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' ZZvTiiDDRBSS OF THE METROPOLITAN ^A^ff...
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—KJ^PI^V NATIONAL REFORM ASSOCIATION. PU...
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' Zzvtiiddrbss Of The Metropolitan ^A^Ff...
' _ZZvTiiDDRBSS OF THE _METROPOLITAN _^ _A _^ _ff DELEGATES TO THE IR FELLOW _£ _2 _StrIMEN , ON THE INTERESTS AND _SSffi POSITION OF THE LABOURING _gSfsES OF THE _EMPIRE . _-enow _CousiHonw , -There is not recorded an - the Wstorv of our country , nor , indeed , in _T _& _tOTV of allnations , when the great subject of _^ _natS and social rig hts of those who live by _* nf their labour , was required to be so _rt , tfullv considered , so clearly exphiined , & 5 _§ Su 5 ly and faithfully supported , as the _Pf _?? m _5 elv connected as we are with the interests In l \ V « . r _« bv being members of that class who o 0 a _^ _nnort themselves and their families by the _^^ nt excrcise of labour , and being entrusted by 008 \ , f our fellow-labourers of this nation with _sas" _" -, _iutv 0 f ascertaining , as far a 3 we may be social
1 the "Teat _operatinsr naiurai ana causes _u _-fcnffect , either beneficially or injuriously , the « t _5 mi and the prospects of all who are engaged 00 wc desire to call thc earnest attention of « hP w _^ . rkin" men of this great country to the ii in * declaration of oar views _, followin _g t _ajjv and carefully at those natural 0 n _^ hich _' the physical well-being of all s 0 BIC m every nation ofthe world , are derived , we ? I _™ ihat none ofthe material productions in _na-^ _iSed eitherforfoodorforclothing , for _shel-^ m for anv other purpose , varied and abundant _^ W b . the ' se materials are , can be acquired except-- "? hrtinoh theinstrnmentality ofthe labour oi man . _S- _^ cern moreover , that little advancemet coulJ _^« b een made in the necessary , useful , or ornal * , l _iDDropr ' _iat'on ofthe crude materials of _«¦ if the efforts of labour had not been made in _^^ te departments of industry , or , as it is called _^ writers on political economy , the division and _^ _ivision of labour
_sn The efforts of labourers being thus directed to a m itii ) lici _« v of emp loyments , each man undertaking _Articular occupation for the purpose of ensuring _^ L mmon and _ireneral object , which is , superiority o f _^ _rodnctiou both in quantity and quality , these _effort of labourers have become _umtcd efforts by _rSon of the productions ofeach labourer being-re _nrived and exchanged by and with his fellow _Sourers , the several productions thus becoming , tv t bis fact of exchange the constituted moans ly which the labourers and their families are _supreconsidering anxiously the social principle thus involved bv the _action of labourers baying become an _united , ' and , hence , a dependant action-the _^ one $ _» m * dependant on tbe other , by the fact
_of-exebanV , for the purpose of consumption , ot each _otb erV prodnction—we see that some rule or law of action is indispensably necessary for preserving the consti tuted _rurbt , or the due enjoyment of those - _sfho have entered _npsn this conjoined course of l abour , involving , ss it does , production of _cominocities on the one hand , and consumption of them on _the other . Bv looking carefully on the simple state of things fast " alluded to—the combination of the passive matter of nature , and of the active power of labour —the elements ofthe earth and the labonr of man directed to educe , to alter , and to modify these elements for nse and convenience—we see tbe manner in which the interests of manin a social state are constituted . We see that man mnst , by the constraining power of those circumstances with whkh li 3 _io . tunii condition is surrounded , unite himself with his _ueMbour . in order to accomplish any
satisfactory and successful progress , or acquire the possession of those things that are necessary for Ids comfortable _^ nbsistence . A most important _question , arising ont of the state « f things just alluded io , is then , presented to us , which is , wbo constitutes this neig hbour with whom the agreed anion of labour , together with the exchange of _productions resulting from it , takes place f , To this important question one right answer , and oae onW can be given , which is , he who is nearestthat is , * a fellow countryman . We see then , that in the order of nature priority of connexionpriori *} in the union of labour—priority in the exchange of productions or in commerce , must spring up and subsist betweea men in that particular sphere which they inhabit , this great social act and principle prevailing in er-ery community -cr nation . Bv this course it is that thc connexion of family with propertv is established .
_Seeimr , then , that the priority of connexion just alluded to must of necessity subsist , and attaching to this priority a rule er law of progress , which is required everywhere and over everything , we maintain that fbesocialobligations of men are of that character which requires them to attach themselves in the first place to the interests of their fellow countrymen or fellow "labourers . We maintain that commerce , which is an exchange -of productions _tetween man and man , should be -conducted , in every nation , in such a manner as to comprehend and preserve to the utmost degree the interests of all the members of the nation . Hence we advance and maintain the principle that established and home trade should first be considered and preserved , and that changes and foreign trade-ought to be undertaken only by means of that value or capital which may be over and above what is required for nrrintainia _* x in their enjoyments , tbe members of
each nation . You will discern that the principle of commerce jast adverted to by 4 . 3 is that principle which was anciently adopted b y our ancestors , the incorporation of it in our laws and hi our practice having formed one ot the most important and influential _characteristics of the British Constitution , though the principle has been " so partially , and hence , so unjustly applied , as to derange nnd destroy its own operation , thereby causing the minds , even of many thoughtful and hononrable men , to suspect its truth , to deny its utility , aud to demand its rejection . ¦ " _"*
Deeply impressed by the degraded = _eociai condition of so many men in our own , and also in ether nations—so many human creatures being seen to safer under the tremendous evils of _poverty and destitution—a class of men have been induced , daring the last seventy-five years , to direct the power of their minds to an investigation of the science of Social and Political Economy . Foremost of these writers _was Dr . Adam Smith . The work of this celebrated _^ writer , appearing iinder the striking and alluring title of "the Wealth of _Nations , " many personc were induced to read the elaborate statements , and the ingenious _reasonings contained in it , and also to place reliance on those
commercial doctrines which are mainly propounded in ir . Since the _deparrai-e of Adam Smith , * a number of other writers have sprung up who have receired him as their chief authority , or leader . Thus a modem school of Politieal and Social Economy has been reared in our country . By this school all the most important subjects , connected with the physical interests of men , have been freely -dealt with ; for besides a discussion ofthe natural means placed within the appropriation of man for his maintenance , together with the various methods invented and adopted by man for making this appropriation , his right to introduce his offspring into the world , has been discussed also . The main result of the
intellectual effort of this school is the adhesion given b y _« 5 members to the doctrine of free social aad commercial action . We have it thus announced to as that it is under tlie _operatisa of unregulated , stimulated , and universal competition , we are henceforth to live . Cheapness is proclaimed to be ihe one great and desirable attainment But the cheapness that is attained under this system is not tiic resultof fair and distributory abundance—being mainly acquired by d _uninlshing tlie enjoyments , er the consumption of those by whose labour productions are derived , _? - & by that economy of labour by whieh , in so many _^ stances , the iabourer is cast off altogether from employm ent , because a cheaper , that ss , a less
_con-¦¦^ _nung instrument than his body , is _isventcd and applied . The labour of the working man thus becomes a superfluous commodity in the _tnarket , so -tet he _nwjt cither be au outcast altogether from foeifcty , orelsc find some way of doing more work _-fl _*^ materi als of consumption ; and _even then , _« ns should succeed in this course of realising _cheapness , he becomes instrumental in bringing _Jpny Other of Ids fellow labourers down to the same degraded level to which he Is reduced . Bad . and appalling , however , as is the existing condition of so many whose only means of supporting themselves and their families is the exercise of tbeir daily labour , yet we maintain that the prospect before ss is still more dark _andgloomv Wa
Declare to yon our conviction thst a far greater _de-| ree of suffering and of destitution impends over tie labouring £ lass and their families , both of thia ana of all other nations , unless the falseness ofthe _freeor competitive system be thoroughly penetrated _. Clearly exposed , and . _n course of _general commerce , v different from that emanating from the free _^ stem , be entered opon . It has become a matter ef the very highest _impor-™ that every working man , and , indeed , the _J' - ' cle nation , should he made acquainted with the _^ jnsion Uiat prevails regarding Adam Smith ' s _iS _^ Ss , _asaiso the writings of those who , together _^? _-Adam Smith , constitute the modern school _political Economists .
f _« has been asserted throughout the country , and _iert _^ tLin the waIls of parliament , that the subr » v _^ _§ hts of labour , comprised as these has hn _m _^ P _^ eiples ° _f general commerce , _Tilai j ? _^ _^ _* _^ _fo _^ y considered and exit _^ » y this body of writers , thatthe vital subtron ? J * viewed as a subject thoroughly underfi _attd settled . "Writers and statesmen have as-W w _^ 1 DUeil CinnJen t assurance that Penrt ° i ? Wl , ich tlie welfare of the _wnole nation de-J _* _os . have been , in some instances , made , and in a _^ _T V ™ Sated , in accordance with the principles _""anced by this school of Economists . _S-itV \ more fatal aelusi ° n than that of placing _UW tae P ° fi « Micy of this _Bchool , cannotbe _enter-^^ i and we are bound to annonnee to you that a
' Zzvtiiddrbss Of The Metropolitan ^A^Ff...
deception of the grossest character has been practised oa the nation with regard to it . This assertion we -will prove , and the proof shall be derived from tbe leading Economists themselves , they having been under tbe necessity of admitting tbat the true characters ofthe main branches of the science of Social Economy have not been discovered by them . The proof which we will adduce first , is derived from the writings of Mr . M'Gulloch , who , himself being a disciple of Adam Smith , and acknowledging him as his leader and master , has , nevertheless , admitted , in a passage in the introductory part of his own work , that his master wa 3 very deficient . The following is the passage : —
However excellent in many respects , still it cannot be denied that there are errors , and those too of no _slighthnportance , in * The Wealth of Nations . ' Dr . Smith does not say that , in prosecuting such broaches of industry as are most advantageous to themselves , individuals necessarily prosecute such as are , at the same time , most advantageous to the public Ilis _leaning to the system of IL Quesnaya leaning perceptible in every part of his work— made hiin so tar swerve from the sounder principles of his own system , as to admit that the preference shown hy individuals in favour of particular _eniplojjnents is not always a true test of their public adv-antageousness . He considered agriculture , though not the only productive employment , as
the mostproduenve of any : the home trade as more productive tlian a direct foreign trade ; and the latter than the carrying trade . It is clear , however , that these distinctions are all fundamentally erroneous Perhaps , however , tlie principal defect of * Tlie Wealth of Nations' consists in thc erroneous doctrines laid down with respect to the invariable value of corn , and tlie effect of fluctuations in wages and profits on prices . These have prevented Dr . Smith from acquiring clear and accurate notions respecting the nature aud causes of rent , and the laws ¦ which govern the rate of profit ; and have , inconsequence , vitiated the theoretical conclusions in those parts of his work wlich treat on the distribution of wealth and the principles of taxation . _—JPrincipZes of Political Economy
byJ . Ii . _JI-CvUoch . If you will examine carefully the foregoing extract , you cannot fail to discern how great those deficiences are which the pupil alleges against the master , for he declares him to have been ignorant ofthe true character and value , firstly , of home tiade ; secondly , of foreign trade ; and , thirdly , of the carryiug trade between nations . A pretty extensive category of ignorance this is ; and then , in addition , he declares , that the master was not able to discover the laws which govern the rate of profit . Sow , as all increase of wealth is comprehended by the term of profit , so , failing to discover and apprehend the cause of profit , is failing to discover and apprehend the whole subject of the creation of wealth . The next category of _deficiences , admitted by the schoolmen themselves , wo derive from the writings of ilr . Malthus . They are comprised in the
following passage : — Since iie era of these distinguished -writers , the subject has graeBally attracted the attention ofa greater number of persons , particularly during the last twenty or thirty years . All the main propositions of the science have been examined , and the events which have sinco occurred , tending either to illustrate or confute them , have been _repeatedly discussed . The result of this examination aud dis-• cassionseemstooe , that on some very important points there are stiU great differences of opinion . Among tliese , perhaps , may he reckoned , the definitions of wealth anti cf prouuetife labour—the nature and measures of value , tlie nature and measures of the principles of demand and supply ; the origin and progress of rent ; the causes which practically retard and limit the progress of wealth ; the level of the precious metals in difierent countries ; tlie principles of taxation , & c — Principles of Politieal Economy ; by T . . K . _JfaWius , edition 1 S 36 , page 3 .
By these passages from the writings of Malthus , containing his _faT «{ judgment-, for the work has been published since his death , you will see how much the writers on Political Economy have left for succeeding inquirers to explore , to discover , and to explain to the world _. The next evidence which we will adduce , is derived from the recorded judgment ofa scientific and practical statesman , one who , haviug attached himself to the liberal political party , before entering on public life iu the Ilouse of Commons , devoted himself , with the Edinburgh schoolmen , to an especial study of the science of Political Economy . We allude to Francis Horner . He studied patiently and perseveringly Adam Smith ' s work . He studied also the science of Political Economy . The results of his studies are communicated to usin the following passages ;—
we have been under-the necessity of suspending our progress in tlie perusal of * the Wealth ef Nations' on account « f the insurmountable difficulties , obscurity and embarrassments hi which the reasonings ofthe fifth chapter are involved . It is amusing to recollect the history of one ' s feelfogson a matter of this kind . Manyyears ago , when I first read 'the Wealth of Nations , ' the whole of the first book appeared to me -as perspicuous as it was interesting and new . Some time afterwards , while I lived in England _^ I attempted to _mate an abstract of Smith ' s principal reasonings , but I was impeded by the doctrine ol the real measure cf value , acd the distinction betweea nominal and real price ; the discovery that I did not understand Smith speedily led me to doubt whether Smith understood himself , and I thought I saw that the price of labour was thc _saraesort-of thing as the price of any other commodity , bnt the discussion was too hard for me , and I Bed to something more agreeable , because more easy . —Memoirs of Francis Horner , vol . 1 , page 163 .
_Tltere has been nothing new verylately mtheline of Political Economy , though Brougham ' s work and . _Malthus ' s are a great deal for one . year .. An indirect application was made to me to furnish a set of notes for a ' new edition of Smith ' s Wealth of Nations . ' This , of course . I declined , because I have other things to attend to :: even if I had beeu prepared for such an undertaking , -which certainly I am not yet , I should be reluctant to expose Smith ' s errors before his work has operated its full effect We owe ranch at present to tlie superstitious worship of Smith ' s name , _* nd we must notimpair that feelingtUl the victory is more complete . Thereare few practical errors 5 n the ' Wealth of Kations , atleast of any great consequence , and , until ne can give a correct and precise theory of the nature and origin of wealth , his popular , and plausible , _mnd loose hypothesis is as good for the vulgar as any other . —Ifemoirs of Francis Bower , vol . 1 , pace 229 .
The opimonsjust quoted are those ofa man who was expressly -educated as a _scteuiyu ; statesman , and who was introduced and received in Parliament with this hig h character . Tou will not fail to mark the deep importance of his words when he declares that a correct and precise theory . of tiis nature and origin of wealth , has not been discovered either by Adam Smith or by any other member of ths school . The writer who has appeared last on the stage of literature of those who are connected influentially with the modern school of Political Economists , is Mr . John Stuart Mill ; the work of this writer having been very recently presented to tbe world . The estimation in which Mr . Mill holds the work of Adam Smith—that work which our most influential and leading statesmen have of late -declared to be all sufficient for guiding them in their . most important courses of national law-making , is announced by the following words : —
The ' _Wealth-otXations'is in many parts-obsolete , and , in all imperfect . Political Economy , properly so called , has grown up almost from infancy since the time of Adam Smith ; and the philosophy of society , Iran-which practically that eminent thinker never separated his more peculiar tlieine , though still in a very early stage cfits progress , has advanced many steps beyond the point at winch he left _it—PrinciplesofPo & ical Economy , by John £ tuart MV 1 , voL 1 , preface , p . 5 . Such are the proofs we have to lay hefore the working men of tbis nation respecting the assumed discoveries and the doings of this highly vaunted school . That which thc whole people bave ieen exhorted to admire and to adopt , is admitted to be nothing better than " a popular , plausible , and loose hypothesis , " but although of this worthless character , it is , nevertheless pronounced to be" as good for the vulgaras any other . "
Many more such proofs might be adduced , but we have adduced sufficient . You will now see how urgent the necessity is for renewed and more skilful investigation in this important field of sciencea field of iniquiry in which tbe dearest interests of yourselves and your families , of every family of the natioD , and indeed of the whole world , are comprised . The great and urgent question then is—IVuat shall we do ? What practical course - can be adopted ? In reply to this question we answer as follows : —We enjoin you , in the first place , to examine well , and consider maturely , thc lew suggestions , and the declarations contained in this address . Enough is presented in it to lead your minds to a solemn consideration of those principles , and that
course of social action , which conduce , on the one hand , to the elevation , and , on the other hand , to the depression , ofthe interests of those who have to lire by their labour . Be prepared to give us effectual support for securing , before a competent tribunal , a full examination and discussion of the mighty subject- "We , on our parts , will be prepared to adduce evidence , and to submit argument , m accordance with the declarations contained in this address . This we solemnly promise you . But then tbis evidence , and tbis argument , must be submitted to tbose who alone can give to them practical influence and effect when they are so established . We mean those statesmen to whom the power of governing the nation is entrusted .
It is generally seen and admitted that the governing principle and power of our country are , at the present juncture of our national affairs , in a position of lamentable instability , which could not be if the principle were true , and the power broadly and deeply founded . The predominating influence and power of aristocratic government having prevailed for a lengthened period , are now passed away . The aristocratic part having raised the structure of its government upon the ancient constitutional principles , departed from these principles , introduced corruption , and is now deposed .
The predominating influence and power of the middle classes ofthe nation arc acknowled ged and accepted at the present time . This party having introduced , as principles of general social action , the meanest incentives and motives that can animate the hwnan mind , namely , the free and full action of unenli g htened self-interest—the unqualified love of wealth and the gratification of this love —the accumulative princip le of social action instead ofthe distributive—their political philosophy being of a character wholly mercantile—is now impaired 3 P < i degraded by tie conflicting operation of tho § e
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_coarses whioh it sets in motion and stimulates . This power also is in a condition to be rejected . let us , then ; be prepared . Tou be prepared to g ive us all necessary support in a temperate , firm , and constitutional manner , —at all times remembering that- in undertaking to argue and to treat of our own rights and interests , we must , necessarily , argue and treat also of the rights and interests of others . We , on our part , wilt be ready to show your rights , both in a manner and in substance , not hitherto attempted . Resting our case on its right foundations , and submitting it in the good shape of calm and dispassionate reasoning , there will not be wanting to us zealous and honourable advocates both within the walls of Parliament and without them , by whose aid and full and fair hearing , followed by a just j ud-ment , will be ensured us . If , then , your judgments approve ofthe views and declarations we have now submitted to youit will
, be your duty to give an ardent support to the cause in every sphere where your influence may be exerted and felt , and on every fitting opportunity . Moreover , you must be resolute in demanding that we be heard . Thw heariig will , we feel assured , lead to convincement in the cases of thoso whom we desire and require to convince ; and convincement , as far as it can be made to extend , will lead tothe recognition and adoption of that just national policy , and of action in accordance with this policy , which constitutes the only remedy for those terrific social evils that so many labouring members of our country have to feel and deplore , Signed on behalf of the Delegates , — JonN Seokave , President . Augustus E . Df . laforcb , Secretary , 10 , North Square , Portman-place , Globe-road Mile-end , Committee Room , St . Andrew Coffee House , 82 , High Holborn , London , April 11 th , 1850
—Kj^Pi^V National Reform Association. Pu...
_—KJ _^ _PI _^ _V NATIONAL REFORM ASSOCIATION . PUBLIC CONFERENCE . In pursuance of the recommendation of a meeting of retormers held in the City of London on Thursday , Dee . 20 th , 1849 ( Sir Joshua Walmsley , M . P ., in the chair ) , to hold a conference of the friends of reform from all parts of the kingdom , the Conference commenced on Tuesday in Crosby Hall , Bishopsgate-street , at eleven o ' clock . Tho objects of the Conference were to receive reports from delegates in reference to the progress ofthe reform movement , to devise means of carrying out with promptitude and vigour the objects of the association , and to complete the arrangements for realising
the fund of * 10 , 000 required for the present year ' s operations . The large hall was very numerously attended , and amongst those assembled were no less than 130 delegates from different parts of the kingdom . On the platform wcre many distinguished reformers including Mr . Cobden , M . P ., Mr . nume , M . P ., Colonel Thompson , M . P ., Mr . George Thompson , M . P ., Mr . W . J . Fox , M . P ., Mr . J . Kershaw , M . P ., Lord Dudlev Coutts- Stuart , M . P ., Mr . Feargus O'Connor , M . P ., Mr . J . Williams , M . P ., Mr . L . Heyworth , M . P ., Mr . J . B . Smith , M . P ., Mr . B . Wilcox , M . P ., the Sheriff of Norwich , tho nigh Bailiff of Southwark , Admiral Gordon .
Sir . J . Walmsley , president of the association , having been-called upon to take the chair , commenced the proceedings by saying : Gentlemen , — In accordance with your wishes I do not hesitate to take tbe chair and briefly to explain the objects for whieh we are assembled . In doing so it is necessary I should state that this conference can only consist of those members who _vote with Mr . Hume on his motion for an amendment of the national representation , the members of the council of the _National Association , gentlemen appointed by associations who have adopted the principles of the National Association , and such other gentlemen as may have been invited by the executive committee , and who attend in their individual capacity . As you are
aware ,. we are not here for the purpose of deciding upon the nature and extent of thc measures of parliamentary reform which we shall seek to attainthat question is already determined . There is , therefore , happily , no occasion , and no room for controversy on matters of principle . Our deliberations and our discussions will have reference to practical measures for carrying out a previously adopted and generally accepted - ? chcme of representative improvement . Little more than a year has passed since this association , then confined to the metropolis , entered upon its important labours . Since that period it has extended " the sphere of its exertions to the kingdom at large , and has assumed a name corresponding with its designs . As a national
association it has sought to -awaken and arouse the energies of reformers in all parts of the country ; and I have the gratification of announcing that the meetings whicli have beon held have been one of tire most animated and enthusiastic character , and have , without a single exception , been unanimous in their approval of the objects of the association . Your first act will , I apprehend , be the appointment ofa committee to report to the conference such resolutions as will be calculated to bring the more important subjects for discussion under immediate notice , and also to report a list of ofneers to superintend and record your proceedings . The council desire you to express , in the most unreserved manner , your opinions of their past conduct .
Whilst _convinced of our own sincerity and zeal , we lay no claim to infallibility , and are prepared to profit by the suggestions and animadversions of those who are here to consult for the interest of our common cause . In the name of the council , therefore , I invite you to the exercise of the utmost freedom of speech . The opportunity has been afforded us of testing , with tolerable accuracy , the sentiments of our countrymen in the several parts of the kingdom ( with the exception of Ireland ) , and of taking to some extent the verdict « f the agricultural , as well as of the mercantile , trading , and artisan classes of the community . The result , in all cases , has heen one and the same . It has been a deliberate _Judgment of approval cf our
• scheme ,- and a cordial offer of general support . We have found the industrial classes—and I speak it to their praise—disposed to concede , in favour of this movement , the urging of their more extreme views , convinced of the value of ours , as embodying a scheme of broad , practical , and peaceful reform . Wo have also found men , of hitherto measured and cautious views on tbe subject of the extension of the suffrage , open to reason and conviction , and inclined to admit , after a candid development of the ease , that we ask no more -than is required to purge the system of those abuses which have entailed upon the country so many -flagrant evils , and have made our elections
anything rather than that which they should be , the expression of the popular mind and will . I need not say our efforts have been directed to tho maintenance of the principle of free trade , in its most _enlarged sense , and for our encouragement we have found where the resolute defence of those principles has been united to a fearless-revelation of the abuses of our financial system , and an exhibition of the injustice to the millions , by the absence of all equity in the mode of distributing taxation , we have invariably found the farmers and labouring agriculturists ready to enlist under our banner , and to proceed from the point of free trade to the advanced post of cheap government , and an equal imposition of fiscal burdens . In resDeet to overt or ' active
opposition , we have none . We have everywhere been permitted to walk over tbe course , yet I am bound ta say , that we have found the supporters and dependents of the party in power inert , irresolute , or discontented with what tbey are pleased to describe as the unsettling Lendeney of our movement . The cause whieh principally operates to prevent the rapid and universal support , by vigorous efforts , of the objects we have in view , is one which we cannot contemplate without unmixed satisfaction , and one which , not even for Ihe sake of achieving our end , would we disturb , or desire to lessen . I refer to the now very general employment and comparatively comfortable circumstances of thc producing classes . It is , indeed , enough to
reconcile us to the somewhat slow progress of a eause universally admitted by those classes to be a good one , that the reason we have them not at present , in the majesty of their millions , flocking to our standard is , that they are reaping , in the shape of constant employment , cheap bread , and domestic comfort , the benefits of those great movements —tbe repeal of the Corn Laws , and the removal of the restrictions upon commerce—in which most of those whom I address had an honourable share ; and that , while in this condition , they find something more immediately profitable and more congenial to their feelings and habits than the work of political agitation . If for this cause our progress should be slower , it will at the same
time be safer , and we must all join in the hope that the time is far distant when the chief stimulus to agitation will be idleness and the unsatisfied cravings of hunger . Notwithstanding the drawback to which I have referred , it may be said that there never was any public question , involving a corresponding measure of reform , which had more universally , or more unequivocally , the assent of the enlightened peop le of this country . We have only therefore to pursue a steady and a faithful course , to see our objects in duo time attained . I havo now , gentlemen , to approach a subject on which it is absolutely necessary I should be frank and explicit . Should you approve of the past proceedings of our
oody , and give us encouragement to proceed m tne work to which we have put our hands , I trust you "will also aid us with vour counsel as to the best means of giving to that body what is essential to theu * existence , " The sinews of war . " The funds which have enabled us thus far , with even more success than we ventured to anticipate , have been contributed b y a very limited number , and those principally connected with the metropolis . Our treasurer , who is not only the conscientious trustee of our funds , but one of the most willing and liberal contributors to _the-fund whicli he disburses , will tell you that our supplies from the provinces bavo as yet beeu comparativel y small , Thig we do not
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name in the way of complaint , as we have always looked forward to this' conference as the suitable tune . for the consideration ot pecuniary aid from the provinces . , I feel no delicacy in bringing this subject before you , because as men of business you will have foreseen its necessity as a matter of paramount practical importance . The . measure of our exertions and success will be in some degree determined by the measure of the liberality of our friends throughout the country . I have every confidence that we shall not separate without a committee of tho whole house , devising the ways and means for prosecuting the measures we have before us . I now leave the cause of national reform in your hands , and beg you to accept my assurances that I shall ever be individuall y anxious in the humblest capacity to be a zealous co-worker with those who are honestly labouring to secure the people ' s rights , and the upright and just government of this great empire . . ¦ ¦ ° . - . ¦
Mr . Parry proposed a resolution , " That a committee of seven gentlemen be appointed to arrange the business of the conference , to whom all papers and resolutions should be submitted at the close of each day ' s sitting . The committee to consist of the following gentlemen : —J . II . Tillett , Norwich '; R . Walters , Newcastle ; N . A . Wilkinson , treasurer to the association ; — _Watkinson ; C , Walker , Rochdale ; it . Heywood , Bolton ; William Biggs , Leicester . " Col . Thompson seconded the resolution . He congratulated them on the fact that the government seemed disposed to yield a little towards the principles of this association . Though not at pres ent very earnest in th eir views respecting the cau se of financial and parliamentary reform , they had betrayed a willingness to follow in the rear when they felt that sufficient power and argument had none
betore them . 1 hey were not the light troops which took the lead , but thc heavy horse that kept up the rear . ( Hoar , and laughter . ) Many intelligent men who were formerly of opposite opinions were now going in the ri ght direction to support tbe cause . Iteform was now a fashionablo saying . There was no peril in it . The very tories were reformers . They must be reformers for fashion's sake . ( Hear , hear . ) He had always been a staunch advocate for religious freedom to its utmost extent . He should be sorry to hear anybody say he had wounded the feelings of persons opposed to him ; but he must say there was at this ' nioment a schism of most awful import . One half of our national church appeared to be on thc march back to papistry . Proofs of this were to be seen in all directions . He was glad , however , to think that the largest and most powerful body , the evangelical sect , were with them .
Mr . Hume then rose to support the resolution , and was received with enthusiastic cheering , said , he had always found fault with the manner in wliich our legislative body in the House of Commons was constituted . Its tendency was to support class interests and not to confer benefits upon the community at large . ( Hear , hear . ) It was the result of the power enjoyed b y our aristocracy . They considered it their patrimony ; and their idea was , that thej * were born to be fed and supported b y tbe community . ( Hear , hear . ) He highly approved of the principles on which this association was conducted . It was only by joining financial and parliamentary agitation that that great measure of reform in 1830 was effected .- They must look to
measures , not to men . ( Hear , hear . ) He had no hesitation in saying that he had generally acted with the Whigs , but he had always supported a constitutional government . He was perfectly satisfied with that form of government which comprehended Queen , Lords , and Commons ; but ho protested against a system which enabled one body of the legislature to assume those honours whieh the other ou _<> ht to engross . ( Hear , hear . ) He did not wish to interfere with the Lords , but he objected to their assuming the powers which ought only to be exercised by the Commons . Every man who contributed towards the taxation of the country ought to have , directly or indirectly , a voice in tho election of members to serve in parliament . In order to prove to
them how necessary it was to persevere in their present endeavours , he would mention to them that in the year 1821-22 there was great distress amongst the landed interest of the country ; but incredible as it might appear , after every effort was made to alleviate that distress , not a single motion was carried to reduce the expenses of public establishments . In that year corn fell to 35 s ., and at length an amendment was adopted , declaring that ' all the institutions in the country should be inquired into , and all expenses reduced which were found to press heavily upon the finances ofthe nation . Years had elapsed since that period , and they were now falling back into their then state , because thc people had no power in the conduct of ther own affairs . ( Uear ,
hear . ) The exposure of the condition ofthe country , which was continued up to tho year 1830 , had produced the Reform Bill , and tbe exertions of this association would in time lead to similar practical results . As regarded the present Prime Minister he must say that he had always respected him for the part he took in respect to the Test and Corporation Acts , apd also for the support he gave to the Lancasterian system of education . For his conduct upon those points , and also for the course pursued by his father , the Duke of Bedford , he should always entertain a respect for him . As for the little contradictions which he occasionally indulged in , they wcre the result of the pressure of the times . William Pitt declared that an angel from heaven could not govern the country under the state of
things which existed during his time ; and the same might be said at the prosent . Lord John Russell ' s heart was honest , but he was compelled to keep his situation . ( Laughter and cheers . ) . He congratulated them upon the progress they were making . What he desired to see effected was an extension of the suffrage to every man who had been registed to his domicile for a given period , so that all classes in tbe country should be able to carry out their opinions , whatever they might be . He also thought that the duration of parliament ought not to exceed three years . Ho might not live to see the day when the reforms they were now endeavouring to accomplish would bo brought into action , but the younger men , who wore now commencing their career , would profit by the exertions they were now making . ( Cheers . )
Mr . Cobden came forward and said , that he was compelled to attend a committee in the House of Commons , but ho had attended there to show his respect for the gentlemen who were present . He begged , however , to inform them , that he should have the pleasure of saying a few words to them tomorrow . Lord D . D . Stuart congratulated the association upon one of the most , important meetings which had ever assembled , and one which every man must be proud to be present at . Their object was to reduce the burdens of the people , and to place the system upon a more just and equitable footing . In the year 1833 Mr . Cobbett demonstrated , by a series of resolutions , that the taxation of this country pressed
upon the poor man forty times more than upon the rich man . ( Hear , hear . ) It was under such a state of laws as Mr . Cobbett pointed out that they were now living , and such laws the Financial and Parliamentary Association were determined to get rid of . Their object was to have the public taxation reduced to moderate limits , and to eause it to bo placed upon a just footing . They would not carry their object until the people were fairly represented , as the only way of securing financial reform was by obtaining in the first instance parliamentary reform . ( Cheers : ) Mr . W . J . Fox expressed his entire concurrence in the social revolution which was now going on in this country—a revolution ( he said ) sought to be
carried out without bloodshed or plunder—a revolution which would raise to thoir proper position the intellectual and moral aristocracy of the empire . It was not birth or wealth ,-but ability to govern , and _integrity to govern ri ghtly , which were the true qualifications to fit a man for a seat in the House of Legislature . The constitution ought to he so modelled as to enable tho working men to sit 3 ide by side with thoso cliques which had hitherto governed tho country . As regarded the benefits conferred hy the stato upon persons who rendered services to the public , Mr . Fox observed that they were not bestowed upon those who were reall y entitled to them . Why should Lord Clanricarde become the master of ' Rowland Hill , who had propounded the grand scheme for the reform of the postage ? It was because the system was to make the poorer men of this country subservient to the rich , and this was tho system which
the present association were endeavouring to alter . He was delighted to have tho opportunity of seeing such a meeting as was there gathered together , and he wished nothing better than that there should be a phrenologist present who could . show that even in that room there were the materials and the germs of regeneration in the land . Tho hon . gentleman then set down amidst the loudest applause . Sir Joshua Walmsley then called upon the secretary , Mr . Beggs , to read the report of the business committee recommending the adoption of certain resolutions , appointing a president , a vice-president , and a secretary , proposing fifteen minutes as the limit to each speaker , and an adjournment of tlie meeting that day at four o ' clock until ten o ' clock this morning , when the business was to be continued untiltive o ' clock p . m . The meeting unairmiously . agreed to the report , and the resolutions contained therein .
Sir _Josu . ua"Walmsley , who was appointed by the meeting to act as president , then returned thanks ( or their expression of the confidence which they had in him . Mr . Kershaw , M . P ., for Stockport , then-prop osed the first resolution , to the effect : — " That this conference , convened for the purpose of concerting the best means of carrying out the principles and objects of tho National Reform Association feels it incumbent at the commencement of the proceedings to express its strong sense ofthe necessity of parliamentary and financial reform , its satisfaction at the progress already made in extending the operations ofthe association , and its approba-
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tion of the measures adopted by the council to that end . If further declares it conviction that , as a properly instructed and well-directed publio opinion is fully- competent to effect' any change that the circumstance ofthe country may require , the work of reform in all instances rests with the groat bod y ofthe people ; and therefore the conference invites every class of reformers , and those connected with the various political and financial reform associations , to become members of the National Reform Association , and in every suitable way aid its operations , " He felt no difficulty whatever in proposing such a resolution as that to a body of English reformers , and in congratulating them on the present aspect of their affairs . The first word that Mr .
Fox said to him on entering the meeting was that he liked their faces , and then he ( Mr . Kershaw ) stated that he felt the same impression . Theresolution said that they wero met for the purpose of adopting the best means of carrying out the principles and objects of the National Reform Association . These principles and objects had been explained to them by that veteran reformer , Mr . Hume , to whom the nation owed ah extraordinary debt of gratitude ; for he during a great number of years , and through good and evil report , had steadily , perseveringly , and constantly advanced the
great principles which they wero met to promote . ( Cheers ) All they asked for what was that the people should be fairly represented , that they should have wha t is called household suffrage , should be able to send to parliament men who were capable of conducting their public business , and should have a vote by ballot , a protection whioh was greatly needed in this country . His observations had led him to conclude that the ballot was essential to the liberties of this country . On all occasions hc had voted for it , as he had done for all measures which he thought tended to the liberty of the country .
Mr . LAWnKNCE _IlEvwbnin , M . P . for Derby , in seconding tho resolution , said that of all the instances which marked tho glorious times in whicli he lived , there was nothing on which they congratulated themselves with more reason than the fact that tbey were able to meet in such large numbers without arms , peaceably to work for the remedy of evils which they laboured under . They were not now , as formerly , compelled , when they had any great public burthen to relieve themselves of , to meet armed in large numbers to contest with violence for the attainment of their rights . Thank God they could now meet tho cannon at its _uiouth without arms . The power of armies was impotent when matched against reason and determined
intellect . ( Cheers . ) There meeting there to-day from all parts of England argued that they were in earnest . Their great end and object was not merel y to procure changes in the government , but it was through that instrumentality to obtain a remission of taxation . Their intention was not merely to remove burthens which were disagreeable to them , but to extend their commerce , so that every labouring man in the country should find employment , and be well remunerated . They should look to their taxation and discover tbe mode in which it was to be lightened . Mr . Hume told them he did not wish to see property rendered insecure . He joined with Mr . Hume in that desire , for it was the security of property that gave stability to society ; but , at the
same time he did not see why the property of the poor man should not be considered of as much importance to him as the property of the rich man was to him . ( Cheers . ) By these laws they were putting their hands into the poor man ' s pocket , and robbing him o f his _havd-eavued wages . It was said they must maintain a revenue for the puvpese of supporting the army and navy , but he would answer that a change could be made in the system whieh would enable them to dispense with the army and navy altogether . Tho national debt afforded another strong ground of objection , and it was doubted whether the people would pay the interest on the national debt by means of direct taxation . He was of opinion that , if the people investigated the thing , and found that the debt was a just one , such was their honesty that they would be most willing to pay the interest on it by direct taxation .
Tho hon . gentleman was proceeding , when the chairman told him that he had gone beyond tbe time allotted to each speaker . He accordingly sat down , having given his cordial approval of the resolution which he had the honoar to second . Mr . J . Williams , M . P . for Macclesfield , then spoke to the resolution , and congratulated the meeting on being able to call forth the opinion ofthe country in favour of one of the best measures that was ever proposed for the benefit of the people , in such a manner as to fill so large a room with delegates from all parts of England , for the promotion of the objects of the Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association . He concluded by saying that ho would do every thing in his power to forward the views of the association , and he promised the people oi this country that they could command his services , and rely on him without distrust .
The resolution was then put and unanimously carried . Mr . G . Dawson of Birmingham , then proposed thc second resolution , to the effect : — " That in order to instruct , arouse , and concentrate public opinion upon practical measures , it is desirable that the council should employ as many lecturers as the funds may enable them to command , to visit various districts with the view of bringing before the people the principles and objects of the association , of forming local committees in connexion with the association , organising a machinery for enrolling members , and otherwise promoting tho principles and objects of the association ; and , as special efforts already made in some of the farming districts have
been attended with signal success , it will be well for the council to direct [ . art of its labours specially to the agricultural districts . " He had no choice in taking this resolution , as it savoured too much of the profession . He himself was a lecturer , and he could not join in the cant that was raised against that profession , whether it came from parsons or from prophets , who spoke against them either because they thought that they were interfering with them , or because tliey did not feel themselves capable of doing what the lecturers did . There were now several organisations in whieh the people did not believe , but he hoped that they could organise something in which the people did believe . Thero were religious organisations in which no man
believed , there was a Ilouse of Commons which no man cared about . ( Cheers . ) There still existed a series of things in which the people once had faith , but which wero now supported , though nobody believed in them . He wished to hear an end of the 10 th of April talk which was often heard about protection to property . His opinion was , that property would always take care of itself when it was weli managed . He wanted an organisation-politico in which the people did believe—an outward form of inward faith ; what might be called an " outward rendering of real inward reality . " There existed many institutions in this country at which the people laughed privately , and wbich they pretend to reverence in public . In tho hope that the
resolution which he had in his hand would tend to bring tlieir ways more near their thinking , ho would givo it his most hearty support . Ho particularly liked tho latter part of the resolution , because he believed that thoy had something to do for the farmers , lie did not like to hear the talk that was generally used against them , because they were a very good sort of fellows when they came to be known . What they must do with the farmer was this , they must have them away from their clergy , and a set of men whom they considered to be their hereditary property . They had tlieir Stanhops , thoir Spooners , their Ashloys , and their New _' degates . These were the men who were considered to bo the farmers friends . The men he wanted to go down to them to advise them , were men without antecedents , men who could not havo . it thrown in their teeth that they were traitors like Peel , or a Manchester cotton lord like Cobden . ( Cheers and laughter ) Thev
should bring them to believe in their errors , and they should tell them that they would certainly be ruined under tho present change , unless they contracted their expenses , extended their agricultural operations , had their rents diminished , and their taxes lowered . ( Hear and cheers . ) He would not have them deceived in any way . If they wished to do anything , their only plan was to join the Reformers in diminishing tho expenses aiid increasing the powers ofthe people . He had been visiting the farmers lately . One of them said that he was brought to that state , that for the purpose of annoying the people ofthe towns who had injured him he would lower the wages of his labourers to six shilling's per week . To that he ( Mr . Dawson ) replied , that he hoped that if he did he would soon find himself burned in his bed , and showed him thc absurdity of roveng _' ng himself on the inhabitants of the towns by causing conflagrations throughout thecountry , ( Hear . )
Air . Tillett , from Norfolk , seconded tho resolution . Mr . _Houcuton , of Upton , near Aylesbury , spoke in favour of tho resolution . He said that some of the faces around him brought to his recollection tho time when ho lent his assistance in carrying the repeal of the corn laws . He did not think that they had taken a retrograde step on that occasion . Everything that lie had seen , and everything that had occurred since that time strengthened him in the opinion that it was the best policy that England could have taken . He would , however , beg
to say , that ho , as ho believed himself to be , was one ofthe largest occupiers of land in the kingdom , and ho was not prepared to accept the repeal of the corn laws , and to go on with tho present system of taxation . ( Cheers . ) Ho wanted not only freo trade in corn , but free trade in everything else . He meant not only that they and tho country at large should go to tho very best market that they could _eet , but thoy should go to it without the exciseman . ;•¦( Cheers . ) He was n 6 t only for free trade , but for free trade carried out to its fullest extent , He would now repeat what he had often said before , that it was impossible for a man to grow wheat at a low price , and _have-an extra-
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ordinary amount-of taxation . While he _statod this he was prepared to stand for many of the institutions of his country , he was ready to support his sovereign and the Ilouse of Lords , and it . was to save them both that ho now called on them to yield to the just demands of the people . ( Cheers . ) Having alluded to the present limited state ot the franchise in Englaud and Ireland , Mr . Houghton concluded by saying that their intelligence industry , and perseverance would secure their _sugeess . Tbe resolution was then put and carried , Mr . Parky , who was delegated to attend by the inhabitants of Norwich , moved thenext resolution ,
to the effect : — " That in order more fully to awaken and direct-the reform feeling , it is expedient tbat the council should continue from time to time to issue such tracts and publications , embodying the principles of the association , or pointing out specific p lans of action , as may appear to them useful and necessary . " lie repudiated the attacks of those who called them Socialists and Red Republicans , and said that tho _* y were met there for the purpose of obtaining their just rights in a peaceable manner , and concluded by observing that it would go forth to the world that they had fulfilled their important mission , the result of which must be final success .
( Cheers . ) _, , _, _, Mr . Walters , from Newcastle , then seconded the resolution . , _ _ _ _„ , . Mr G . Thompson , M . P ., for the Tower Hamlets , said that he begged extremly hard to be excused from addressing the meeting , on account of extreme indisposition , but he could not refrain from offering afew observations ou so important an occasion . He congratulated the meeting , upon the encouraging nature of the circumstances under which they had met . It seemed to him that tliey had only to be steadfast in their cause , and to go on working wisely and temperately inculcating their principles on the public mind , and they would ultimately place themselves in a position which would render it impossible for any power within the state to control them . He recommended the peop le not to be led astrav at the hustings by the ambiguous generalities ofthe great majority of candidates , but to Send in men to parliament who sympathised with them .
Ho repudiated thc notion that the people should be taxed for the support of an idle aristocracy . They were plundered to thc extent of ten millions a year for the support of the church establishment . They had also to pay six or seven millions forthe support of men who strutted on the quarter deck in vessels belonging to what they call ' her Majesty ' s navy _. They also paid an immense sum for the support of men who did nothing but exhibit the skill of tailors by walking about thc streets like animated clothes pegs , and who pretended to snorne their betters m the fustian jackets . And thc fact was that at tho present moment , they had p atrician pauperism and Belgravian mendicancy supported by what was taken from the pecket of the poor but honest man . Having alluded to the corruption , subornation , dishonesty , and debauchery which tako place at elections now-a-days , and the little good that was effected by the Reform Bill , the hon . gentleman closed his speech , it being announced that it was four o clock .
Tho conference then adjourned to the morning
WEDNESDAY . The second sitting of the conference took place this day at Crosby Hall , at ten o'clock , wherein in pursuance of the request of the chairman , the various delegates proceeded to address the meeting on the subject of the political feeling of their respective districts . Mr . William Biogs , of Leicester , who said that the feelings in favour of reform entertained in Leicester , were strong and perfectly healthy , the men for the most part concurring with all the view 8 of the Reform Association . He suggested that the conferences should be > held annually as a means of holding united the Democratie parties throughout England , and eomplained that the City of Londoa had been less ready in taking up the great
questions of political reform than many other cities of England . He did not wish to see it become to this country what Paris was to France ; yet he hoped that , at least in the present movement , London would take up the position which belonged to it as the great metropolis of the land and of the world . Mr . Adams , of Derby , declared that the people of the city to which he belonged , had warmly embraced the principles of National Reform , and would proceed whether or not they received the support of the Whig administration . The Chartists thero had not abandoned the princi p le of Universal Suffrage : but as tbe means of attaining their
ultimate designs , they gave the present movement their most hearty support . Mr . M'Gbath , of Dublin , said that as a friend to reform , he had come to the meeting , but was delegated by no public body ; he was certain that under more favourable auspices they would find no warmer supporters than the Irish . But that country was then in a state of degradation , humiliation , and prostration , from no fault of its own , but owing to the successive misfortunes under which it Hnhappily laboured . Mr . H . Lewis , and Mr . Addison of Stroud , Mr , Whit wall of Peterborough , Mr . Thwaites of Southwark , Mr . Gilpin , and Mr . Wade , addressed the Conference .
The Chairman called on Mr . Cobden , whom he introduced as the most useful and practical man of the age , who had accomplished greater measures of usefulness than any man of modern times , and had brought up to the working man the blessings of plenty and cheapness . Mr . Cobden , who was enthusiastically received , said he believed he was not wrong in assuming that the gentlemen before him had come to London from their several localities because they were dissatisfied with the proceedings of the Houso of Commons . ( Hear , hear . ) They thought a large majority of tho house was not doing all the things it ought to do , and that they did a great many things they ought not to do . ( 'Cheers and laaghter . ) He believed
they were of opinion that the house was not going as fast as it could in the right direction , and that in many cases it was not going there at al ! . ( Cheers . ) After tbe votes he had recorded and the motions he had made , he should be a very insincere representative of his constituents , and a very great hypocrite indeed , if he did not agree with them in that opinion . The result ofthe divisions which had taken place in the house had given him precisely the same notion . ( Cheers and a laugh . ) He and they might be wroDg in that opinion , and might be in error in wishing certain things to be done , but he should be a very great hypocrite if he did not thank them for assembling to support the minority of the House of Commons , and to enable them to accomplish the object
they had m view . ( Cheers . ) He assumed they were of opinion they could get abetter House of Commons if the peoplo had a larger control over the representation . The theory of the constitution was that tho House of Commons represented the peop le . It was that which was peculiar to them among tho nations of Europe . If , then , they found in many cases that it was a complete sham , delusion , and fraud , they would be traitors to the principles of the constitution if they did not endeavour to make the liouse represent tbe people . They were anxious for greater economy in the administration of the affairs of state . ( Cheers . ) There the theory of the constitution was with them again , and they must be traitors to it if they did not believe the
people were the best guardians of the people ' s purso . In opposition to all who denied that a fair representation of the people would g ive us a more economical government , he maintained that all experience showed such would be the result in the administration of the people ' s affairs . He would take the case of the three countries in which the people had the largest influence—tho United States , Switzerland , and Norway—and he pointed to them as the models of modern times for the wise , prudent , and economical administration of financial affairs , ( Hear hear . ) Agreeing in all these points , and there was scarcely a rational man could object to them , they had assembled there to lay the foundations for effecting a change in the representation
that would give them a better government and a more economical administration of affairs . ( Cheers . ) There was no royal road to change in tho affairs of this country . Any one who dreamt that any great moral change could bo effected by violent meansby a fight in tho streets—by any means but by arduous continued labour , was not worthy of joining with them . ( Hear , hear . ) They thought to effect their chango by moral means alone ; but ho asked them to look around and see what means were at tlieir command . No change had been made since 1833 , when Sir Robert Peel raised the cry of "Register 1 register ! " at a time when his party were in a most miserable condition . The whole source of political power in this country sprang
from the registration court ; and , if they would effect any change , it must be made by means of thoso courts now , as in 1833 . The first object . towhich they must direct their attention was to act on thc registration of electors by means of local bodies . Let them , when they returned home , form associations for the purposes of registration . If they did so , and paid some attention to registration matters , it would give them a title to a voice in the election of a candidate to represent them in parliament . He knew of no other way in whicli they could obtain a titlo to the same right . That object could not be effected by a centralized body ; it must be done by local means , while the central body
could direct their efforts and encourage the people to persevere in the registration effort . But it was I , not merely in the boroughs they must set about this ; they must register in the counties also , They must infuso more of the popular element into the ; country constituencies by the increase of small freeholds . The country would be indebted to them for carrying _ott the work because . they were preparirff to do so by means on which the people of England prided themselves , and whereby , they avoided the concussions whicli were so apt to follow changes abroad—namel y , moral means alone . They boaBtcd themselves as being able , whether from long prr . _otice or coldness of temperament , to hold a great and exciting public meeting , and then go homo and _.
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 27, 1850, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns4_27041850/page/7/
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