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M« that that is which mainl the last few...
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Smmria! Jarlfemmt.
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Mas. Wniour—formerly the "Miss Biffin," ...
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M« That That Is Which Mainl The Last Few...
THE NORTHERN STAR , Ma _* 8 l » _M _« _. - ¦ _——^—************************* - _********** -- _*''**'*************************** _' _*****^^^^^^ . 11 i I l 1 11 1 I
Smmria! Jarlfemmt.
_Smmria ! _Jarlfemmt .
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HOUSE OF COMMONS , Mosdat , Mat -0 . i - 5 KT 3 _Mtt _* _5 *« _" _^ Bffl 3 _"itSiSSSw l that thehouse , at its rising , _^• cESSSS _&^ m »•» _SW * _- 5 _nmSto Thursday , as Wednesday was the Derby-day ffl to be present at Epsom . It was pretty _certain that a house would not be made on Wednesday ; an he would therefore move , as an amendment , that the house , at its rising , adjourn to Thursday Captain _Pecbbi seconded the amendment . Sir J Gbahah hoped the hon . member for Athlone ( Mr . _Collett ) would not press his motion , which was , lie believed , quite unexampled in the annals of that house . If the hon . gentleman did press his amendment , he hoped that no hon . memberwouldvote with
Mr . CoiiETT understood that many hon . gentlemen on the other side were desirous of attending the Derby ; and unless it was seriously the intention of the Government to make a liouse on Wednesday it would be absurd to adjourn to that day . Sir J . Walsh rose to put a question to the noble lord the member for London . It appeared , from the noble lord ' s notice , that he intended to bring under the notice of the liouse as many as live distinct subjects . Now , what lie wished to know was , whether the iioble lord intended to have them put from the chair altogether or separately ? lord J . Kcsseij , _suggested that the hon . baronet had better wait till he heard his statement . Mr . John * Coiaett hoped he should receive some assurance from the Government that a house would fie made on Wednesday , otherwise he should feel it to be his duty to persevere in the amendment that he bad moved .
The question was then put , and it was decided , without a division , that thehouse , at its rising , do adjourn to Wednesday . Mr . S . Chawohd presented a petition , signed by _upwards of 1 , 000 _persons at Liverpool , on the subject of the resolut ions of the noble lord the member for London , stating that some of them were objectionable as having no bearing upon the petitions which had been signed by millions of the people , and presented to that house ; and stating also , that no adequate relief would be afforded unless by the means of extensive alterations in the existing laws . The hon . member also presented petitions from Edinburgh , Kettering , and other places to the same effect . Mr . _Fehhasd presented a petition from the
Framework-knittenr delegates of the counties of Jxotting ham , Derby , and Leicester , assembled in Nottingham on the 28 th day of April , 1815 , complaining that their labour is reduced in value by over-producing machine power ; that they are _stiiferiug the greatest destitution , and that , as a measure of justice , they pray for the calm consideration of the house on this important subject , or the results to soeiety might in a short period be dreadfid . They also prayed for certain alterations in the Field Gardens Bill , wliich -would enable them to live without the continual fear of being forced into a union workhouse or starved to death , lhe hon . member also presented three petitions from factory workers in the employ of ilr . Richard Smethurst , in the parish of Cborley , in
favour ofa Ten Hours' Bill ; and a petition from the sawyers of Rochdale , praying for a tax on steam sawmills . The hon . member next presented a petition Signed by 3 , 328 silk handloom weavers of Mlddleton and the townships and villages adjacent ihereto , in the county- of Lancaster , stating that they were subjected to indescribable suffering and distress in consequence ofthe want of a proper law to protect their i huiour—that they conceive the causes to be chiefly "low wages , unequal abatements , want of employment , home competition , and tlie introduction aud increase of unrestricted machinery "—that some
masters abate their wages from 5 to 50 per cent ., to -which they are compelled to submit , or they would entirely lose their employment . The petitioners prayed for some legislative enactment to protect their labour from the unjust encroachments of their unprincipled masters , and stated that this might be effected by establishing boards of trade composed of masters and workmen . Also a petition to the same effect , agreed to at a public lnectiug of silk handloom weavers of the town of Jliddleton , and signed by the chairman . The order- * ofthe day were then gone through , and -appointed for different davs .
STATE OP THE COOXTUV . -Lord J . Rcsseu—Sir , I rise to bring forward the motion of which 1 have given notice , the subject of which I cannot but regard as of the highest possible importance . I confess that I should have despaired of being able to produce any useful effect from the course I am now taking , were it not that the question which I am about to discuss having already occupied much of the public attention for several years past , I am enabled to look for some assistance on the part of this house towards elucidating the question , and which will likewise afford us some guide in coming to a determination upon the subject . For my own part , I feel it necessary to premise , that I do not _jnean by bringing the question before the house to
• assert that I am competent to deal fully with so great a subject ; hut I do say that , with reference tothe greater part of the evils complained of , the Govcrnjnent has not brought forward any proposition during . the present session to alleviate them , nor has any hon . member sought to remedy the defects in the people ' s condition by introducing any measure independent of the Government , whilst at the same time various different opinions prevail out of doors with respect to the steps which ought to be taken bv flic Legislatur e to improve the situation of the labouring classes . Now , I do consider it to be a matter of the highest importance that this whole subject should be brought before the house , not only with a view to adopting some ulterior measures , Cut also in order
that wc may learn from ihe opinions of those pubhc men who possess weight in this house the views which they tike of the various plans which have been proposed from time to time in order to benefit and permanently to elevate the condition of the poorer classes . For I must observe , that whilst I am ready to admit some of the views whicli have been propounded with respect to the steps necessary to he taken to better the state of tlie labouring part of the community are sound and _whole-, some , o _* _UierphnswMchhavebeeiiproposedfoi-thesame purpose are founded on emmeous viewsof fhe legislative power , and of the mode of exerting that power for the benefit of thepeople , which views , if indulged in , might come before the house in a shape in which we
couitt _neuner give thorn a negative with any satisfaction , noran afnrmative with any safety . Awl , first , I must beg to say a few words with respect to the form in which I have brought forward this motion . Had I been of opinion that by bringing _forwai-d each separate proposition angry beforo ihe house therej _i _^ _^ > axe beea _* ° originate amcasure adequate to deal with the subject , I should have taken that course . But , according to the views which are entamed by her Majesty ' s Government with respect to legislation , it appeare that all measures wliich are destined to obtain the sanction of Parliament must originate with the Government . The right hon . baronet and his colleagues have taken such decided steps te discourage measures from beinE brought in
_oy other hon . members than those in immediate connection -trial the Government , and both in and out of office they have so - repeatedly stated that they consider the Government , andthe Government alone , to fee responsible for the condition of the country , that 1 confess I should have looked upon any endeavour on my own part to bring in a measure founded upon any one of the propositions contained in my motion as altogether futile and abortive . The only course therefore that was left for me to pursue was that which I have taken , namely , to propose a general resolution to the house , embodying my views of the steps which ought to be adopted , leaving it entirely to the Government to bring in measures founded oil my views , if they thought proper to do soorif they
, , did not think-fit to follow that course , placing them under the necessity of statingto the house the general views of policy they think tliis country ought to follow . Sir , in eveiy view the resolutions which I bring before the house are closely coiuiected together . I am of opinion that a Government which at the present inne wishes to propose measures useful to the country , and tending to improve the condition of the people , should consider all the subjects which are mentioned iu these resolutions . An hon . baronet addressed to me a question to-uight , as if he considered thai ihey were totally separate and distinct questions . Sirj I entirely differ from that view . My opinion is , generally , that you should endeavour to free trade from restrictions , that vou should
endeavour to relieve industry from those trammels which have been placed upon it by legislation ; but that in so doing , owing te the legislation of past rimes ; and owiag to the present state of the country , it will be necessary to adopt _othcrmcasuresacccmpauying those mcasinres for the relief of indusby ; and , at the same time , it is my opinion that the general subject of education and instrattion ought to form part of the deliberations ofthe Govcrmneut , and of the measures to be brought before this house—( hear , hear ) -, and if any gentleman tells me that those subjects whicli seem least _cannected with those 1 have mentioned in these resolutions are separate and distinct , I beg to tell hhn why I differ from him in that view . I think
you cannot expect that any measures you may propose for ihe general education of the people will be effective unless yon improve their physical condition . ( Hew , hear . ) I do not think that men who are strmsEng t 0 obtain the _subsistence _uecessarv to su » - rort life will be able or willing io make those _exerteons which are necessary to give education to their «! » i T _-4 e , refore > g « ueraWy _sqieaking , I should say , uuu _aioi-g with measures for the improvement of edu-* _Mi £ . _« , yourob - > ect * - _" - " _duwMendeavour _SirTr ? _- _^ yaca _^ _™ _H-- *»> g of the _peoclc . _iiotwl ! 1 ng at t h . on , lition < , f the P _*» l « . * to mo _^ _-ZS _* ° 5 _? . d _$ ub _* h _*<* «»¦* befamiliar to _™ wlS _^ f !! - } , 0 U £ e ' _with _^ pect io the wages - _^ chap-eat portion ofthe people of this country
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subsist . Itis well known , that m many counties m S and-in many of the _agricultaal counties in Eneland-the wages are not more thanIs . 6 d . orSs . a-week . That has been stated repeatedly ; and when I have asked gentlemen connected with those counties whether the fact were so , and whether such was the rate of wages , they have answered that undoubtedly such was the fact , and such the condition of the labourers in those counties . Now , Sir , if that be the fact , I need not say what privations it entails , what toil it occasions , and what insufficient means it affords of providing for the comfort of the labourers ; nor need I go into any ofthe details wliich show that the dwellings of the labourers in many ot those counties are totally insufficient : that families are crowded
together without regard to morals or decency—that many members of a family are obliged to sleep in the same room—and that neither health nor comfort is consulted in the arrangements which have become necessary to them in order to obtain even the room for which they can afford to pay rent But , Sir , there are general considerations which it appears to me we ought to consider , and which mvolve a retrospect for a very considerable period of time * I am now going , ther efore , to trace hi some degree the alterations which have taken p lace in a long course of yeare , going back to the period of the last century before the revolutionary war . At that time we had a debt of some £ 250 , 000 , 000 ; we had between £ 14 000000 and £ 15 , 000 , 000 for the interest of our
, debt andespenditure ; we had a poor-rateamountmg to £ 3 , 500 , 000 , and the practice of paying the allowance of labourers out of the poor-rate was then unknown to this country . Now , in the course of the war which began in 1 * 793 various changes took placechanges , much for tho worse as concerns the situation ofthe people—changes , the effects ofwhich I think wc are still suffering under , and which from time to time have been brought under the consideration of this house . In the first place , we had an immense increase of our debt , making a proportionate increase of taxation . That increase of our debt was made in the most extravagant manner . ( Hear . ) Many of the loans contracted were contracted in such a manner that more than six per cent , was paid
for interest , and that not reducible , but remaining to future times , because the sums were borrowed in the three per cents ., and 1 find tliat in 1197 , £ 200 in the three per cents ., with other advantages , were given to lenders of * € 100 . So it appears , at the end of Mr . M'CuUoch' s late work on taxation , thatthe sum of £ 400 , 000 , 000 , which was borrowed during the war , entailed upon us an interest on the debt of more than £ 21 , 000 , 000 , thus obliging us to pay more than five per cent , as interest of that debt . Now , when in tho course ofthe beginning ofthe last century debts were contracted in war , the interest which was necessary was engaged to be paid at the time , and afterwards that interest was reduced ; so that Sir R . _Walpo'e , durine the _lonu peace that becanin 1713 , was able to
reduce the interest of the debt by about one-half of the total amount which it was at the end of the war . That has not been possible with any Minister of this _eountiy since , considering the mode in which tho debt of the last war was conducted . At the same time , wc have , therefore , in considering a taxation of fifty millions a-year , always to reflect that the greater part of that taxation is rendered necessary by obligations of the public faith , and that it is out of our power to alter it . The whole amonnt _to-which wc can alter our expenditure , between the amplest and most narrow expenditure for peace establishments , amounts to about three millions . At the same time , in speaking of taxation , 1 thiuk it should not be left out of sight that we have been able from time to
time to abolish many of those taxes -which , were Jam upon the necessaries of life—the taxes upon leather , upon salt , and upon candles have been entirely abolished . If any one will look at the complaints of the weight of taxation in the last century , he will see that those were the taxes wliich were particularly complained ofj and were pointed out as the taxes wliich were the most injurious to the interests of the country . Still , however , we have in one way or other , whether by direct or by indirect taxation , to bear that gi'eat amount for the interest of our debt , an obligation from which we cannot escape , and from which , except iu the way of the proposal made by the first Minister of the Crown this year , viz ., by a commutation of those taxes whicli press more heavily , in
preference to those which press less heavily , on the industry and resources of the country , the house has no escape . Sir , there is another subject on wliich a veiy great alteration was made during the war ; I allude to the subject of the currency to that wliich the right hon . baronet last year called " the fatal measure of 1 * 797 . " The tendency of that measure was greatly to degrade the labourer —( hear , hear ); the tendency of it was to diminish the value ofthe wages of his labour . Those wages never increased in proportion to the change which took place in the value of money —( hear , hear ); at the same tune that depreciation ofthe general currency ofthe country led to effects wliich a depreciation always has produced , it led to an extravagant mode of living , to
a sudden enjoyment of high profits , and to a neglect of frugrality , prudence , and forethought , wliich many , both in agriculture and in trade , practise in ordinary times ; and in that way it produced a lasting evil upon the country . Sir , I do not say , either , in this respect , that we can make any gi'eat change which will be beneficial to the labourer . I believe that the measures proposed by the right hon . gentleman at the head of her Majesty ' s Government in 1819 , and the bill which he proposed last year , were founded on sound priuciples , and without discussing ( which , indeed , is unnecessary at this moment ) their particular adaptation to the times at which they were brought forward , I believe it would be a great misfortune if the honse should endeavour to depart
ma-I tonally from the principles sanctioned by those measur es . At the same time , I think wc must always recollect that those measures in themselves produced their evils , that they had disadvantages accompanying them , that they produced what a contraction of the currency following the measure of 1819 was sure to produce , great evils at the time , and that they have contributed , amongst other thiugs , tothe injury of fhe industrious classes , at least , for a considerable time . But now , Sir , I come to another subject , on whicli I think that Parliament may legislate ; on which I think ifc may legislate with benefit , to overturn , as we have overturned with respect to the currency , the erroneous legislation ofthe war , —I allude to thepolicy of restrictions and monopoly . ( Hear , hear . )
U any one speaks of that policy , of the policy of monopoly and Test-notions , or , as it is called by tliose who favour it , of " protection to native industry , " he speaks of it as an ancient estabUshment _, as a matter which has become interwoven with the laws of the country ; and , therefore , extremely difficult to touch or deal with . But , if we go further , and look at what has actually been the case , we shall find that the chief monopolies and restrictions which now exist are monopolies and restrictions introduced by ministers who arc still living , by persons who are still in Parliament , or by persons who , though not in ihedirection of public affairs , still remain among us ; and whom , therefore , we may consider as quite of our own time . Now , the old system of restrictions and
monopoly was called , particularly in the time of Adam Smith , "themercantile system ; " and Mr . Smith , in speaking of the restrictions introduced by tlie Corn Laws , says , he believes that those restrictions in favour of particular trades were introduced by persons who were used tothe narrow spirit of corporations—that from corporations ifc became the practice of traders ; and , seeing that it was adopted in the legislation ofthe country , the country gentle men , whose nature was generally generous and alien from _suchpavtial restrictions , were induced to adopt thepolicy , which was of little value to them , but which wassupposed to be beneficial , because ithad been so contended for by manufacturers and merchants . Now , Mr . Smith has related what was no doubt
conformable to the experience ofhis time , but the experience of our time brings us to a different state of things . With a vast export of manufactureswith an export amounting , perhaps , to £ 50 , 000 , 000 , our manufacturers have perceived , that if they can sell in all the markets of the world , it can be of no advantage or use to them to have restrictions laid upon the import of such manufactures into this country . They have adopted , therefore , generally , with few exceptions , the theories wliich Adam Smith and his followers and almost all political economists bave adopted , that is , that restrictions arc mischievous , and injure the labouring classes , above all classes of the community . ( Hear , hear . ) FThe noble lord here entered into considerable
detail , and contended that our manufacturers were correct in the views which they now entertained by taking a retrospect of the history of the restrictions formerly imposed on timber and wool . He gave that history as a specimen of the mischief created by the high duties imposed during the war , and of the emptiness of the apprehensions entertained of the evils likely to accrue from the remission of those duties . He contended that history also showed that under protective duties the labourer was less able to educate his cliildren , to live in comfort , and to become satisfied with lus condition . Nevertheless , there was still a party of great weight iu the Legislature , which insisted that without protection certain branches of industry could not be maintained . To such persons he said , " Let us cither protect all brancbes of industrv , whether manufacturing or
_agrieultursi , or eke let us abandon the system of protection as vicious and unsound . " That system was , moreover , one on which our statesmen had al ready made great alterations . In 1842 tha Government had proposed great changes in our Customs duties . Many were alarmed at the extent to which the reductions were then carried . Many personsfor instance , rope-cutters , cork-cutters , aud _bootviakcrs—had waited upon him as member for the City of London , and had represented to him the _extreme panic wliich they felt , because their protection was to be reduced . It was neither just nor equitable to introduce changes producing alarm among men earning 25 s ., 20 s ., 12 s ., or 8 s . a-week , unless you introduced similar changes into the protection given to the commodities produced by Peers of Parliament and the other influential members of the landed aristocracy . It was not fair to say that from the former you would take protection ; but that you would not take it from the latter , because they had the means
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of acting upon the legislature . Events had shown that there was very little reason ibv the alarmfelt in * 1842 by the manufacturers ; and the reductions then made were very large . If ; then , it were right at that time to abandon our high rate of Customs duties , and to bring the greater part of them within moderate compass , ne thought that we ought to take measures io bring all such duties within the same compass . The tariff of 1842 left a protecting duty of 20 per cent , on all articles . That was an extravagant duty , and he considered that it wouldbe better for us to abandon it altogether . He then adverted to the question of the Corn Laws , and gave an historical account of the rise and progress of those laws from the commencement of the Preach revolutionary war down to the present time . Experience showed
that our system was founded in error , and produced the _vsvy evil against which it was intended to guard . The graduated scale had turned out to be a complete failure , and was equally injurious to the producer and consumer . It was contrary to all true commercial principles , and it was perfectly ruinous to the interests ol the farmer . It tended also to check all improvements in agriculture , and to render the cultivator of the soil car eless as to the system of cultivation which he pursued . He then said , that his third resolution , which affirmed that " the present Corn Law tended to check improvement in agriculture produced uncertainty in all farming speculations , and held out to the owners and occupiers of land prospects of special advantages , which it failed to secure" was fully proved to be correct by the
, complaints of the agricultural interest during the present session * , for it appeared that now , when they had a protection of 40 per cent , on the ordinary food of the people , tliey were still in a state of distress and difficulty . Now that protection forced the artisan to give an increased price for his food , and so diminished his means to provide himself with other necessaries . It prevented him , besides , from sending his manufactures abroad , and from thus increasing , by the sale of them , tbe general prosperity and revenue ofthe country . It had been said , that if the Cora Laws were to be repealed , wages would be reduced , she argument on that point was by no means conclusive ; but if wages should be reduced by the repeal of the Corn Laws , there would at any rate be a greater demand for labourand therefore so far the labourer
, would be a gainer . Besides , the Parliamentary returns proved beyond all doubt that the labourer was alwavs a loser by a hi g h , and a gainer by a low price of com . Ho contended that ; the introduction of foreign corn to any considerable extent into this country would lead to such an increase in our manufactures , that , though at first the price of corn might be very low , there would still be a steady average price of com in the long run which wouldbe quite sufficient for the remuneration of the farmer . It then the Corn Laws were thus generally injurious , what svsteni ought the house to adopt in its stead ? He then enumerated the various propositions which had been made to the house on that subject , and observed that his object was rather to propose to the Government that it should not leave the Corn Laws
in their present state , than to malce any proposition ofhis own . He certainly would not now propose the scheme which he had proposed in 1841 , and yet he would propose a fixed duty . He would not propose , as in 18 * 11 , a fixed duty of Ss ., but if he were called upon to name the amount of his fixed duty , he would say that it should be a 4 s ., 5 s ., or Cs . duty . In reference to the whole question of duties on corn , as contrasted with their immediate total repeal , the noble lord said : ]—If I were asked whether I think that it is desirable to have any duty on corn at all , I should sav , as an abstract question , that it is certainly not desirable to have any duty , and that corn is one of the worst articles you eould tax ( hear , hear ); but in making changes in commercial policy , I know the evil produced by
sudden alterations . ( Hear , hear . ) lint it is said that if this is an evil , why not at once abolish it ? Why , the same argument mig ht be used with respect to a person who had been for many yeare , until he reached sixty or seventy years of age , in the habit of indulging in stimulatiug diet and intoxicating drinks . No one could say that that is a wholesome mode of living ; and everybody would say that if that person had abstained from intemperance he would have been a much stronger man * , but I believe , that a skilful physician would hardly advise an immediate return , even to wholesome diet , hi the case of a person who had been long indulging in such injurious habits . That there may hereafter come a time when the state of the population , the manufactures , and the commerce of tliis country , may require a total
abrogation of all duty on corn , I will not deny—but , I should say , having regard to existing circumstances , that what woidd give the _greatest relief , and inflict the smallest amount of evil , would bo the change which I propose . ( Hear , hear . ) This , therefore , brings me to the resolution— "That this house will take the said laws into consideration , with a view to luck cautious and deliberate arrangements as may be most beneficial to all classes of her _Majesty ' s subjects . " In these terms Ido but agree with the terms used by all authors on the subject , by Adam Smith , by Maltkus , and by Ricardo , even when they proposed the greatest freedom to industry . ( Hear , hear . ) But now I come to another subject , on which I must likewise call the attention of thehouse to the changes wliich were made during the revolutionary war—I
mean the changes in the Poor Laws . Before that wax the system of making allowances and giving relief to labourers who were employed was , I believe , totally ; unknown ; but as that war went on , and as the prices of corn rose to be very high , it was thought a better mode to give allowances to eveiy labourer , _according to his family , rather than to increase the wages . I believe that almost eveiy one is now convinced that such a proceeding is most injurious , and that its obvious tendency was to increase the number of labourers , without providing a corresponding demaud for theu- labour . It increased the number of marriages andthe number of labourers , and tended to injur e the labourers by bringing into market more labour than could obtain a fair remuneration . Hi 1834 that system was altered . It has been said
that the alteration has been injurious to the labourers ; but -my belief is , that if the former system had gone on , the labourers of England would now liave been in a most painful and miserable condition ( hear , hear)—that , with the increase in their numbers , the amount of their wages woidd have diminished , and that tho allowance from the poor-rate—the forced and compulsory charity ofthe poor-rate—would have been measured in such a manner as to provide them only with the barest means of existence . ( Heat , hear . ) The change , therefore , to which I alluded was introduced . There has been published at various times a suggestion made by somebody to the effect that the poor who received relief from the poor-rate should he made to habituate themselves to coarser diet , and should otherwise be worse
kept than they had been . Of that suggestion I believe the right hon . gentleman opposite once said that he knew nothing . I am sure that I know nothing of it , and I do not believe that it ever came before those who had the Poor Laws under their consideration . What came under my consideration was the expectation that what was before given in the injurious shape of compulsory charity would in future be given in the wholesale shape of wages , and that the labourer , instead of merely receiving allowances every week from the parish board , and giving in return scarcely any labour , and that of little or no value , would have his condition altered , inasmuch as he would be giving wholesome labour for wages under tbe superintendence of au employer . ( The noble lord here read an extract from a report of Mr . Tufnell , in
which it appeared from a farmer ' s labour account in the Battle Union , that he had expended more money in wages since the formation of the union than previous thereto during an equivalent period . ) Tliis change arises from a desire to employ more labour , and it is an indisputable fact that the farmer does not put the amount saved into his pocket , but spends it in labour . This was the effect I especially looked to after the alteration of the Poor Laws . I looked to the effect which should measure the wages of the labourer by the -proper demand for his labour—which should place him under an employer and whicli should change the sums he received from the vicious system of allowances from the poor-rates iuto the healthy system of regular wages from the fanner . ( Hear . ) I submit , _u this is the case —* if this is
the effect of the Poor Law—that to represent that law as _injm-ious to the labourer is the greatest possible mischief ; and that no move beneficial mode of aiding tho labourer could be found than the change which has taken place . ( Hear , hear . ) At the same time , it is to be considered that the law which formerly prevailed must have left many injurious traces . It is now little more than ten years since the amended law came into operation . The children that had been bom under the old vicious administration , when allowa nces were made according to the number of cliildren in a family , are now becoming young men , and are looking for employment for their labour . Unfortunately they find , as must naturally bo expected , that the artificial increase made by the law in the number of labourers has not brought with it a corresponding increase in the demand for labour . Thus there were in many of the southern counties ' under the improved administration of the Poor Laws ' a number of labourers who do not . _during all th « win !
ter months , find employment from individual farmers . Therefore , I say that itis notsufficient to have altered your Poor Laws ; it is not sufficient to stand steadily as the present Government declare they will , by the principles of the new law ; but _wemustconsider temporary and alleviating measures , by which we can remedy the disorders created by the former faulty administration of the Poor Laws . The right hon . gentleman the Home Secretary has undertaken to introduce a measure which is calculated , in some respects , for this purpose , * for , at least , last year , and I believe this year , he stated that it was a great hardship for labourers not to be able to transfer their labour from places where it wasnot wanted toother parts where they could command employment , and that the law of settlement operated injuriously in this respect . But the right hon . gentleman has not persisted ( or I should hardly have proposed the resolution to which I am now coming ) in the proposal he made last year—viz ., that five years' industrious employment should give a settlement . Now . it seems
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to me that that is a principle by which mainly an amendment can be made in tho situation of the labourers thus grown up in agricultural parishes . The people in agricultural parishes reckon , when they marry , that some of their sona and daughters may find employment in manufacturing towns ; but after they have gone there , and after ten or twelve years ' employment they have added to the wealth and importance of those towns , if there comes a period of distress , the right hon . gentleman would propose that these persons should be sent back to the places of their birth . 1 confess that this does not appear to be either equitable or necessary . 1 think that tliere should be some enactment by wliich , after a certain neriod . these parties should obtain _asettlementin the . 1 . , t . _> . a _* l * 1 _** l . _«\
places where they have been industriously employed , and to whoso wealth thoy have contributed . ( Hear , hear . ) The hon . member for Brecon , who cheers me , did introduce a law with this object , and proposed thatacevtaintimc—one year , I believe—should give a settlement . I should rather hesitate in -fixing on so short a period for the purpose of giving a settlement , but I think something like the suggestion I am about to make might be carried into eftect . The right hon . gentleman last -year proposed that iwe years of industrious occupation should give a settlement . Supposing that to be so , then , with respect to lesser periods , such as three years , two years , or even one year , these might give a temporary settlement . If , therefore , the parties whom I have
supposed to have gone from agricultural parishes to manufacturing towns should only be in a state of temporary distress , owing to a sudden want of employment , and that they might after a time again find employment , it would be a gi'eat hardship to send them back ( and they might be artisans ) to the parishes where they were born , and where the labour is unsuited to them , and where , in consequence , they become a burden and sink into the state of paupers . ( Hear , hear . l The right hon . gentleman , I know , found _gi-eat obstructions in his proposed alteration of the law . The towns in general , I believe , objected to the increase of tlie poor-rates , whicli they thought would fall on them ; and it is for this purpose that in my resolutions I have combined with the proposal of
the change to be made in the law in this respect , the proposal of a change to be made in the Corn Laws . 1 think that , if on tho one hand you enable the inhabitants of manufacturing towns and the mercantile interest to havo a regular supply of the articles of food , it would be fair , on the other hand , that yon should expect them to bear tliis burden , and , therefore , 1 propose the resolution"that the freedom of industry would be promoted by a careful revision of the law of parochial settlement which now prevails in England . " I now come to the next resolution- . — "That a systematic p lan of colonisation would partially relieve those districts of the country where tho deficiency of employment has been most injurious to the labourers in husbandry . " I
have stated this resolution very cautiously , because I do not wish to imply that a very great scheme of colonisation should be adopted by this country . The cost would bo so large , I doubt whether any Government could propose it ; but at the same time it is to be considered , that in many agricultural districts , without any aid from the Government , but by voluntary subscriptions , the labourers liave been assisted to emigrate , and tliis has done good both to the cniigrantsandtotliosewhoremaincdbehind . ( IIear , hcar . ) Ho not lot it be supposed that I wish any compulsory emigration to enter into any scheme of whicli 1 should be the author ; I should be against any scheme of compulsory emigration . ( Hear , hear . ) But 1 have heard fi-om Mr . Hodges , formerly member 101 * Kent ,
and who was favourable to plans of emigration , that , that fact being known , a person who was agent to an emigration company to Australia , and another who was agent to an emigration company to Canada , came to him , and made tlieir propositions , and that many of his best labourers chose to emigrate to those colonies . The agents were somewhat surprised that he should part with his best labourers , but ho said that he thought thatit was for the benefit of all ; that it was true that tliey were his best labourers , but that they would do well as colonial labourers , and that he should find that those labourers , who at the time were comparativel y of little use , and whose labour was not required , would become useful and skilful labourers : and that in this way they would all
be benefitted . I asked him to inquire what had been the effects of emigration in his parish and tho surrounding parishes , and ho sent me a paper showing that the parishes had benefitted to a considerable degree , and that the labouring emigrants had scarcely in any instance returned , but were perfectly satisfied in the colonics to which they had gone . __ I think , therefore , that it is making a bugbear of this emigration to represent it as injurious to the labourers . ( Hear , hear . ) When the position of the labourer is so much improved by the change , and when they go to a country where they find persons speaking their own language and accustomed to similar habits , I must confess that ifc is to the benefit of all parties that from some districts emigration should take place ;
but iu any emigration favoured by the Government two things should be especially taken care of ; the one is , not to send parties out as emigrants who are unlit to bear the hard labour and the temporary privations wliich persons going to the colonics may have to endure . ( Hear . ) In the next place , I think that emigration , if the Government take any share in it , should not be that sort of indiscriminate emigration earned on by a number of persons meeting together for the purpose of going to some distant colony , who have never known each other before . ( Hear , hear . ) The emigration should consist of persons coming from certain districts , who know one another , and parties should be got to go with them who could take the command and lead tliem on in tiie foundation of those
colonial establishments which it was intended they should form . Jn such a transaction both sides would be gainers ; for the emigrants would be consumers of your manufactures , and would be producers of corn and other articles of food , which they would send back in exchange for those manufactures . [ The noble lord next approached the subject of Education . —There had been , he said , of late years great improvements made in the education or tlie people ; but the latest accounts which he had seen upon that subject were contained in the last report of the British and Foreign School Society , and that , in alluding to the gaol returns for the last year , showed that the house had still in this respect a gi'eat duty to perform . He implored the house ,
when itwas taking measures to remove the restrictions imposed on the food and clothing of the poor , not to shut its eyes upon the awful state of ignorance in which a great mass of our population was bwrieil . Ifc ought _jierci ' to be forgotten , that , while in tliis month of May pious men were subscribing their fuuds to enable missionaries to preach tho gospel in China and in other foreign parts , there wore numbers of persons in Sussex and other -counties of England totally ignorant of every duty which a Christian ought to perform . He could not entertain a doubt that the house andthe Government would both be anxious to remedy thislamentable deficiency . He knew that they should be met with the objection—we could not give the labouring population a religious
education , on account of the multiplicity of . sects which prevailed among them . But this wc could do , we could make a grant for educational purposes to those who applied for ifc ; we could assist them in building schools , and in providing competent masters for those schools . It was the duty of the house to improve the education of the people ; and it coidd bo done in the way which he had stated without any violation ofthe rights of conscience . He asserted that their grant for education was at present insufficient , and thought that Ministers might safely ask the Parliament this year for a grant of £ 150 , 000 for the support and maintenance of schools in England and in Wales . These were tlie resolutions which ho intended to propose , these were the outlines of
the measure which he wished to have introduced fov the amelioration of the condition of the country . Rcsnectiugthe whole question , thus raised by him , the noble lord , in conclusion , said ] * . — Sir , I have now given very imperfectly an outline of those measures whicli I think ought to be introduced for the purpose of improving the condition of the people . I have at least the satisfaction of having brought them forward at a time when no feeling of passion can be mixed up with the discussion , when there has been such improvement in trade , such general political tranquillity and obedience to the law , that it cannot be said these propositions have been introduced to meet any cry ov clamour , ov that they are intended to promote any political or party object .
( Hear , hear . ) It appears to me that you ought to take advantage of such a period to propose tliose measures which you think will be beneficial to the great mass of the people . I havo given , according to such lig ht as I possess , a view of what 1 thiuk should be your course of policy . If you think you should adopt at once an entire system of free trade , or that , on the other hand , you should cany further the system of protection , the house ought to take such measures as it deems necessary . I think , in any case , unless you are fully persuaded that your present system is the most wholesome and the most conducive * to the welfare of the people , you should not wait till a time of distress , till a time of clamour shall arise . I know not what measures you might in that case adopt ; but , certainly , they would be tinctured with that heat and violence which such reasons are sure to produce . And let mesay to those who represent the interets in this hou
agricultural s se , that it would be most favourable for them to have any settlement of those questions in which agriculture is concerned , while there is not that great pressure which a time of distress is sure to occasion . If we go on till the time comes when , with an increasing population — a population increasing at the rate of from 2 00 , 000 to 250 , 000 every year—itis found that our supply of food is totally insufficient , when the cry of hunger comes up to those walls , will it then be the time for those who have maintained the necessity of a large protection—if they have anv just regard for their own legislative character—to concede the demands which may then be made ? Woul d it not be tar better that they should provide beforehand for that evil time ? I think we cannot expect that a system which , so far as regards the commercial and manufacturing classes , has been condemned by the measures adopted by this house within
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the last few yeare , should be maintained for the sake of the landed interest . Let the gentlemen on the other side , then , endeavour to frame some proposition upon which this house—and the legislation of this house—can rest . Let them take their share , with the rest of the country , in the burdens wliich may be imposed upon them . What objection can there be to the consideration of the whole system of taxation , with a view to render its pressure equal upon all interests in this country ? Who can object to it , even if the result should show that we ought to relieve the agricultural interest from some of its burdens . But , whatever the result may be , I ask you to consider tliis question now , in a time of calmness and of peace ; ana if you think fit to disregard altogether what else I have proposed , to adopt this first resolution _, which I now nlace . sir , in your hands : — " That > - > l _ " _^ J . P _ . _ __ ** 1 . *_ . a _. 1 i * _r ... > Ll > _n Anhi .
the present state of political tranquillity , and the recent revival of trade , afford to this house a favourable opportunity to consider of such measures as may tend permanently to improve the condition of the labouring classes . " Adopt that resolution , and add to it any further resolution you may think fit , according to your own views of what the interests of the country require . My firm belief is that our laws will not remain long in the state in which they now are . I conceive that the condition of this country renders legislation necessary—not ( for that would be a most inconsiderate attempt ) to endeavour to provide directly for the well-being of all classes of the community , but to relieve the people as far as you can from all those evils and all those restraints -which your own legislation has imposed . ( Hear , hear . ) With this object then , sir , I beg to _moye the first resolution . ( "Hear" and cheers . )
The _Spujiheb then put ihe question , when Mr . S . Crawford rose to propose the amendment of wliich he had given notice , and wliich was , he said , founded upon the petitions of the people . In 1842 , petitions bearing 3 , 324 , 000 signatures were presented to that liouse , praying them to take into their consideration the propriety of extending to the working classes some share of political power by the extension of the suflrage . In 1843 , numerous petitions to a similar effeet were laid before the house - , and , in the last year , 1844 , petitions signed by more than 60 , 000 persons had been presented , praying that a more equal system of representation might bo adopted . His hon . friend , the member for Finsbury ( Mr . T . Duncombe ) , and himself had , on several occasions , submitted
motions to the house , in accordance with the prayer of the petitioners , but tliey had been rejected by large majorities . The people complained that they were taxed by this house , in which they were unrepresented ; and they asked that some means of protection might be afforded them by conceding them a share in the representation . He called upon the house to take this subject into their consideration , and he claimed on the part of the people full , free , and tab' representation . The right lion , baronet ( Sir R . Peel ) had recently made rapid strides in the proposal of measures advantageous to the great bod y of the people ; and though the right hon , gentleman had generally divided against him when he brought this subject before the house , he did not despair that
the time would arrive when the right hon . baronet , seeing , upon mature consideration , the justice of the measure , would be among the first to support him . The noble lord , in commenting upon his fifth resolution , made some remarks on the principle of the New Poor Law , and ho ( Mr . Crawford ) could not pass the subject over without one or two observations . The noble lord advocated tho principle of that law , and denied that it was identified with a certain llocilment oi'proposition which had been brought forward on a former occasion in that house , Now , whether that proposition was or was not ever adopted by the Poor Law Commissioners , one thing appeared to his ( Mr . Crawford ' s ) mind , undeniable—that the harshest possible regulations were made by the commissioners with respect to the poor , and that if they had wished directly to carry out the terms of tho proposition to which he referred , tliey could not have succeeded more effectually . Their regulations wero cruel in
the extreme , and such as ought not to have been made with respect to any class ofthe community . The principle ofthe New Poor Law was nothing more nor less than by indirect means to abolish the poor man ' s right to relief ; in fact , by restrictions and provisions in the workhouse , to prevent tlie poor man from applying for relief , unless he was driven to the last stage of destitution . He was prepared to deny that the effect of the Poor Law had been to raise wageson the contrary , wages in the agricultural districts had fallen , and tliat fall was chiefly to be attributed to the operation of the Poor Law , which had put such restrictions on the relief afforded tothe poor man , that he was willing to take any wages he could possibly live on , rather than submit to the venc ? the poorhouse
afforded him . ( Hear , hear . ) That was lus view of the Now Poor Law , and he maintained that no sincere friend of the working classes could fail to wish that law amended . If the orders of the Poor Law Commissioners liad been carried out _specificalry , the condition of the poor would be the most cruelly miserable that ifc possibly could bo . ( Hear . ) With respect to the question of emigration , he considered that extensive emigration was a great misfortune to the country . At the same time , however , he would not put any obstacle in the way of voluntary emigration , What he would wish to do , was to keep the able-bodied labourers in the country by bettering their condition , and ho was fully convinced that if the resources of the country were carried out , and all restrictive laws removed—if , too .
tiie country were cultivated , as it ought to be , the working hands of the country would not be sufficient for the purpose . There were 44 , 000 , 000 of acres still to be cultivated in this country , and the number of labourers would tall very for short of the demand if that land were to bo put into a state of cultivation . ( Hear , hear , ) The great evil of this country was that the poor man was driven off the land ; there was no land for tha labour of his hands . The consequence was , that the manufacturing industry of the country was overpowered by the number of superfluous hands that were poured in upon it . ( Hear , hear . ) He did not wish further to trespass on the attention of the house . He had only addressed them on this occasion
in the hope that they might be induced to take the claims and wishes of the people iuto their consideration _^ more especially their claim to a share in the making of the laws , and iu sending representatives to that house . The hon . gentleman concluded by moving , as an amendment to the first resolution , that after the word " opportunity" in that resolution , these words be inserted , " to give immediate attention to the claims of the people , so repeatedly urged in lhe petitions of the people for an extension of the Parliamentary suflrage , as well as "—after which the rest of the words of the resolution to follow ; and " that resolutions i , 5 , 6 , and S be omitted . " Mr . W . Williams seconded the amendment .
. Sir James Graham observed , that he should liave risen immediately after Lord John Russell , to move the previous question upon his first resolution , had it not been for the consideration that by so doing he should have been acting discourteously towards Mr . S . Crawford , who in tnafc case would have been prevented from proposing the amendment which he had placed on the notice book , aud which he had just submitted to the consideration of the house . Tbs ordinary form ofthe motions _submitted to thehouse gave them some notion previously of the subjects which they had to discuss ; but tliat of Lord John Russell had thrown the house into a maze of confusion _aatothe topics which he intended to bring before it . If any thing were wanted to complete the
confusion , it was the proposition for the adoption of universral suffrage , which had been introduced by Mr , S . Crawford . He denied that her Majesty ' s Government had ever discouraged legislation by private individuals for the benefit of the industrious classes ; and . 'is a proof of the correctuess of this position , referred to the co-operation of Ministers with Lord Ashley in advocating the interests of the manufacturing population . He could not pretend to follow Lord J . Itussell through all the various details which he had introduced into liis speech ; but lie would endeavour to follow him through the different resolutions which he had proposed to the house . The first wivs one which upon the whole ho considered to be highly complimentary to the
present _Government , lor it snoke of the present state of political tranquillity , * and of the recent revival of trade , which he maintained was attributable to its commercial policy . Tho second passed a condemnation on protective duties ; and on that resolution he wished to remind the house that the object of Ministers in their recent commercial policy had not been the abolition of protecting , but the substitution of them in the place of prohibitory duties . That policy was first introduced by Mr . lluskisson , who had declared his intention of following it up by a cautious and gradual diminution of protecting duties , to be made iu proportion to the increase of the population . That had been the guide of eveiy administration since Mr . Huskisson ' s death , and more _nartiealarly of the present Government . He reminded , the house how much had been done in the last three years to relieve the indirect taxation ofthe country , which pressed so heavily on the industry of t _. ic working classes , and to impose in its stead direct taxation
ahecting the interests of the more wealthy portion of the community . Ministers had found on their accession to office 1 , 152 articles in the tariff , and had reduced them by their bills of 1841 and of the present year to 570 , thereby removing from it more than half' the articles which were charged with duty to the Customs , and relieving to that extent the fetters hitherto imposed upon our commerce . He then proceeded to refute the arguments which Lord J . Ilussell had urged in favour of his third resolution condemnatory of tbe present Corn Law . If Lord J . Russell really thought the law so _prejudl * cial , he ought not to have proposed a vague resolution like that which had just been read to the house , but that the house go at once into committee to consider the _propriety of altering it . Formerly Lord John Russell had defended a fixed dutv as a fiscal regulation , _flow ho abandoned that ¦ " 'round altogether , and said , that lie would leave a fixed duty of Is . ov ¦ ! Js . as a protection to agriculture . After IJUliiiijiiuui _iiiiiiaiii
; , m * . - - ' . m--y OI _tUlS UOCtl ' ino with Lord John ' s second resolution , he proceeded to state his conviction that a fixed duty of 4 s or 5 s . on the importation of foreign corn was -i
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mere delusion . It the price of corn were low i would be no protection ; and if the price wer e lii _' _ci the country would not bear it , and no Govern ,,. ! . - would think of enforcing it . He did not » " T * protection was the cause of agricultural _improvement but he showed that coincident with protecti on th <* £ had been a great improvement in our agricuh _,,, _' and in the productiveness of our soil . It W as J *? factory to know that in the last four years the of labour had increased , the price of the necess _ariw of life had _utminished , and the entire condition ol the working classes had become greatly ameliorated He showed that within the same period there In J been a great increase in our trade , foreign ami j „ mestic , and a surprising improvement in the _m-urn facturing districts ; and inferred therefrom tW the commerce of the country was now in _HIAuA jll \\ _IIDtiMI _Tt fnfl _TM'l / lrt *\ _P An . in .
_wllMficniYif-. nirtfl _lmnlfl't-fr nA _* n _# 1 _ifin _« IT . _ . ft wholesome and healthy condition . He _centrists the condition of the manufacturing dkrirtV 1 1841 aud 1842 with their present cwidL _? and read several documents for the * _,., „ Xi of proving ; that in every department _« r \ W dusfcry earned on without them , there was a _^ l improvement . He referred to the increase of nU roads during the last four years as a proof of the * it £ r increase in the capital of the country , and asserted that , as the whole of the capital subscribed for new railroads would be expended on the labour of our i ¦ tisans , there was a certainty that their prosDcritv would continue for some years . He likewise shoivef ) that coincident with the distress ofthe countrv _thwn had been a large increase , and coincident with hi prosperity a corresponding decrease , of crime , -v port just presented by the Poor Law _Commissioner
proved that in the last year there had been dimn nution of 20 per cent , in the amount of relief .-ivei to the pauper population . That consideration led " liim to Lord John ' s fifth resolution , which related te the PoorLaAvs . Ifc had been alleged that in 1 S 31 t ]| fl Government of Earl Grey had contemplated a mea sure by which a coarser diet should bo forced upon tlio poor . He had previously given an assurauce to the house that that allegation was not correct -. ami i 1 Q was g lad to hear Lord J . Russell that _evening con * firm it . He then described the bill whieh he had in " traduced into Parliament to make an alteration _ijj the law of settlement , and to defend it from the attack of Lord John Russell . He next adverted to Lord John Russell ' s sixth resolution , and said , tliat
he did not exactly comprehend what he meant bv "•* systematic plan of colonisation . " Emigration inust bo directed at present either to the Canadian or to tho Australian colonies . He showed that at Sydney there was at this moment a groat excess of labour , and contended that under sueh circumstances great caution on the part of the Government was necessary . in recommending persons to emigrate for em . ployment in distant colonies . With respect to emigration to Canada , he showed that Govcrnment liad given it some aid by appointmg agents in this country to give instructions to the emigrants before they sailed , and other agents in Quebec , to afford them information as to their best mode of _nvoceedina when tliey arrived there
lie next approached the resolution _respecting tho education of the working classes , on which Lord i , Russell had dwelt with so much anxiety . lie concurred with him in thinking that all attempts to improve the education of tho people must be preceded by attempts to improve their physical condition . He showed that Government had not been inattentive to this part of its duty . In 1841 only £ 30 , 000 had been voted for educational purposes , —in the present year the grant proposed would be £ 70 , 000 . After describing the assistance which Government liad given to the normal schools for the last two or three years , as a proof that Government was not in . disposed to pay attention to this subject , he entered into a description ofthe measures which Sir R . I ' eol had taken for the moral and religious improvement
ofthe population of England and Wales by building churches and placing endowed ministers in them , in the most crowded parts of the manufacturing districts , In the last nineteen months ninety-seven new churches had either been built ov were building in those districts . He then recapitulated the general results of his statement . He thought that the account which he had given of the recent proceedings of tlie Government was indicative of anything but a neglect on their pari ; of the interests of the working classes , Though the speech of Lord J . Russell was not a party speech , ycfc the embodying of his resolutions into an address to the Crown would be considered to convey a censure on the Government . Ik _skvmW therefore move the previous question on fife first resolution .
Sir C . Buriikll in a few words defended the county of Sussex from the unjust aspersions which Lord John Russell had cast , no doubt very unintentionally , upon its inhabitants . He spoke in high terms of the general morality and intelligence ofthe peasantry os " Sussex . Mr . _Labouohebe observed , that it was quite evi * dent , from the tone of Sir J . Graham , that lie had not expected . Lord John Russell to deliver a speech so utterly free from all party topics . Sir James had expected a severe attack on her Majesty ' s Ministers , and had therefore prepared in defence of their measures an elaborate speech , which had little or no relation to the question really before the house . He hoped , however , that he might consider his sucech aa
indicative of the course which the Government was determined to pursue on the questions to which it had adverted . Sir James Graham had made a flourishing display ofthe resources ofthe countrv ; but who could say that the prospect now so bright might not be speedil y overcast ? Even those railroad speculations which Sir J . Graham had _mcntloncil . 13 the sources of permanent industry , were not without ; their disadvantage and their danger . The recoil of them might be mischievous , and ifc was , therefore , wise and patriotic in Lord J . Ilussell to call the attention of the house at thus time of calm to these subjects , and to place on record the course which , in his opinion , was expedient to be pursued . In most of the opinions which Lord J . Russell had expressed he cordially concurred ; for every day he lived lie saw additional reasons for believing that ; the onlv nolicv
tor _England was the firm pursuit of a liberal commercial policy . He then called upon the Government to resume the consideration of the Corn Laws , to alter tlie existing duties on sugar , and not to expose the country not only to the loss of its present trade with the Brazils , but also to the alienation ot the feelings ofthe Brazilian population from it . Sir J . Tvrbmi observed , thatthe agricultural interest had supported the present Administration be . cause they looked upon it as an agricultural Administration . Since tlieir accession to office that Administration had forfeited the confidence of its supporters . He considered the house te be much indebted to Lord J . Russell for bringing forward these resolutions , but he could not vote for them , aa they were not of a practical character . He looked upon the present as nothing else but a Corn Law Ae , « bate .
% After a brief and eloquent speech from Lord Poilington , who declared that he would support a plan of colonisation as distinguished from emigration , and that he did nofc look with the same great degree of alarm as some of his friends on the eventual repeal of the Corn Laws , Mr . _VitziEns observed , that he had been listening all tlie evening for an answer to Lord John Russell on the main question contained in his resolutions , and had heard none . The great question wliich Lord John Russell had raised was that of protection . Ho concurred with every thing which the noble lord hail said on that subject , and waited with impatience to hear from her Majesty ' s Government some defence , i of that system , as some proof that what Lord John Russell had proposed was practically untrue . Sir J . . Graham had described to them in the most glowing terms the effect of free trade . He had fold them , , that since it was introduced the agricultural pea _«
santry were well off , and that their wages had risen . . He had told them that when the price of food wa 3 a high , in 1841 , there was inconceivable distress ; and I he had shown what were the consequences now , when n the price of food was low Sir James Graham was au a invaluable witness in the cause of free trade . Ho a ( Mr . Villiers ) was not going to defend Lord J . Rus- 5-sell ' s conclusion on one subject , but he thanked him a most cordially for bringing forward his resolutions , s The noble lord had broken up the ground and pre . b « pared the way for him , whenever he should propose 3 Q the repeal of the Corn Laws . m Mr . Scott expressed himself strongly in favour of of giving protection to agriculture . On the motion of Mr . 1 ' . Howard , the debate wasaa then adjourned till Wednesday . The other orders ofthe day were then disposed of , ) f , and the house adjourned .
Mas. Wniour—Formerly The "Miss Biffin," ...
Mas . _Wniour—formerly the "Miss Biffin , " wellc known to our readers as a most clever artist , though ** having no hands or arms—is now in a destitute _cou-jiji dition at Liverpool . Evksixo _ExinnmoxAT THE _CotossEUM . —A _privatsa view of the Colosseum , as it is to be thrown open for f the evening exhibition , took place on Saturdav uig ht _^ l : The glyplothcca or statuary-room was bri'lliantljit illuminated from the candelabra arranged in an innenn and outer circle , and presented a more beautifulil appearance even than by day , the rich gilded _oniarn ments coming out with more lustre , and yctblendingli with the general chaste tone of the scene . The onl _^ c feature by which the evening exhibition differs from ' _ri that by day is the view of London bv _niohfc . naintemt
by Mr . Parris . As a work of art , it is fully as _exi ( traordinaryas thatwhieh already exists , andsurpasseass it by the wonderful effects crowded together in it , re ; , i producing every natural detail of the scene with that utmost ingenuity , and rendering the delusion perfecfcfe Ilie haze environing the whole city , and darkly reflcctflc ing the ruddy light which streams from every strccitn or place , is admirably represented , the clouds passin / ssi from time to time over the face ofthe moon , and ind terrupting the rippling reflection in the river , the , stars twinkling apparently at immeasurable distances nci the sounds of night music , and the striking of _cloctoloi continually vary the scene , and render it difficult Uilt believe that the whole is the eifeefc of art . _Indeedde ; no description can possibly convey the im pressioi > ssi created by the painting , which carries scenic effeceff to the highest point it is possible to attain ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 31, 1845, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns4_31051845/page/6/
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