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' ' ' ' " " ' R "'""' ¦ * ' ' ? , '". / ...
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m ¦ -»-¦¦¦¦ ¦ ^ ¦ ¦- . --.. THOmaS COOPBK. THS CHARTIST'S WORKS.
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THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 2S, ISiG.
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COMMERCE. THE XEW STAPLE OF THE COUNTRY....
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW. The introduction o...
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Co $cmv$ $ CoiTfcumttonts
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The Murderous Miscreant Johnstone, op tu...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
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M ¦ -»-¦¦¦¦ ¦ ^ ¦ ¦- . --.. Thomas Coopbk. Ths Chartist's Works.
m _- _» _- _¦¦¦¦ ¦ _^ ¦ ¦ - . --.. _THOmaS COOPBK . THS CHARTIST'S WORKS .
Ad00409
THE PURGATORY OF SUICIDES . . A Prison Ruvme . In Ten Books . ' ( One Vol ., 7 s . 6 d . ) ' The most wonderful effort of intellectual power prognced within the last _aentary . ''—The Britannia . " Here we have a genuine poem springing out of the spirit of the times , and indeed out of the heart , and exerience of one who has wrestled with and suffered in it . It is no other than a poem in ten books , by a Chartist , and who boldly sets bis name and his profession of Chartism on the title-page . It is plain that he glories in bis political faith more than in _hia poetry ; nay , his verse is but the vehicle of that faith . Yet , nevertheless , it is a vigorous _anS most efficient vehicle . We must cordially
Ad00410
COLOSSEUM .-NOTIGE .-PRICE OF ADMISSION DURING TIIE HOLID A YS !! Hay _Exhibition ' - ' s . Evening Ho _„ 2 a . Cd . Children under Twelve ls . Stalactite _Cavt-rns ls . extra . _11 HB DAY EXHIBITION consists of Hie Museum of . Sculpture , Grand Picture of London , Alhambra Conservatories , Gorgeous Gothic Ariary , Clafsie l _' uin > - , Swiss Cottage and llont _Ulanc , with Mountain Torrent , _ _zc ic . Open from Ten till iVrar o'Clock . EVESIXG . —The new and extraordinary Panorama of Iosdos _nrXiGHT , Museum of Sculpture , Conservatories , and _Gorgeous Gothic Aviary , kc , brilliantly illuminated ; Swiss Cottage , Mont Blanc , aud Mountain Torrent represented by Moonlight . Open from Seven till a Quarterpast Ten o'Clock . the most ad
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DAGUERREOTYPE AND _OAl j OXYFE . _^ THE APPARATUS , LENS , CHEMICA LS , _VhA . IBS , CASES , and every other article used in making and mounting the above can be had ef J . Egerton , No . 1 , Temple-street , _\ Vhitefriars , London . _Desenptive _Cata-^ _ShSSbS celebrated ACHROMATIC TRIPfiET LENSES for the MICROSCOPE , sent to any part of tbe country at the following price : —Deep Power , 60 s ., Low Power , 25 s . Every article warranted .
Ad00412
THE UEV . T . WILSON'S CATECHISMS . Just rttbttslied , Price 9 d . _fpHE CATECHISM OF ENGLISH GRAMMAR Also , New Editions of the following Catechisms , by the Rev . T . WVtson , Priee 9 d . each . First Lessons in _Natural Philosophy Second Lessons in Natural Philosophy Third Lessons in Natural Philosophy First Catechism of Common Things Second Catechism of Common Things Third Catechism of Common Things Catechism of Bible History Catechism of English History The First Catechism of Geography - The Catechism of Music . LONDON : DARTON AND CLARK , HOLBORN HILL ,
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FUNERAL ECONOMY ! THE CEMETERY and GENERAL FUNERAL COMPANY , united with SHILLIBEER'S PATENT FUNERAL CARRIAGES , respectfully invitepuhlic _attenjion to tlie economic and convenient arrangements for performing evory description of Funerals complete , _atcharges so moderate as to defy competition _. and no extras , by which the comfort of bereaved families will be materially promoted , and expenses limited . City-road , Finsbury , next _Bunhilkfields Burial-ground ; 21 , Percy-street , _Tottonham-court-road ; and 18 _G , Union-street , Southwark . Shillibeer ' s Patent Funeral Carriage , with two horses , £ 1 Us . 6 d . ; Single Horse , £ 1 ls . A respectable Carriage Funeral , combining every charge , £ 4 Is . Hearses and Mourning Coaches . Catholic Fitting * . Four Horse Funerals . £ 1212 s .
Ad00414
REMOVAL . J WATSON , BOOKSELLER AND PUBLISHER , announces to his FRIENDS , fh « PUBLIC , aud the TRADE , that his business will , for tbe future , be carried on at No . _3 _, * QUEEN'S HEAD PASSAGE , PATERNOSTBR-KOW , where all orders and communications must be addressed . s . d . Palmer ' s Principles _« f Nature , one vol ., Cloth . 2 0 do . do . do . in a wrapper . 1 ( i Cooper ' s Holy Scriptures , analyzed 0 8 Scripturian ' s Creed . By Citizen Davies ' 0 2 Letter opening at the Post-office , with some account ef the Brothers Bandiera . By J . Mazzim . 0 4 Shelley ' s Queen Mab , complete 1 0 —— Masque of Anarchy 0 3 Central Physiology and Materialism . Hy . vT . G .
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ROYAL MARYLEBONE THEATRE . IBSSEE , MR . JOHN DOUGLASS . FIRST Night of a new drama , entitled the " Heads _, man ; or , the Gate of Terror . " First Night these two years of Mr . M _. Howard . On Monday , and during the week , to commence with the " Headsman , " supported hy the best company in London . To be followed by the farce of "Drawn for the Militia , " in which Mr . T . Lee will perform . To conclude , on Monday and Friday , withlthe " Reever's Ransom . " Jock Mun , Mr . Neville . On Tuesday , Wednesday . Thursday , and Saturday , the " Minute Gun at Sea . " Tom Tough , Mr . John Douglass , who will introduce a new Flag Hornpipe , Rayner , Harrington , & c . ; Mesdames Campbell , Neville , & c . Messrs . Abel and Rayner , with their Wonderful Dogs , will appear on Monday next . Stage _Manager , Sir . Neville . Boxe s 2 s .: Pit . Is .: Gallery . Cd .
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WAR WITH AMERICA . NOW PUBLISHING , in Penny numbers , or Sixpenny Parts , a complete HISTORY OF AMERICA , beautifully illustrated with Plates aud Vignette Engravings , from the period of its discovery down to the present time , detailing the number of distinct communities therein , the different views which actuated its founders , and the extent of territory over which it spreads , by J . Frost , A . M . Thp style in which this history is written is pleasant , graphic , and perspicuous : the author has evidently quoted the best authorities ; and his narrative possesses all the charms of a romance , while it records truths beyond all _suspicion . We cordially approve of the work , and wish it the success which it so eminently deserves . — MVefcly Dispatch .
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FROST , WILLIAMS , AND JONES . Mr . Duncombe , not anticipating a fair hearing for his clients , pending the great debate , has postponed his motion for their liberation until Tuesday , the 10 th of March , when it will POSITIVELY come on . Thus the country has ten days more to add to the petitions which have already , we rejoice to state , poured in most satisfactorily . Let the good work go on incessantly , by night and by dav , until the victoy is achieved .
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THE LAND . We have to thank our numerous friends from Merthyr Tydvil , Staffordshire , Sussex , and elsewhere , tor their notices of estates to be sold . We would thank some of our Doncaster friends to send us further intelli gence relative to the 221 acres to be sold in that neighbourhood , now in the possession of Mr . Wa . « staff ; we communicated with the solicitors at Bawtry , to whom reference was given , but have not received their answer . We would thank every one who hears of an estate to be sold to send us word .
The Northern Star. Saturday, February 2s, Isig.
THE _NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 2 S , _ISiG .
Commerce. The Xew Staple Of The Country....
COMMERCE . THE XEW STAPLE OF THE _COUNTRY . _CONTROL OK MAC 1 IIXEHY ISDISl'ENSABLE TO SUBDUE IT TO MAX'S WANTS . TF . N HOURS' KTLL—TRE FIRST EXPE .
11 LMENT . In compliance with our p led g e of last w e e k , wo now return to the consideration of the most important of .-ill questions to the labouring classes , and , consequently , to all society ; not only to tho English people , but to thoso of all other nations who traffic in English productions . The altered tactics of the Free Traders cannot erase from our memory the
earlier principles upon which they argued tue question of free trade . " CHEAP BREAD , HIGH WAGES , AND PLENTY TO DO , " were the inducements held out to the working classes to loin the League in their demand for free trade in corn . The working classes very speedily discovered the paradox of high wages and cheap bread , and therefore the tack has been changed to " high wages , consequent upon increased trade . "
In our letter upon Lord Ashlev s motion in 18-11 , we fully analysed this portion of the subject , and showed that foreign countries had each a strong manufacturing interest , who would resist any measure calculated to reduce their profits , and that , therefore , England could not act independently upon the question of free trade . Wc differ materially from those who would estimate the national wealth by the increase of national exports . We look to Ireland , and we find that in proportion to her
population she exports more of valuable produce , and imports less , than any other nation in the universe , and therefore her condition is an answer upon this subject . We- fully agree in the assertion , that an extensive export of national materials may mark national wealth , if the imports taken in return were equitably divided amongst those whose ingenuity supplied the exports , whether in ajraw state , extracted from the quarry or the mine , or in a manufactured state finished bv the process of machinery .
As , however , it is impossible under the present arrangements which regulate that monster producer , to come to anv _liiir calculation as to national profit
Commerce. The Xew Staple Of The Country....
and loss upon calculation of imports and exports , we demand , in the first instance , a LABOUR READYRECKONER , by which the producer will be able to cast up his Bhare with as great ease as the capitalist who em p lo y s him can c a st u p the p rofit u p on his l a bour ; nor , indeed , do we see so much d ifficult y a s in the outset this-proposition may appear to present . From tho present clumsy mode of making calculations , we can simp ly arrive at the following result . A Manchester manufacturer is now said to be netting a profit of a hundred thousand pounds per annum ; and if we estimate his hands at 2 , 000 in c onstant
employment , and allow them the over-average of fifteen shillings a week each , big a nd little , mon , women , and children , we find that he pays annually £ 76 , 000 in wages , and receives £ 100 , 000 in tlie shape of profit . This is by no means a peculiar or an isolated case ; many have been known to make much larger profits who employ fewer hands , and pay less wages . However , here we have the capitalist realising £ 24 , 000 a year , over and above the whole amount of wages paid . Thus it appears that lie might pay 80 s . a week to eacli person employed , and still have the lion 's share of £ 2 * 1 , 000 per annum .
We would ask then , whether there is any margin in the export list to denote the fair share of the producer , or any marg in in the import list to denote his share of the imports ? We may be asked how a Ten Hours' Bill could possibly destroy this evil , ' or lessen the power of the capitalist 1 We answer , easily , by at once relieving the labour market from the competition of one'in six , who would then be brought into the more remunerating service of manufacture . Upon tkeother hand , we will statethe case as most fair and interesting to the shopkeeping and middle classes of Manchester . We presume , firs t ,
that the new staple ofthe country , commerce , must be subdued to national requirements , and then we show the shopkeepers the peculiar interest which they , above all other classes , have in joining in the establishment of some . equalising machinery . We ask whether it would be more conducive tothe interest of the shop keepers of Manchester'that one man should monopolise a hundred thousand pounds as his profit upon business , while those who produced it had only £ 76 , 0 00 as their share , or th a t the o ne
had £ 24 , 0 00 p rofit , and that the 2000 of their customers had £ 152 , 000 to spend with them ? But it does not stop here ; when £ 76 , 000 only is paid in wa g es , more is spent in dissipatioi than if £ 152 , 000 was paid to the same number : for instance , the broken-hearted pauper , with casual employment and fifteen shillings a week , will be less thrifty and more dissi pated than the man with thirty shillings a week in certain employment and with a prospect of being a ble to l ay by s om e thin g for sickness , old a g e , or e ven speculation .
Again , the higher wages and proper regulation of the labour-market would tend to the reduction , nay , to the annihilation ofthe pauper-tax , Again , as poverty is the parent of crime , and as a large police-force and expensive law establishments are upheld forthe suppression of crime , its b a ni s hm e n t h o rn the land , through remunerative wages and regular employment , would relieve theshopkeepersand middle classes from this further tax upon their industry . It is no new doctrine with us , th a t the sho p ke epe rs , and those who thrive best upon a steady and remunerating labour-market , have , a b ove a ll o th e r clas s es , the
greatest interest in opposing the Malthusian monopolising policy of the League . B y this time the couutry will have learned that Mr . Fielden has postponed his motion upon the Ten Hours' Bill lor a month . This will give the country full and ample time for refl ec ti o n a nd pr e paration ; a period which , if wast e d , may never again present itself . We have shewn elsewhere the purpose to which the intervening time should be devoted , and wc earnestly call _upen ail—especially those whose trades are
threatened with competition by Sir Houesi Peel ' s new policy—to join in an enthusiastic , continuous , aud energetic agitation in aid of the measure . No doubt the Home Secretary's own words , in his speech on the present debate , will be quoted and usefully used against him . AVe have not seen those words turned to their legitimate account by any portion of the press , or any portion of the thinking public—wc have treasured them , however , as well as a memorial to Chartist fame as in justification of any agitation , h o wov e r violent , in support ofthe measure .
When a represented or influential class demands a new law , or a change in the old law , it is followed by an immediate obedience to thoir will . Tho League have demanded free trade in corn as a means of extending their commerce with the world ; and as far as the voice of the Commons can go , it . will be registered in their favour , even at the expense of individual apostacy and ministerial inconsistency . The Home Secretary is compelled to run the gauntlet , to skip through tbe labyrinth of change , in support of this national requirement ; and he gives it his
support even in opposition to his previously registered opinions . Upon the subject of the Ten Hours' Bill , however , he has not so much to retract , and heroin consists perhaps the difficulty—for our public men now-a-days would establish character upon faithlessness , and keep pace with progress by rapid strides oi inconsistency . However , to the opinions of the Home Secretary . Tnat functionary , not b e in g abl e to discharge his mind of those substantial ghosts which stood behind the veil of temporary relief , saw regulation of thc hours of labour standing prominently in the g rou p ofhob g o b lins , and he said— " ALTHOUGH
PARLIAMENT CANNOT INTERFERE IN THIS QUESTION OF REGULATION , THERE I S N O Q UESTION OF MORE IMP OR T A NCE , OR NONE THAT HE WOULD MORE GLADLY SEE AMICABLY ADJUSTED BETWEEN MASTERS AND THEIR MEN . " Now , we would ask if words could pass a more severe and cutting censure upon our present representative system , and especially upon thc present government ? What do they amount to ? "The settlement of the question is a necessary adjunct to the great measures that we are now debating—it is indispensable to . the interest of the working classes , and even to the peace of society . Wc see its importance , it inspires us with anxiety ; but we are not here
to represent labour—we arc here to protect capitalwe hold office to do the bidding of faction— we dare not interfere on behalf of those who have NOT sent us , and from whom we hold uo commission . " The words were soft , a nd bl a nd , and glib , but , nevertheless , through the veil of sophistry the cloven-foot of faction was seen . Wo , therefore , tell the people oi ' England that thoy must foreo , coerce , compel , Sir James Ghauam to do by law that which he says the necessity of the case demands . It will not do for the skinflint Malthusians , f o rthe Roebucks , thc Humes , and the Buights , to talk of the injustice and thc imp o licy of interf er in g with the l abo u r m a rk e t , whil e they have ab o li s hed every ri g ht that th e l a b o ur e r possessed .
We travel through England , and in the midst of her bo a ste d gr e a tness , we see poverty unequalled in any other part ol the world . Iri the metropolis we see thc elevated ground , thc healthy situation , thc sewered , well-lighted streets , with their princely mansions for the commercial speculating wealthy , and we see the producers of that wealth hemmed in th e b a ck s lums , the cellars , and unhealthy stews . It is worse in tho manufacturing towns , where the pr inc e ly vill a stand s a s a mockery to look d o wn upon tlie loathsome cellar , where its victim preserves a miserable existence for another hour of misery . Wc
travel through the country , and there we sec the princely mansion , like a leech , sucking all around it ! We make a parochial tour , a nd we find the g orged shepherd wearing thc lleece and consuming the fruits that belong to the flock . The mind of thinking man is outra ge d by the disparity of wealth , and the dissatisfied are pointed to our glorious institutions—to the terror wc create abroad—to thc lustre of our arms ' n India—to the dominion of our ilug—and the terror of our arms . We say look at home—look at the operative ' s face ; look , if you dare , into thc sq ualid ho ve l ; see his uneducat e d famil y , his stunted offspring , JUS MAN-WU'K Wc . go
Commerce. The Xew Staple Of The Country....
to Bel g ium , and there we see a simp le constitution , with a King elected to obey its provisions . We hear of a deficient harvest , but no threat of famine ; and vrhy , ? Because we cannot see the district leech , the large land monopolist , t h e g orm a ndising shepherd , the disparity that mocks high heaven between the rich and the poor ; neither do we hear of her foreign dominion , or her glorious institutions established for class protection . Les Braves Belgts—tha _Namm-on mockery—may be borne with oquanimity by a contented people , who , will be more reconciled to the ignominy than . the English slave to forei gn confession of his country ' s commanding position . AVe journey on through despotic France , and there we see a rural peasantry contented
in the posseesion of the soil . We climb tho almost inaccessible mountain-passes of Switzerland , and there , where the Almighty seems to have tested man ' s ingenuity to live , we see no want and no disc o ntent , because there is comparatively no disparity . We gently tread upon the Italian states of the Austrian despot , and prepare our eyes for that misery which will make the blackest of England's labourpictures look beautiful by contrast . True , we see great mental coercion , but nothing worse than our law of constructive sedition . True , we behold the disgusting military surveillance , but then , in the midst of mental coercion , we see nothing com p arable to the physical . inferiority of the English working classes .
If it is true that A MAN'S MIND IS HIS KINGDOM , the Italian slave possesses a more independent kingdom than the FREE-BORN Englishman . If we wrote for months u p on the sub je ct , we could not better conclude than in the words of the Y o rkshir e prop het , — " All the stuff ' e thewurld wor made for all ' e folk in ' e wurld , and the people han't their share of it : " and the first step towards the accom p li s hment of that g r e at d esid e r a tum is A TEN HOURS' BILL .
Parliamentary Review. The Introduction O...
PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . The introduction ofa new Coercion Bill for Ireland into thc Houso of Lords , by Earl St . Germans , who was recently , under thetitle of Lord Ehot , Chief Secretary f o r that country ; a short a irin g g iven to the Game Law question , by a bill of Lord Dacke ' s , in the same house ; and the debate on the Amended Frien d ly Societies ' Bill , brought on by Mr . DuxcouiiE , in tlie Commons , constitute , at the time we write , the only Parliamentary novelties of the week —the only relief to the great monster debate , which has now for three weeks absorbed the attontion of the house and the country .
In justification of the first measure , Lord St . Germ a n s brou g ht forw a rd a po nderou s mass of statistical documents to show the immense increase of attacks upon life and property iri various parts of Irelan d , an d the imp o ssibility of putting these outrages down without calling into action extraordinary powers . We can here only notice the general provisions by wliich the government propose to effect this object . These are as follow : —The granting of a power to the Lord Lieutenant to proclaim a district where murders or attempts to murder have been committed , and to appoint an additional force within such district , to be maintained by a tux upon the
inhabitants—a further power to the Lord Lieutenant to warn all persons in proclaimed districts to remain in their houses from sunset to sunrise—a prohibition against assembling in public houses in the night time , and against the possession of fire arms without authority ; and , lastly , a punishment for the injury or intimidation of jurors , witnesses , ov prosecutors , in any case of offences arising within the proclaimed districts . These additional powers are to be wielded by the existing constituted authorities ; the trials are to be in the old form by juries ; and so far thc Conservative Coercion Bill contrasts favourably with the savage one of their predecessors , the Whigs .
The tone of Lord St . Germans , in _propesing thc measure , was carefully studie d t o p rocure unanimit y in the house , and . it succeeded , in doing so . He avoided , with considerable dexterity , the points upon which a discussion might have been raised ; and , after alluding to the sum of nearly half a million already voted this session for the promotion ot public works in Ireland , and the nine millions sanctioned last session for making railways , he very adroitl y put thc measure , on the ground of its necessity as a protection to the poor man . The landlord had the power of removing from the scenes of violence he had
described—the capitalist could keep aloof and choose more secure fields of investment , but the poor man , to whose daily existence employment , and consequently the ex p enditure of th e c a pital thus withheld , was absolutely necessary , co u l d n o t fl y from th e f a tal spot . The primary step towards the pacification of I re l a n d th e in d i sp ens a bl e p r e liminar y to the outlay of capital , and the e m lo y ment of l a bou r , was to give security to the one and protection for the life of the other . It was with that view , and that only , that the bill was proposed . It forms no part of our duty in this place to examine how far tliese
statements and re p res e ntations are correct , or to what extent enlarged and coercive powers ought to be lodged in the hands of the Irish Executive . We will only say , generally , that we believe a frank , straig htfor wa rd course of acti o n , for the purpose of giving employment and food to the Irish people , and placing them in a position to avoid , by their own exertions , the recurrence of such a calamity as that which now afflicts them , would not only be the speediest , but the most effectual way of quelling the natural discontent and turbulence , generated by oppression an _« j misery . Foiice has for centuries , with very trivial exceptions , constituted the basis of all legislation for Ireland . Would it not be well , just by way of change , to try the effect of , justice—nay more , of kindness ?
The second episode of the week , the Game Bill of Lord _Dac-he , was noticeable , not on account of any intrinsic merit in thc bill itself—for of that it is as destitute as any specimen of hereditary legislation could be wished or expected to be—but ! ecause it incidentally illustrates the tremendous force wliich public opinion exerts upon every species of social or political abuse at the present timo . There is not a move fruitful cause of prevention to agricultural improv e ment , of loss to the farmer , and of demoralisation to the rural labourers , than these same Game Laws . The preserves required for rearing
and sheltering the vermin , not only cumber tho ground , bnt obstruct everything _lilrc scientific or systematic farming ; the ravages committed by them alike on thc crops of the farmer and tho allotment patch of tho labourer , constitute a serious pecuniary _grievanco ; and the temptations held out to poaching—tho sanguinary affrays between the poachers and the gamekeepers—the downward course of the former , after being once lodged at tho county gaol , and initiated into the mysteries of a gaol life—his character gone h jg person marked—niiiko up a total whieh constitutes a standing nuisance , and ought to be
Immediately destroyed . The bill of Lord Dacrk will do do no such thing ; it aims at perpetuating this great ahuso , and to prevent poaching at the samo timo , by means which arc as clumsy , inadequate , and ridiculous as can well be imagined . Even the Duke of Richmond and Lord Asnuumox , though differing from each other in the mode tliey adopt , or the object in view , have better ideas on the subject than this liberal lord . The ono says he has long sanctioned the destruction of all thc hares and rabbits on his estates as mere vermin ; the other proposes to take hares out of thc game list altogether , as rabbits
now are . The amendment proposed b y the able champion of the working classes in Parliament , upon tlie existing law affecting F riendly Societies , is of a most important nature to these classes . Let our readers carefully mark tke observations of tho Home Secretay on the subject , especiall y those we have marked in italics , and those of succeeding speakers emphasized in a similar way , and they will speedily discover where thc shoe pinches . The Home Secretary , like many other class legislators , is , we toe say , sorry that such a measure as the Friendly Societies Act was ever p assed , and , could it be _doius _, would gladly
Parliamentary Review. The Introduction O...
see it repealed . Indeed , wo haye often wondered how an Act so favourable to the unrepresented working classes ever did receive legislative sanction . "Itstands in its pride alone , " a species of phoenix among Parliamentary Acts , of whicli wc may say , in the words of
Bybox'One wonders how the devil it got there . " It is very likely that its originators did not themselves see all the tendencies of their own measure , or were not aware of the uses to which it could be put by the sharp-witted , thinking , industrious classes . It must have amazed them to find that they had unwittingly , in defiance of the whole genius and interest of class le g islation , given to the sons of labour , left-handed , and indirect , thou g h it be , an opportunity of improving their social condition , of protecting themselves against the aggressions of capital , and of associating for the promotion of the rights and interests of their class . It is evident , from the tone of Sir J . Graham ' s remarks , that h e is dis p osed to say "Thus farsbalt thou come , hut no farther ;" but the time has gone by for sueh a decree . Trades '
unions and political associations are not only legalised in public o p inion , but are so also virtually , b y the use which has been made of the existing law . They cannot now be attacked , except by means whieh would ap ply to all other kinds of property , and public bodies . The working _classus have , by a side door , crept within the pale of the constitution ,- Let them keep their vantage ground , and gallantly support tlieir loader . As to the often-adjourned debate on the Corn Laws , we have little fresh te remark . Since our last commentary upon it only two speeches of any novelty , have been delivered . We mean those of Mr . D'Israeli and Mr . _FsBnASD . The former showed
his usual ability in a new style of oratory ; forthe vituperative he substituted the argumentative . Ins te a d of m a king one of tho s e brilliant assaults u p on th e Premi e r , for which he is famed ; 'he mainly confined himself to the business part of the subject , and handled statistics oh the commercial , financial , and social aspects of the question , with very considerable power and dexterity . - He met the question , potupon theground of this or that member ' s inconsistency , but u p on its own merits , and endeavoured to show that
the system of protection was not the odious thing its opponents assumed it to be . In reply to the vaunted prosperity of the Premier , wliich had followed each successive relaxation of the protective system , he said that Sir Robert had proved the case of the Protectionists—lie had proved that the country was flourishing , because we had given it a just , judicious , and a moderate protection . But the fact of the country prospering under such a modified protection formed no argument for' its entire abolition .
He _ae . vt turned to the case of the League against Protection . Protection said that body aimed at two objects—to feed the people , and employ them . It did neither . In support of the contrary opinion , Mr . D'Israeli entered into an elaborate , but s pirited examination of the past and present state of this country as compared with others . In the conclusion of his speech he hit the right nail on the head ; and more truly apprehended the great question at issue than any speaker who had preceded him .
I know , said he , and it is from the highest authority in tho matter _, that this movement is not alone a thing of Corn Laws , it is tho transference of power from one class to another . ( Cheers , ) I know that it is a transference from the class who are' the present possessors to another , not less distinguished for intelligence and wealth—to the _8-reat manufacturers of England . My conscience assures me that I am not one of those who have heen slow in doing jUStlCO to the _intelligellDii of that class , and most assuredly I am net one who envies their wide and deserved prosperity . But I can best fulfil my duty , in this age of political revolutions , when system after system is falling around us , when we know and are told that we are
to be rescued from the alleged power of one class only to sink uuder the avowed dominion of another — ( _cheei' 3 )—I , for one , if this is to be the end of all our strugglc «—if this is to be the great result of this enlightened era , — solemnly protest . against the ignominious catastrophe . ( Cheers . ) 1 believe that the monarchy of England , its Sovereign , with an influence mitigated hy the constitutional authority of the estates of tiie realm , has stilt a root in the hearts of _Englishmen , and is still capable of securing happiness to thc people and power to the State . ( Cheers . ) But if it be true that it is for these changes wc have progressed , I , for one , anxious ns 1 am to continue our present authority , ready
to make as many sacrifices as can any man for tbat object , hope , if we are sure to have , and must have , a change , that the foundations will be deep , and that the scheme will be comprehensive , and , in the end , instead of foiling under such a thraldom , a thraldom of capital—( cheers ) , —a thraldom of those who make a boast of their intelligence , aud who arc proud of their wealth , I say , for ono , that if we must bend to a nevr course of things , I will strive to maintain the ancient throne and moral monarchy of England ; and sooner than we should so fall , I would prefer to find those invigorating energies we should lose in an educated and enfranchised people . ( Loud cheers . )
Mr . Ferrand ' s speech was of a different cast , but not less telling in its own dashing , straightforward stylo . In accordance with his usual tactics , instead of d e fendi ng his own side , he carried the war into the enemies , camp . His dissection of the speeches delivered by several ministerial members to their constituents , and in the house , before Pkkl changed , and the contrast drawn between them and their present opinions , was one ofthe richest things ever done
in the house ; and the style In which he charged tlio League , exposed the working ofthe factory system , and the _hollownoss ofthe expectations based upon Corn Law repeal , while machinery was unregulated and competition unrestricted , was of the true _FxiiitAHD stamp . The fact of his keeping a large house tog e th e r for upwards of two hours , is perhaps the best proof that can bo offered of the vigo rous nature of his address .
At the moment of printing this the debute is still going on , but from what fell from Mr . Miles , the leader of the Protectionists , on Tuesday night , we confidently anticipate being able to give the conclusion and division on Saturday morning . Saturday Morniso . A s we antici p ate d , the curtain fell on the conclusion of the first act of the great Parliamentary struggle this morning , about three o ' clock . The result was , a majority for the Minister of _xinktv-skvkn The crack speech of the night was that of Mr . Cobden , who ; though looking very U \ _, made an assault upon tho Protectionist party , characterised by his wcll > known vigour and tact as a debater , lie seems indeed to have reserved himself expressly for the purpose of being in at the death .
So "thc House" has decided that they will examine the ministerial measure ; but its adoption ?—many stages intervene between its present position and that . That a desperate fight will be made in committee wc have no doubt . Thc Fabian policy of delay , and taking advantage of the opportunities which may turn up in the meantime , will , no doubt , bo the game of the Protectionists . 'The result of all the elections iu which the agricultural constituency have ye t b een a pp ealed to , is well calculated to induce
them to p ur s ue this c o urs e , and to cause them to urge on a dissolution of Parliament as the only way of procuring what tliey consider " fair play" for themselves and party . The astute Premier , however , has at present the game in his own hands , and is too wily a tactician to give up any advantage he possesses . We are , as yet , only at thc " beginning of tlio end , " and though the ma j ority seems a lar g e one , no o n e can now say whether the termination will be a dissolution or the adoption of the measure
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The Murderous Miscreant Johnstone, Op Tu...
The Murderous Miscreant Johnstone , op tue "Torv . " _\ fe have received the following from a valued friend , and although it came to u 3 hi the shape of a private friendly letter , its sound sense warrants us taking the liberty of making public use of it . With every word written by our friend wc cordiall y concur : — " 1 knew that a jury found Robert Mason guilty , and that a judge sentenced him to be transported beyond the seas during tho term of his natural life . I knew that another jury found Henry Cooke guilty , and that another judge sentenced hiui to bo hanged , which savage sentence—savage in this case—was carried into effect . I knew that , more recently , another jury found Mary Purley guilty , and that another judge sentenced her to be hanged , like poor Cooke . I knew these facts ; hut I did not think England contained twelve men , who , after hearing the evidence given by the crow of the 'Tory , ' would let the monster Johnstone escape upon the plea of insanity . Good God Almighty ! to thiuk of Brian Seery—an innocent man—hanged , and this mon-
The Murderous Miscreant Johnstone, Op Tu...
ster yet alive . ' . Not one bit insane was he any more than Herod was wheu he slew the innocents—or than Nuro , and Caligula , _^ and Domitian were , when they butchered thousands—or than Napoleon was when m cold blood , he slaughtered his Mameluke prisoners on the Egyptian sands—or than Nicholas , the woman whippor , is at the present moment . What ! and shall we knock on the head a faithful and trusty dog after he turns mad , and yet permit this brute to live ? Are we to be taxed to feed , and clothe , and tend this monster —and is it to be borne—patiently borne ? And the names of the jurors I are they to be forgotten ! WU 1 you , gentlemen of tlio press , not print them , just as you do the names of the _Peterloo butchers ? It is right that their names should be known , in order that . they may be
hooted whenever and wherever they show their ugly faces . I'll warrant they were a set of soulless wretches , non-resistance and _passive-obedience-mongers , who would gabble " an hour by Shrewsbury clock" about all war being wrong , and abolition of punishment by death , and so forth . Oh ! how I hate this slabbering cant , and how I despise those mental eunuchs , whose doctrines , if carried into effect , would quarter whole hordes of monsters , like Johnstone , on the pubiie . No ! no . ' let us be just—let us be merciful—but let us not encourage the wholesale murderer , by telling him that imprisonment for life will be the heaviest punishment he will have to suffer . One ' s blood runs cold to think of the brute ordering a rope to be noosed round the loins of the poor half-killed seaman . Are not the
pound of strong hemp and " the stout cross-beam" the proper things for such monsters !"— J . Jf . K . V . Park . es , Marilebone . —It is illegal to advertise or announce raffles . Ms , Davis , _DEPTFoan , —The article on the militia pre . viously received , was already in type when the second communication came to hand . John Llewellin begs to acknowledge the receipt of 17 s . 8 d . from the Somers Town friends , including Is . from Mr . Thomas Cooper , for which he returns his sincere thanks . The Tower Hamlets M _. P . ' s . and the Chartist Exiles . —The following are the answers ofthe members for the Tower Hamlets , in reply to queries submitted by the chairman ( Dr . Bowkett ) , ofthe meeting
recently held at the Literary Institution , Poplar : — " House of Commons , Feb . 20 , 18 _IG . Sir , —I have received your letter , together with the two petitions which accompanied it . I have this day presented them . —Your obedieHt servant , C . K . Fox . "— "Hert-- ford-street , May-fair , Feb . 20 , 18 * 6 . Sir Wm . Clay presents his compliments to Mr . _Bawkett , and in reply te his letter ( received only yesterday ) , begs to explain that the rules of the House of Commons do not permit of any observations being made on the presentation of petitions , and it is not , therefore , in his power to sup . port the prayer of the petition referred to b y Mr , Bowkott , and presented by Col . Fox . " T . A . C—Seud the advertisement when issued , also par . _ticulars . —T . M . Wheeler .
The Lancashire Colliers . — We give the following very sensible letter just as itcauie to hand , assuring our correspondent tliat it requires no correction whatever , while we cannot allow it to j . ass williout comm « ut : — " Respected Sir , —A very extensive strike of tht colliers of the Bury , Bolton , and numerous other districts in this part of the country , has taken place ; and as itis not generally known , we wish it to be published in your extensively circulated paper , that those who may be applied to by the masters to come and fill their places , by offering increased wages , aud deceiving them by saying the colliers of this place are not turned out , may have an opportunity of knowing the real cause of dispute . Itisawell-knownfact , thatthemasteishaTe been in the habit of getting more coals to the surface
than there was demand for ; their object for this , is _veiy clear to every one , even to the disinterested ! The colliers , therefore , proposed to limit their time of labour one half . The masters foreseeing the consequences of this proposition , preferred , rather than submit to it , that they should work none . Aud a general ejectment from their houses of all those that lived under them , was immediately put in force to the number f forty f unities , the majority of them having been born in tits houses they have beeti forced front . The unprincipled tyrants have heen scouring the conntry for several weeks , aud have succeeded in getting several coach-loads of knobsticks ; seven _individuals of the number brought were from Bradford , and being ignorant of the . matter , having searched the Star for
information , and none t * be found , they were induced to comu _, but went back again the next _morni'ifc-. Hoping that you will correct and insert tliese few lines , ivith a little of your own comment on the matter , as many of the colliers are giving up the Star in consequence of this strike uot appearing in it ; and I firmly balieve , that a line before this , has never been sent for insertion . There are some who think that the Star should be acquainted with , and publish every thing , whether thev send word or not . —I remain , yours devotedly , ——Radclifle _BricLje , Feb , 22 , _P _. S _, We have five shillings for the Executive ; will post-stamps doinsteadofa _postoiliee order ? " [ It is quite true that there are many who think that the Star should be acquainted witli , and ' should publish every thing , whether they send word
or not . It is also quite true , " that we have solicited the lecturers and leaders of the colliers to furnish us with the necessary intelligence for the guidance of their party , and it is equally true that not ono line has ever come to our ofliee in connection with the movement of the colliers , that has not bean published . We have devoted more attention to this section of labour than to any other . When they were « n strike in _Northumberland and Din-ham , we allowed them the privilege of running in our debt , and our agents took a very mean advantage of the permission , by remaining so . The colliers—that is , thc leaders of the colliers—have professed to attach more importance to a finger's length in any other paper , than to columns iu the Star . We can scarcely hope to be exempt from the censure of
men , who , having provoked a premature strike in'Nor . thumberland and Durham , then turned round upon the men who had given them strength as a party , and gained triumphs that were almost incredible , to cover their own folly . We have pursued a very novel course with regard to the colliers—we have extracted every passage from the Skh , the Dispatch , and other papers that spoke favourably of them , and our thanks now are that we have neglected them . However , we tell the AVORKING COLLIERS , that no neglect of their lecturers shall ever drive us from the advocacy of their righteous cause , and that when the world frowns upon them , they may always calculate upon our sympathy , our countenance , and our support . AVe thank our friend for his kind letter , and ouly suppress his name ,
lest the tyrants should turn him also out of the house where he was born . No doubt those tender-hearted masters are all free traders , AVe trust , however , that every trade throughout the kingdom , as well as ' _" ' the Associated Trades of England , " ivillsustain the colliers Of Bolton and Bui'V in their endeavour to carry out the principle of restriction—thu one of aU others most needed by the working classes . Mil , Suaw and Serjeant Uidlet . —In compliment to Mr . Shaw himself , we must really decline publishing his very sensible , but by no means requisite , answer t » Serjeant Ridley . The propriety of Mr , Shaw ' s election for the metropolitan district to the recent Convention was perfectly right and proper , and was further
justified by his conduct as a delegate to that Convention . We would , therefore , very _respectfully invite him to stand at ease , and not to receive the word of command from Serjeant Ridley _.-Half-a-Dozbs or Focr . Acre Men , _Manpiiestbii , —Next ; week we shall have much pleasure in answering their ¦ question lully , as to the mode of procuring light , as i well as the number of shareholders . J . S . Mklvill , Kikkaldv . —Threepence a-week is the j subscription to the Anti-Militia Fund ; Mr . Feargus 5 O'Connor is treasurer . The individual subscription i may be sent in postage stamps , addressed , " Feargus i O'Connor , Esq ,, IO , Great Windmill-street , Hnyiuarket , ; , London . "
H . Page , Shoemaker . _—Wehepe to be able te forward d him a copy next week . Benjamin Fox . —Theeldcr brother of deceased can claim a the property . AVilliam _Fuknival . —If a shareholder who has taken in out a two-acre share , wishes to alter it to a three- eacre share , he will have to pay £ 1 Us . more , aud he us is then entitled to a certificate for three acres , to a a house that will cost £ 45 , aud to £ ' - '' . ' 10 s . capital . _SEIUEANT IllDLEY AND T . lllI . ES , MANCHESTER . —Tlie le Slime answer as to Mr . Shaw ; we really cannot inter- « - fere with any of Mr . Ridley ' s other' appointments , as wis vis
believe him to havo discharged his duty as secretary to to the United Patriots ' Association with great energy gy nnd honesty . AVe omitted t _» observe , that in Mr . lr . Mr . Shaw ' s letter he states that Serjeant Ridley is is . working heaven and earth to create dissension _betweenien . Mr . O'Connor and Mr . _Coopsr . As to that , wem . ust . ist ; leave the matter entirely with Mr . Cooper , as lUvlr .. O'Connor knows nothing of it . Operative Smiths or London . — The " address" oulyulyreached us on Saturday morning ( this day ) , when it ist iS 3 utterly impossible for us to find room for it . It shalhalll appear next week .
Ghneral Correspondence . —AVe reallv receive so _manyanjj letters of four , tire , and six pages upon Militia _amiandl Land subjects , with stamps enclosed , as if for replv b $ _bE letter , that we are not able to read them . We _li-ivtavn
again to request our friends tw be brief , as ofherwistwisii their questions must remain unanswered . . Hague , Kentish Towk . —Three miles from the _PosPoss Ofhceis the limit within which newspapers are chargcirgcd a penny . eteran Patriots' and Exiles' Widows * and Ctiitnuu oren ' s Funbs . —I beg to acknowledge the receipt ipt xx 133 . from Mr . Overton ( being 7 s . from Cheltenham ani am 5 s . from Sunderland , sent to Mr . Wheeler ); also of ibf £ 1 from Mr Edward Mitchell , of Rochdale ; also of j £ r £ from Mr . David Pott , of Birmingham . 1 beg most eait ean _nestly that every member ot committee Will meet IIM IIW iu the _Cllee-room , at the Hall , 1 , _Turiiagain-hmc , ne . * , ne . ** _Sunday afternoon ( to-morrow ) , at halt-past two , iii oiiii oti det thatwenui y make arrangements for holding the sine sin coiul quarterly public meeting on thefcllowiiis _Sundiijndiijj Such members of the committee as I have seen , thinthiiii
it will he much better te propose to a public _meel ' _meelim that the recipients from our funds do henceforth rdi rr < ceive regular weekly help , sufficient _tosupply their wantsants : moreover , siuce the present committees are at the ene en
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of their quarterly tenure of office , they do not think link _, modest to enter on a step of so important a uatumitun and one that would bind their successors . _—Thojuiosu Cooper , Secretary , 134 , _Blackl _i-i-tr ' _s-road .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 28, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns4_28021846/page/4/
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