more infamous proceedings of pretended friends . It were these latter gentlemen that I held up to the contempt of the meeting . Tliey have heen caught at their dirty work , and aro now running about the town , like so many furies , strivina to do that hy private slander and malignity which they dare not for a moment attempt hefore the people . Some of these gentlemen contrive , throueh the dint of audacity and mendacity , to eke out a living otherwise than at more respectable labour ; and for some reason or other—which lit present I can only guess at— -some of these gentlemen socm to be in great favour with thc scribes in thc editorial department of the above-named papers , and seem to havo formed a league with them to hound down one , who have , on _somcV'mot _* occasions , been a stumbling-block in the wav of their political frauds and falsehoods , and who will , with God ' s help , trip up their heels again ,
Union Of Tne Middle And Working Classes....
whenever he discovers them at their disreputable work of deceiving the labouring class . That you may see what these parties mean , I send you a specimen of tlieir productions , being . 1 copy of 11 letter sent to Kirkdale before my liberation . Mr . O ' Connor can make what use of it he may think proper , as it seems it is aimed as much at him as any one else ; and I am sure , when hc has read it , ho will see that there is a very great difference betwixt denouncing these cheats and-humbugs , and denouncing an union of the middle and working classes ; and yet the denouncing of these political fiqfaqs is the head and front of my offending . _BOfUno _' _tigh of them ; I have said much more than I intended , when commencin g
these tew lines . But it will be . seen , from what I have said , that I am no enemy to an union of the middle and working classes ; but , on the contrary , from what appears in another part of his letter , I go much further in that respect than himself . Mr . 0 Connor asks his readers to "bear inmind , thatthe union formed is not an union betwixt tho middleclass employers and the working men , but betwixt the shopkeepers and their working-men customers . " This , in my opinion , is a distinction without a difference . The master-class buys tho working man ' s labourascheapas hecan , and sells the produce of that labour / is dear as he . pan ; tho shopkeeper buys the labourez _$ & _- | _- ' ' _* _- * duce as-cheap as he can , and sells
it as dear _isfhe can ; and , from what I know of them both , I am sure it is only splitting hairs to make a distinction between them " . There are many of the middle-class employers who have given to the world many sincere proofs of their attachment to liberty , and the desire to better tho condition of tlie labouring class , as any of the shopkeeping special constable class I know of . Amongst the former mi ht be mentioned the late and lamented John Fielding and family , with a long list of others not necessary to name . However , whatever class will assist the working people to throw off this monstrous incubus of oppression and political slavery , shall have my best wishes and hearty
cooperation ; but I cannot take Mr . O'Connor ' s " reasoning , upon the security he offers , for the good intentions of these new leaders of the people to be sound . " The fact , " says Mr . O'Connor , "that the principles of this new association are not based upon the mere policy of speculation , is irrefutably established , by tho great fact , of Lord Nugent , Lord Dudley Stuart , Sir Joshua "Walmsley , Mr . Lushington , member for Westminster ; George Thompson , member for the Tower Hamlets ; not ono of whom live upon labour , or upon speculation ;" They do not live upon labour I What do thev live
upon ? Do they do " as the bears ave said to do in winter , suck tlieir paws for a dinner ? I have alv * ays _taught the _labouring class , that those who did not labour themselves , nad nothing for it but to live upon the labour of others . I have not the least desire to speak disrespectfully of these gentlemen ; but after what wo have seen take place on the continent during the last two years , it will be time enough to place full confidence in these men , when they have shown , b y their exertions and perseverance , that they are in earnest , I remain , Sir , yours respectfully , James Leach .
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SOnTHER . V STAR , Dear Sir , — -Seeing in your Star of the 22 nd an invitation to the working classes to give their opinions on the proposed union of the middle and working classes , I take the liberty to send you these few remarks . _Daving been born and bred in Manchester , and being old enough to remember the massacre of 1819 , when the middle classes rode dowa atvd butchered the people for daring to ask for '' cheap bread , " and an extension of the suffrage . DTaving taken part in the Reform agitation of 1830 , when the middle classes united with the working peoplo and made great professions of radicalism , wliich ended in their imprisoning Broadhurst _, Curran , Gilchrist , and Ashmore , in Lancaster Castle , for not being satisfied with " The Bill , the whole Dill , and nothing but the Bill , " of the Whigs .
Now when we see men one moment professing Radicalism—nay , lauding a Republic to the skiesand a short time after taking the baton of the policeman , to arrest tlieir poor dupes—when we see the same men foremost in tho ranks of the League , and the deadliest enemies to your philanthropic Land Scheme * , and again ori g inating the damnable plug-plot , by which you , and many of our worthy brethren , along with James Leach , had nearly been sacrificed ; seeing and knowing these things , and a volume of other acts of deep treachery that could bo told , I am in no ways startled at James Leach not being inclined to be made a cat ' s-paw of once again . Manchester has had its share of middle elass oppression and deceit , and it is nofc without good grounds that they may suspect this "newest move . " The _working classes have ever been the "tools " that the middle and higher classes have made use of
to decide their differences . The illustrious " Reform agitation , " though to outward appearance a popular move , 1 * 3 well known to have been only a "Whi g dodge , for thc purpose of gaining and retaining place , power , and pension . It may be that the game is about to be played now under another name ; certain it is that my Lord Russell ' s premiership is more than doubtful in the coming session . It may he that after thc -union of the two classes lias , by the pressure from without , forced the suffrage and financial questions on thc notice of government , that "Little John , " by some showy but shallow measure , will satisfy a large portion of the unionists , who will desert the ranks , as they did in 1831 , and join the "base , bloody , and brutals _, " to put down the remaining dissatisfied patriots . Such things have been , and may be again , and if wc do join the middle classes let us do it with our eyes open , and the recollection of their former traitorhood .
In the proposed union I see nothing to lose , and a good chance to gain ; in fact the working classes , like a man with empty pockets , may laugh at the efforts of the light-fingered gentry . The down trodden labourer hardly can be worse under any change of circumstances , but he may by a wise policy and masterly management , make tlie middle classes subservient to his purposes , and thus reverse the old customs . In the proposed union there will be one advantage that outweighs all others , and which was noticed by you last week ; that is , the opportunities we shall gain of propagating our views before the public .
I may say , then , for myself , and the bulk of this part of the Charter Association , that we are in favour of the proposed union , and will give it every assistance , though we will still keep our society whole and separate , until we have gained our ends Yours , _Tjiojus _DiCKi . vsos . Sunderland , Sept . 25 . Above will he found the repl y of Messrs . Jas . Leach and Thomas Dickinson to my invitation of last week to discuss the policy of
the proposed union between the working and the middle clssses . There are onl y two points of LEACH'S letter which require a word of comment—or rather explanation . The one is tbe supposition , "that I derived my authority from some of the Manchester papers—or rather from some informant , who took those papers as an authority ! while the fact is , that I received my information from a _Mau-ibestev correspondent , who made the communication in the most kindly spirit .
The second point is where Leach says : — "And yet the denouncing of these political fig-fags is the head and front of my offeuding . " Now , there is a difference between offence aud discussion . I neither thought nor said that James Leach bad offended , nor could the most fastidious person interpret one word of my letter to mean offence . How could I be offended with a man—and especially with a man of no mean capacity
—for expressing his opinions , however widely they may differ from my own—why , it is the very tyranny which has constituted the greatest difficulty in tho way of progress ; and having thus explained anything that did require explanation , I have only to assure James Leach that his letter has given mc thc greatest satisfaction ; while I trust that mine will remove any doubt that existed in his mind as to my motives .
The letter of Dickinson requires no com- 1 ment . He has—in thc most graphic language , aud to my great satisfaction—shown that the Chartistsiuhislocalit y cannot be again deceived b y any party with whom they may co-operate , as "to _^ be forewarned is to be forearmed . " Upon the whole , no circumstance could convev greater satisfaction to . my mind than the fact tbat two prominent Chartist leaders , in , two ol
Union Of Tne Middle And Working Classes....
our moat powerful districts , approve of the Union , and will take care that the contract is not . violated . That wehave some slippery friends may be g leaned from the following letter ; and I dare say _^ Manchester Chartists will read it with no _smap surprise . Comment upon it would be _benegHtthe _^ di gnity of a pickpocket ; therefore , the reader shall peruse it , and make his owh _' Comment . Here it is : — Extnictfrora _' _akUcy of George Henry Smith to Thomas 25 _lS 9 _f , I ) nSOnCr iaKM - _**** l _° Gaol , dated August ?! ; , _fe _^ ' ~ _Frion'Jsl , ! P diotate * _3 _i <> me this duty . -. _Itruatyqu and your companion are enjoyinr : as much permii _,, _Miavo seen Grocott at my bouse since liis _cmancipatiQ & _.-. _iilMve been to lua daw-liter sevwnl _timoa Jesiri _^ ' lier to tell him to come and 1 lee \ nl ; _to _Zve d 0 ne j _£ ? Lhc _•* 5 _£ ht _company me to a few of
_* , _^ _r my _middltelass friends . Yon may _££ the oWec as it especially concerns you and Cropper . I am informed that on _" ccotat oftossuffering . through a Wast in his arm . _ViidLi _iiaJl Vmv _& _* S fr a sore _conflictwil-h myself , ja _^ _tea-WremaiuaJitae longer in thevChartist : ifW , yetfoV _^ _-J- seemsjn _^^ Booth has left the Association , but allowscropper _^ s wife a- _smlMng _ii-week . . ' . • H you could see the Star of' Saturday lust you would find a dodge , deeply played " by the demagogue fry , signed , " William Hemm . " This is well backed out by a finUhinj- ; stroke in this puve paper , by the honest four disinterested ICivkdale patriots . 1 have heen informed that W . P . Itoberts , solicitor , paid all the Kirkdale prisoners a visit last week , when Leach expressed to that gentleman his determination to smash all the cracked political earthenware when he comes amongst us . Well , I will be on the platform { God willing ) in order to help in preserving from his wrath all the sound vessels of State .
In the new council a majority of one are in favour of tlie vile demagogues . Last Tuesday night two persons waited on the council to induce them to join in honouring Leach 011 liis release , but they prudently declined . . . . One incident I must acquaint you with . One Sunday evening , at the Institute , there occurred some disagreeable work between me and the O'Counorites , over reading O'Connor ' s letter . At the conclusion , a person , well dressed , accosted me and told me that the people did not understand me yet but that they would do in time . I told hini that I did not care whether they did ov not . lie went home with me , and staid till twelve o ' clock at night . I fancy he has heen a Socialist lecturer . I sliall tell you
some day how serviceable he has been to me in matters of dispute hetween me and the contentious Chartists . In my next letter I shall send you a copy of thc philanthropic bond , to he taken as a pledge b y all who join our new move . You will observe we will put tlie old things into the shade , and cast the old _maeliincry aside as useless lumber , unfit for present use . 1 am associated with men of mind , who arc willing to commence with me the work of regeneration . Ihej arc waiting my time . I am waiting yours , though , I believe , I shall have cause to repent the delay . I am , my dear Rankin , faithfully yours until death , George _IlENnv Smith .
P . S . —O'Connor , that humbug , writes a very miserable article in Saturday '*! Star . Oh ! when will the dupes be rid of the Icing of imposters 1 God knows , I'll do my hest . 0 . II . S . Is it wonderful that THE SPLIT
SHOULD BE INEVITABLE ? There ' s a "Prince of Democracy "—the " Chieftain of Chartism "—the "Man ofthe Future "—too wise for thepresent generation ! May I entreat my eulogist to transmit me a copy of the "PHILANTHROPIC BOND , to be taken as a pledge by all who join our new move , " in order that I may append my signature to the SMITH-LIBEllTY-CHARTEIi ; and may I request my good friend _Gitocoxr not to allow bis daughter to visit him . Feakgus O'Connor .
The two following letters I did not receive till half-past Seven on Thursday Evening ; andthe " Star" goes to press on Thursday uight . However , it is of no importance , as commeut upon them would be unnecessary : they ave ably written , our pYinci p _lca well defined ; and the necessity of co-operation for the achievement of the Charter well advocated . F . O'C . _^ ft 1 s a " common case in which we arc all interesteoT , in which we should aU he engaged . * * The City of London hath giveu an example , which I doubt not will be followed by the whole kingdom . —Junius Letters .
TO TUE EMIOU 01 ? TUB SORTHEU _**! _STAlt . Sir ,- * -I rejoice tliat Mr . O ' Connor lias tliroivn open the columns of tbe Star to those who wish to discuss the propriety of a union of tho middle ami working classes in support of the new _Ecform Movement , and Ishall . it once avail myself ofthe privilege , as I consider it the best course to adopt in order to ascertain the opinions of the Chartist body on this important matter . At the outset , I will candidly admit that I am . in favour of a most decided and cordial union of thc middle and working classes , because tbe experience of tlio past has convinced me , that without this union there is no hope for our cause . What has been done by ouv Chartist
agitations ? I will not deny that much information has been diffused among the masses on political subjects—and that many have thus been convinced of the justice of our cause ; but I maintain that all the good that has been done in this way , has been effected years ago , and that for the last lew years wc have made no real progress , and at present wo aro completely prostrate , and there is scarcely a good working association in existence . I believe that the great mass of the working classes arc already convinced of the justice of our principles ; but it is evident , from the history of tho past—that they have no confidence in the parties who are compelled , or who assume to le leaders of thc Chartist Movement . This is easily demonstrated . Various plans havo been from time to time submitted to the Chartist body by _Rational Conventions , and associations for the obtainment of the Charter . Abstinence from all excisable articlesco-operation and exclusive dealing—thc sacred
month—thc distribution of tracts , and the employing of Chartist lecturers--the establishment of Chartist periodicals , newspapers , & c . ; but these plans have never been acted on , and scarcely one per cent , of thc professed Chartists throughout the country , could bo found willing to give them even a trial . If a few * were sincere enough to commence any of these plans , they neither had the sympathy nor support of the general body ; and if expenses were incurred on the faith that they would be supported by thc Chartists _generaWy , these expenses have over and over again fallen on the shoulders of afew—the honest anu sincere portion oftho Chartist body , and many have been completely disheartened , and have retired from the agitation . Various plans of organisation have from time to time been adopted , but these liave also fallen to the ground for want of the confidence and support of the Chartists generally .
I am aware that some -will tell us what the working classes could do , and how easily the Charter could be obtained i f they were onl y determined to obtain it ; and enter into mathematical calculations , to show that oven a halfpenny a week from every working man would be wore than _sii _flreient to obtain their just rights . But 2 Mst experience has repeatedly shown us that we cannot even obtain this sum , small as it is ; and there is scarcely a town in Scotland where Chartist associations have existed , in which these associations are not either sinking in debt , or obliged to a few earnest Chartists for clearing them . It is true also that the "National Executive Committee have been starved out of existence for want of funds ; and latterly thc whole
Chartists of Great Britain did not subscribe a 3 much as would pay the wages of a single individual , and tlie Rational Secretary was obli ged to travel and lecture from town to town , instead of attending to the duties of thc situation in wliich he was placed . It is true we have had our periods of excitement , during which many of us believed that thc enactment of the Charter was just at hand , but what was the result ? The transportation of Frost , ml hams and Jones-the imprisonment of hundreds of the most earnest and sincere of the Chartist body ; andjattorly this has been acted over again , and lias resulted in the deaths of "Williams and Sharp . "We have had great meetings , much enthusiasm , nnd strong resolutions , but in tlio end thc victims are allowed to go to prison , to nick oakum , or die if
they refused , while their wives and families were starving . Mr . O ' Connor has been compelled over and over again to pay tho heavy expenses attending the Chartist trials in England , for then the enthusiasm had passed away and many of those whose votes at thc great meetings liad brought many to prison , _hushed at those who had thus been sacrificed . It is plain and evident to mc at least that the great body of thc working classes never have entered thc movement with that sincerity and determination which is essential to insure success , and many have attended our meetings more for amusement than either to give or get information or advice . Prom all this it is surely evident that the great bod y of the working classes have not that _coxiMenco and trust in one another which alfliwcwi carry tho moYemrot to a sugcessfuUcr-
Union Of Tne Middle And Working Classes....
mmation ; and though few may bo willing to admit the fact , yet it is a fact , that they look with greater respect and confidence to the men * of the middle classes who profess liberal principles , than they do to men of their own class . This is a fact which holds good in every countrv in ike world so far _asthe general body is concerned . "We may lament that ifc 19 so ; but instead of Hying in the face of this general feeling , wo should take advantage of it , and endeavour to turn itto ad vantage in securing the more speedy enactment of our principles , by using every honest means to effect a union of the two great classes . In the history ofthe world , we cannot find a single instance of the working classes alone , gaining any great political triumph over their combined oppressors ; so that tho whole experience of thepast should teach us to unite with those whose interests are in
reality identical with ours , and who possess the power and influence , when thus combined , which will at once ensure success . I have no community of feeling with tho _wait-arUttle-lc-nger-partv , who tells us that if we do so the middle classes will soon come out for the wholo of our demands ; for I ciinnot _, under any circumstances , in times liko ; "the present , > grce tb a , stand-still policy , which has . only a vague pi ' obdbility of producing _anj-ft ' _od-Result ... : Any reflecting nnm will at onco seo , that by uniting with the Reform party we will obtain the Suffrage , the Ballot , Equal Polling Districts , aud No Property Qualification , in a very short time ; and that a parliament elected on these could be pledged beforehand to pass the other two points at once as their first measure , while by remaining isolated we destroy the _iiower of both classes and gain _nothina , _¦
Ti . 1 _^ ., J * II , 1 _.. , * .. ... It docs hot follow that when we unite with a party contending for less than the whole of our principles , that we sacrifice any of out * principles : we only believe it to be the best line of policy to adopt in order to secure ultimately the adoption of all our demands . I am aware that some will tell us that they have no confidence in the middle classes , because they deceived us with the Reform Bill . But this is an erroneous notion , for the fact is that a few designing men deceived both classes ; and though the middle _classei ? havo nominally the / ranc / _it ' _se , yet the real power of law making is still in the hands of the aristocracy . This result is brought about by the inequality of the representation . Thus a few small English _borouchs
with a population equal to about tho half of Manchester has fifty representatives , while the great _manufacturing town of Manchester lias only two . ' By this systcm tho votes of the middle classes are completely neutralised , and four-fifths of the electoral body are left in a minority in the Ilouse of Commons ! Is it not evident then that tliey have also been deceived as well as we have beon , and thus that both are still unrepresented ? Is it not then tho best course for both classes to unite against the common oppressors ? Ono circumstance , however , requires explanation . The new Reform Party advocates the extension of the franchise to every occupier of a tenement , or any
portion of a tenement , provided-he is rated , or has claimed to be rated , to the relief of the poor . Row in England all houses are rated , but in many parts of Scotland none are rated under a £ 5 annual rental , and in some country parishes there are no poor rates at all , so that the condition thus annexed to the suffrage would still exclude the great mass of the working classes from the obtainment of their just rights ; or if the samo system of rating as in England , were extended to Scotland , this would be adding to the burdens of the working classes , which ave already rather too heavy , and would also be equivalent to paying for the franchise , which is the just right of every British subject , as laid down in the Charter .
I am happy , however , to state , that this has been already laid before the council ofthe Reform party , and that thc poor-rate clause is only laid down as a substitute for the expense of registration , and is not a fundamental principle whicli will be insisted on , when it is thus shown to be inapplicable to Scotland . I look with great hope to the approaching National Conference , and 1 am convinced , from the fact that the leading men of the Reform party hold tho most liberal principles , that Mcmliood > Suffr age wiU . be the fundamental principle of the new agitation , if the working classes generally would at once unite with them , and elect men of honesty awl principle to that Conference , they would ensure the adoption of their principles . The _opposition-at-allhazanls policy of thc Chartists must be at onco
abandoned—it failed when applied to the Complete Suflrage party , and the folly should not again be repeated . Let us rather invite than repulse thc middle classes , for without a cordial union the isolated demands of the people will continue to bc disregarded ; but a cordial union will at once command success . I am happy to inform the working men of Seot-1 ' . v * av 1 _, that tiici'o is to bo a great public meeting in Aberdeen early in October—that Sir Joshua Walmsley , M . P ., and another Memher of Parliament , along with our champion—P . O'Connor , M _. P ., —are to be present , So far as this meeting is concerned , there has been a cordial union of both classes , and we have thc three editors of three Aberdeen newspapers on our Committee , and a town-councillor as treasurer .
Let the men of Scotland at once arouse , _itwitc the deputation to visit all the large towns , and at onco form a union of Reformers irresistible . I am , Sir , your obedient Servant , Aberdeen , Sept . 25 . _Pito Pairia ,
'' Is it expedient that the working classes should unite with the middle classes , who have commenced an agitation for Parliamentary and Financial Reform ?"
10 TnE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN * STAR . Siu , —As the spirit of the age is decidedly progressive it is important to ascertain in what class of society the sign of progress manifests itself . Society may bo legitimately divided into two sections , viz ., thc producers and the non-producers ; the producers aro those who by tho exercise of their intellectual and physical faculties fabricate out of the raw material , which exists in abundance—and exists not for man individually , but for man universally—commodities necessary for the supplying of man s physical and intellectual requirements . The non-producers arc those who have illegitimately obtained thc exclusive possession ofthe rawmaterial out of which alone commodities can be manufactured .
_rliis class is constituted ot priests , monarchs , and the oligarchy , or thc landed aristocracy . There is another order of men who belong to the non-producing class , viz ., tho usurers or traffickers in money , who have a power given to them by act of parliament which they ought not to possess , inasmuch as this power gives them a chance to rob their fellow-men 01 the fruits of tlieir industry , which chance thoy are ever on thc alert to embrace . And should not the regular course of events conduce as fully to this end as thoy desire , they , by intriguing with governments , through their officers , foment quarrels , wliich invariably lead to thc demand for money , which demand leads to augmented interest , which interest can only be extracted from thc lowest grade Of labourers .
Progress can only exist amongst the producers , because the causes which generate thc principles of progress are continually operating upon this class . The real and determined opponents of progress arc the non-producers , who see tliat tho onward course of events , if not arrested , will ultimately reduce them to a mere nonentity—inasmuch as they must lose the power which at present keeps them in their position . Hence , it follows , that tho party against whom thc people have to contend , and who are , and ever will be , their direst enemies , aro the priests , thc monarchs , the landed aristocracy , and the usurers , who never added the weight of a feather to the wealth of the nationwho are thc real drones of society , wallowing in
luxuriant extravagances ; while the parties _wlufprodneed for them the means of their sensual enjoyments , arc scarcely capable of supplying themselves with tho common necessaries of life . " These opponents to progress arc all-powerful ; and hence , to overcome them it is expedient that the people should take ad vantage of every circumstance wliich appears at all likely to givo thorn increased political power . The Chartists argue , that every sane man has a right to havo a vote . They would be doing violence to their principles were thoy by their _conduct to prevent the accomplishment of tho ostensible object of the Parliamentary and Financial Reformers , which , when obtained , will give an
increased political power to the people . Many of the democrats argue , that thc present movement is a farce—that tlie middle classes are not sincere . This is not of much consequence . "While they are in thc field they are disseminating ideas , perhaps , not so liberal as the democrats _mi-jSt < lesli'e , yet twjve liberal than the great bulk of the middle classes have been accustomed to hear . Political changes are merely the embodiment of ideas whicli have had , an existence a considerable time prior to the change ; therefore , tiie speeches that may be delivered at the meetings of the middle [ classes will be constituted of move liberal views ' than ' heretofore , has emanated from that class . These
Union Of Tne Middle And Working Classes....
views , or ideas , csnrxft fall to the ground without producing some fruit . Another view may be taken . It is a well-knovm fact , tbat the Chartist mcctiiiga __ have not been attended bv that portion of _soeietv c whom convention al usage terms "respectable . " Thu class could not have a correct notion of what a Chartist is , or what Chartism means . Hence , tha great bulk of these " respectables" in vour city _. Iook upon the Chartists as the blackest of characters , capable of committing the most * diabolical-acts ; whereas , when they have an opportunity of hearing them to be men who really are in possession . of reasoning •> faculties , and can make use of thescfaculties in such ' _™ _* * or _Weas C _2-15- LO ' - - ' - •••' to wi ground- without producing some fruit . _Another view may be taken . It Is a " wcll-l 5 'aown fact , tbat tbe Chartist mcctinga have not been attended by that portion of _soAetv whom convention al usage terms «' respectable . " ThU
\ a manner as will carry conviction to thoir Jgiiorant minds that the Chartists are a _cil . ass : 0 "l */ _jnen who are not to be _despised- _** it Would * _tWr _& y impoliti < wndeed _fortho _iJhartists to ¦ be _mere-spttrtatora of ~ the . _imofc'inent , they ought mther tp join it , and thus _* s . ecm _* o a more favourable _oppoituuity . of avowing their principles , ' which would be conveyed through the medium 01 the daily papers to parties , who never have an op' portunity of _seeing , their views , * _shoiM the middle ; classes prove insincere ,- a certain * _oi-gkuiisatioa will have been effected * which _( _si-mld , betake ® hold of by the Chartists , audi carried out by them aUone , Any read _improvemenif to _tibv working classes cau alione he produced fey _them-sftfyes , but im _* p 30 vement cannot bo produced _w-ithou * ihe existence- of the necessary machincry _* : the _monopoly of government must bc destroyed . Aad'if it cannot be effected at Once * it must be _indusft'iiMisly under-mated .
so _thfit it may ultiranteiy fell and eternally destroy the principle which _generates monopel y . Let the peoplo be observant—strictly sobc _?* _-. honest in their conduct , whether i # be of . 1 public or private character—cultivatethciiv -reflective powep , _* * _- —see to it , that political changes- whicli they may seek to accomplish arc only considered as instruments to be used for the _sociat _efewtion of man . Let them be assured that the * mere obtaining ot Universal Suffrage will not do * - _vlienv any material good , unless they have a real knowledge of tho evils
which cause them to complain . ; : a « d possessing a , knowledge -which pcnetrate 3 beneatffir . the surface , they , will then have a faith which , . will stim _* iilate them to constant , nction ,-a ' iid e _* _i-Kiito ultimate success . One large scctron of ' , the . OPeiptives are , afc tho present time , hanging as it w < n * e * like a dead weight upon the efforts of those _who-are desirous of elevating them . No sooner do they obtain a little more remuneration for their laboiwr than they waste their resources in gratifying their corrupt propensities ; to talk or think of emancipating this class of men from slavery is sheer felly- Were tho Parliamant to attempt to govern , so that they could obtain their legitimate wages , thoy would kill themselves by their vicious habits—tliey are prepared for nothing but slavery , and slasvevy would be their lot whatever form of government was established—vet some of this class have the
consummate impudence to call themselves Chartists . I trust tliat thc real Chartists will , on all occasions , embrace the opportunity whenever it presents itself , of speaking against the indulgence of vicious practices , as being the principle cause and perpetuator of slavery . When man is brutalised , ho is driven by a _* ni"mal feelings alone ; and as the laws-of nature have determined that the combined exei' 3 ise of the iutellectual with tho physical can alone * modify * the raw material so as to nsake it suitable for the support and comfort of man , it follows that thc man who neglects , ou destroys by vicious habits , the intellectual _portian of liis nature , becomes a mere machine possessing physical power but not the necessary intellectual power to give thc physical its direction , llencc mother man ' s mind must be brought to bear upon this- stupid
physical matter , which is obliged to recaive and submit to every indignity which may be heaped upon it ; men of this character can do nothing but shout , and in times of excitement form _National Guards , when danger appears they arc gone , thoso who relied upon them , are seized and placed in prison—the prisoners rebel for want offive shillings per week to prevent them from oakum picking—arc placed in confinement upon bread and water , two or three die of the cholera . An eternal disgrace rests upon the _Rational Guard . "What have they contributed ?—absolutely nothing . These are not the men to reform a nation ; wc must seek a change from a more intelligent party—a union with tho middle classes for an extension ofthe suffrage . Yours truly , Jon . v Ci'iiu . 7 , Jun .
Ah! Ah! Ah! If Joii> T Bmgiit Does Not K...
AH ! AH ! AH ! If Joii > Bmgiit does not kick his mother when ho reads the following letter from hia former co-adjutor , _Kichaud Coudkn , sho is safo for over . "What a joko J Tho Jews not lend money upon good security ! Tlie English Brokers not make profit of Blood ! While the English
Cotton Lords coin sweat , marrow blood , bones , aud sinews into gold ! If the Autocrat of Austria , who has fraternised with thc Autocrat of Russia , offered Abraham a sixteenth per cent , more for money than the monarch who promised perfect Jewish Emancipation , Abraham would g ive his money to the Autocrat rather than to the emancipating Monarch ; though it were to save Isaac from immolation .
Cobden wants a peg to hang his shattered popularity upon ; but all his " Sisin . K A . VD UNADOllXEl ) _ELO'ITJENCE " Will not induce Abraham , or John Bull , to refuse profit upon tho blood of tho Hungarians . It ' s rubbish ! rank rubbish ! and nothing else . Oaklands , near Sedlescombc , Sussex . Sept , 25 . Mr dear Sir , —I have this moment read in a London paper the prospectus for a new loan issued by the Austrian Government . Now is the time for the friends of peace and disarmament to raise their voices in condemnation and exposure of the system
by which Austria and tlie other Powers maintain their enormous armies , and carry war and destruction not only into their own provinces , but into the territories of their neighbours . A public meeting should be immediately called in London to denounce this attempt to levy upon tho earnings of peaceful industry the means of paying Haynau and his Croats for thoir butcheries in " Rroscia " and their atrocities in Hungary . Tliere is not a friend or admirer of the oppressed and slandered Magyars or Italians who will not press forward to swell the chorus of execration at tin ' s audacious proposal to borrow fromthe European public tho money with wliich to pay thc price of successful violence and injustice
It is a matter upon which every man is called to express his opinion , for all of us are by tlie terms ofthe prospectus invited to subscribe for the loan . Is there a Jew in London who will not be eager to attend such a meeting , to repudiate all connexion with the projected loan , and to denounce the authors of those atrocities against his co-religiouists at Kuda-Pcst—atrocities in whieh Haynau has surpassed everything that has occurred since the persecution of the middle ages ? lwill be in town on Thursday to meet a committee of the friends ot peace , and if it bc decided to hold a meeting , I shall be there to take a part in ifc ; ami _bolicve 1110 Faithfully yours , To S . Fry , Esq . It . _Coiu-i :. _* * _* .
The Chartist C0-Wext10x Axd Assembly. To...
THE CHARTIST C 0-WEXT 10 X AXD ASSEMBLY . TO TIIE CHARTISTS OF _KDIXUUROII _, LEITH , AND THE SURROUNDING DISTRICT . _Drotiier Democrats , —Having had tho honour to represent you in the National Convention , and the National Assembly , 1 feel it to be my duty to draw your attention to a debt duo to Mr . M'Gowan , printer , for works executed by him for those public bodies amounting to upwards of £ 10 , but a small sum if every constituency paid its _** . M _* oportiou . Ii * frequently happens , in public matters , that the printer comes in hindmost for _paym-ait , and is sometimes victimised to his own generosity in
accommodating parties without demanding tho ea-. li . In the present _inst-wice , from ihe extreme forbearance of Mr . M'Cowan—although he is uow detenuiued to act with firmness against delegates , if not satisfied —it has become a debt of _honour , which we ave mutually bound to pay . Subscriptions for this purpose are received every Saturday night , at the Lnnii Company ' s II » 1 I . _ileintttAices from the country may he addressed to Wm . Davies , 2-1 , _Grcensido-row _, or to the Executive of the Charter Association , 144 , High Holborn . . _fAMl'sCL-M . i _-I . , Late Member ofthe National Convention .
14 , Duncan-street . ' _** / e / _y _• r * * f r r _s _^^&—* s
Deaths. Die J, At "Dundee, On (Lie Sui I...
DEATHS . Die J , at "Dundee , on ( lie SUi inst .. James llolicrtson _, in tho _fiiith year ut'li _' . s use . Uis loss will lie mucli _ri-grctted and long 1 _' ult l _* y tho Chartists cf . Dundee , anion ; - ' wl _. um he took in active part , and was much _iMsjiccttd , lieing a man of _sterling honesty , and of . 1 k ' _uid and olilijjin _*; dism ' _isitioii ; lie was truly one of nature ' s nobility , lie died _-ifinthimmation in the head , and has left a wile aud family to mourn his loss . Died , ut Stockport , w * tlie 8 th inst ., Isabella M'Kinley She was mi ardent admirer of tlie l ; ite ]' was present at the Peterloo Massacre ; and she has zealously _su _* n . iovted the y , v ' n _' v _*" i > h _* through sood and ovil report , Sl'O was juirout and a tr , » friend . _¦¦¦¦•¦ ii
¦1 * - , J ^ I
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. Eiii-Y Hunt, And Since Tliat, Time -* ...
. _eiii-y Hunt , and since tliat , time - * uf C | _iArtiaa an _ajlcciiuuiifc - * * | """* - _* ena . .. * . , * . _lii-y Hunt , and in '**!) that , time-: S of _C'lA-l-tiSKl ' y . . it _ajli'ciiuuafo - _, . * _*^ - _^ . ' , A-- , ¦ ' _< • ¦ _- . _- ... . _** ¦ •;• < _- \ _4 _* ¦ _" . ¦ ' _* . ¦ •' ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦¦ n \ , V , — : ¦;¦• :
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 29, 1849, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_29091849/page/1/
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