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THE NORTHERN STAR. - SATURDAY, AUGUST 85, 1838.
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TO THE ED1TOKS OK THE NORTHERN STAR.
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TO READERS & CORHESPONBENTfl.
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SPLENDID PORTRAIT
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LEEDS AND WEST-RIDING NEWS
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Northern Star. - Saturday, August 85, 1838.
THE NORTHERN STAR . - SATURDAY , AUGUST 85 , 1838 .
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THE CLOSE OF THE SESSION
Tsb Sm s" ™^ over i ^ *^ Imperial jury has fceen dismissed by her Majesty , much m the same strain us jadge takes leave of tne grand jury at the dose of ? . a assize . Her Majesty recommended ier faithful servant * , after the discharge of their leg idatorial dotje >> , to return to their respective districts , there , as an executive , to carry their laws into 4 fect . -So far so good ; lrat those gcatlemen will pereem a fast-difference hetween making laws and tarrvhtg them into execution . In the first instance , the dominant party , hacked by the merry chero of
ftetioH , -at calmly en throned in all the conse-< fomoe of * elf approval ; no * ye to # can , its tongue to xeproTt ; they represent them-« dTes and themselves only . Bat very dififerent fe their position when they come t » carry out their « earor « . Then they meet the scornful glance , ihe fearless reproach , sad the withering yell of j opoUr execration , which teaches them that they are but the tools of a faction ; the law makers of a
party ; the glares of the Minister ; not the servanto « f the-people . "Whether the past session be reviewed by Whig , Tory , or Radical , the stamp of condemnation must he equally pnt upon it . "We can neither recognise an honourable amalgamation of the three parties , nor yet the purity or distinctness of a single one . The session commenced , as all sessions do , with a trial of strength between the rival factious . The standard of Radicalism was
-apreaxed ty > Wikley and Moleswobth , bat was -abandoned the instant it appeared inside the House , by thostf who had brawled most loudly for it outside . To stifle every such effort was the first object of both factions , and to the mauner in which "Wak-XBt s amendment was met , we attribute much of the agitation which , has since taken place , such of the deep-rooted hatred of "Wbiggery which Ja » been , engendered . The scheming of the outdoor "liberal */ ' who might , by better tact , have wheedled the nation for yet a little longer ,
-was seen through . The fabric of their hope was pulled down , and the O'Connells , Humes , "Wahbtbtoss , Grotes , Clays , and "Wards , -were buried beneath the rains . Ireland was again to be the battle field O'Connell , with his " virtuous Queen ar . d Reform" baud of patriots , were tn be the national sentinels ; * 3 nstiee , " ample "justice" was to be done to Ireland . It was the last trial , the forlorn hope , —denial wa # to be the signal for revolt , and Mr . O'Cosnell ' s desertion would hive been the destruction of rhe
Cabinet . The Irish leader was naturall y supposed to speak the Irish mind . The Ckiholic ? had 73 to 32 . The church of the few , paid for by the many , was the plague-spot to be removed ; and yet we find the leader contending for an instalment , whilr the brave Irish are declaring against the principle . All the channels of jurtice are polluted bv the tt > r-Tuption of local institutions . Municipal laws , smilar to those of England are demanded fur Ireland ; and yet w « find a hase suh / ervience upon the part of the Commons , yielding a readv submission to
meet the Lords upon the standard of Municipal franchise , which in Ireland would have been higher than the Parliamentary franchise in England . In former Parliament * the wedge of ecclesiastical justice and equality had been got in . The Appropriation Clause was recognised , an-1 with it the prini-iple ol the total abolition of tithe * , and the right of laymen , whether Catholics or Protestant * , to dtal with Church property . The Yvhijrs fought a desperate battle over thewedg * -, which they would not allow Sir T . D . Ac laud to touch or withdraw w \ th his polluted baDd , but waited the fitting time to make surrender , with their own hands , of
the only tr iumph ever gained by the Dissenter * , for the purpose of conciliating their old and inveterate ioe . During the Session , Ireland has got a bad Poor Law Bill , a worse Tithe Bill , no Municipal Bill ; but , in lieu thereof , has got an "" Anns Bill , " and will have a "Trade r s Combination Suppression Bill . " Had the Imperial Parliament shown any disposition to do justice to Ireland , Irishmen might lave seen cause for Mr , O'Conuell ' s and the Irish Members' devotion to the "Whigs , but now -we can but recognize in their disappointment the iable of the dog in the manger ; as it did not suit iheir leader ' s purpose to raise Ireland to the level of
ether nation ? , it seems to be their determination to Teduce all others to the degraded level of Ireland . Hence we find the whole phalanx withholding their support from the negroes—we find them fitting tacitly by , while Canada ,- ! rbosepo « tion basbeen compared to that of Ireland , is being coerced -we ¦ find them riveting the chains of the infant factory lave—we find them joining in the Bill for the regiittration of smithies in Ireland , for fear of the manufacture of implements to punish their treason—we find them joining in a crasade against the trades of
ihe empire , and while they complain of "Whig truculency and deceit , they grant Whi g supplies , and present the hobgoblin of Toryism as a shroud to cover their cowardice and subserviency . . While the Iriah leader reviles tbe English Radicals for their Inkew-annness toward Ireland , he presumes to judge of every English measure by the necessity of Ministers , and against the united will of theEnglish . Witness the confirmation of his treason against hi * ward ? , tbe infants , whose ! Lord Chancellor and Guardian be had promised to be . Mark his disregard
of public opinion , as respects the Poer Law Amendment Act ; but above " all , bli attack upon the trades , and bis treason against the Canadians Good God ! our blood runs cold at the bare consideration of hi * conduct , from beginning to end , on the Canadian question J We shall now leave the party , after a single observation upon the advocacy of Ireland ' s lights b y Mr . O'Connell , in order to consider that gentleman and his Malthusian twin , Slashing HiitRT , in their more appropriate characters of agitators . Will any man open the Statute Book ,
-and , reviewing it since the time Mr . O'Connell has had more Parliamentary power than man or Ministry ever possessed before , put his finger upon aBy-oaeact ofMr . O'CoHNELL ' S , conferringabenefit -even the most trifling , upon any , even the smallest , section of fociety . We shall be grateful for the information- , but if none can be given , -we are entitled to ask , of what benefit Mr . O'Connell ha *
heen to anyone but himself and a few babbling sycophants ? We ^ Te thQ ! i trieflj-considered Mr . O'C ^ sjlvm . legisl al 0 Tj and now we are to -riew him in his character of " Precursor " Having failed to procure any benefit for Ireland , he returns to that unhappy country , packs a shilling jnry ol his fashionable constituents , and then after the manner of Job , indulge * in a few lamentations , descriptive of the sorrows which are of big own
creation , and , tike a humane judge , gives his prisoner , ( for Ireland has been his prisoner , not hi * client ) a long day . Another year of trial , another season of agitation , profitable onl y to himself ana * he traitors ; of whom his staff is composed , and whose allegiance is purchased by a division of the iunditolltrcted fur the purpose of regenerating Ireland . Loxalty to bis beloved O . aeen is -upon his lips , while treason to Ireland is rooted in His Lean . Shasman Ce ^ joed WcI 1 ^ gBiited the ncw convention , by the name o f the " Humbug Assoeia-£ oB ; t' but no winder that the manl y charge was
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wK ^ mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmtm unmusical to the ears of those into whose pockets the proceeds will find their way ; DonhUess the pleasure i » as gTe » t Of being cheated u to cheat . But , merciful Heaven when will the Irish see through the dark cloud which obscures their reason P When will they begin to reflect , that the man who lives in trosbled waters , would die when the stream ceased to be agitated . How miserable must that country be whose laws are made by knaves and administered by fools . When will the heart-stirring recommendation of LordNonMANDY to the men ol ..... , , . . ; . ,
Meath , he acted upon ? He told them ( that it was not in tbe power of any man t » do as much for a people , B 8 a people could do for tkemrives . " These words should he written in gold . Mr . O'Connell has paid the debt wf hypocrisy and treason In the commencement of the Sewion , tat WbJgi used him as a tool to beat down the Tories , and at the close , they used the Tories as a tool to beat down O'CoirnBLi . ; and yet , n the Uttlwen of his heart , he again becomes the herald of Whiggery ,
and creates a deceptive agitation , in order to cover his own delinquencies , and those of his "base , brutal , and bloody" associates . How have tbe mighty falltn ! While , this hkiterer speaks of his power over the English mind , we dare him to present himself before any meeting of Englishmen or Scotchmen , without tbe presence of such a police guard of honour as accompanied him into Stockport tpon his last visit to that town . While O'Connell has chalked
outhistourofagitationjLordDrjBHAM ' sgoodnatured friend , Harry , means to try his hand farther North . The fact w , O'Connell ' s popularity snuffed Brougham out ; and , now that Daniel has extinguished himself , the Agitating Lord means once more to light his torch at the expiring blaze ot Daniel ' s pile . But the Scotch know Harry , and will deal with him accordingly . Thus has the Stswion closed , after a lavish expenditure of money , and a new mortgage upon the sinews of working men
in the shape of Exchequer Bills . Our duty now is to meetSt . Stephen ' s itinerants upon all hands , and if in their capacity oflegislator * they have for a season triumphed , we shall teach them that if the sanction of a people is not nece » sary for the making of laws , their concurrence becomes necessary before thosr laws can be carried into Bfllct . All the Democratic Associations throughout the country will be on their guard , and be prepared to move and carry an amen'lment for Universal Suffrage , to any proposition proposed under tbe new Whig system of agitation .
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THF WEEKLY CHRONICLE AND THE BIRMINGHAM MEETING . "When we had noticed tne Birmingham Meeting more than once , and promised again to serve it up to our rtaders , we were not aware that our friend ot the Weekly Chronicle would think the guhjett worthy of so much distinction as to bestow a second article upon its consideration ; eo it \ i , however , and a pretty mess our friend has made of his xetoiid attempt . After some puling lamentations for tlu loss of subscribers , to which disinterestedness and love nf justice have johjectnl the ' Historian and Politician , " he proceeds thus : — " The abolition of thf Corn Laws , the protection of thosr now intrusted with the franchise , tbe pro ^ re .-sive widening * of its basis , these are things which we understand and value . " So do we , Sir , but we have yet to learu how fur " tho » e now intrusted with the franchise "
have gone to procure >> rrpeal of the Corn Laws , or " a widening of the ba- « is" of representation ; and bow they have shown their title to that irresponsi - bility which the " protection' '—that is , the Ballotwould bestow upon them . It has been b y d reliance upon the exertions of such brawlers , that the people have allowed so many mortal stabs to he intticted upon the constitution without resistance . It was because the people were deceived into a reliance upon the sophistry of O'Connell , Hume Wirbubtok , Ward , and the rrst of the Malthusian . ' , that tbe Whig Government has been so often
successful in its attacks upon the liberties of the people ; and jet we are once more called upon to relinquish the substance for the shadow , and to forget the . great principle in tbe detail absurdity of the crotchet mongers . To show that the people have few helpers in their great struggle , Lyeurods goes on to say , " Look at the Press , daily and weekly , which of the papers , Libe-al or Radical , has ventured to unite with Birmingham in proclaiming Universal Suffrage ? " Why every Radical paper in London has joyously reechoed the sentiments proclaimed at Birmingham . However , we can
pardon the Weekly Chronicle writer for not having read those other papers , as tcriting is bis forte , he having commented upon Mr . Attwood ' S speech without having read it . We are not , therefore , surprised at his not having read the Weekly True Sun , tbe Champion , or the London Dispatch : had he read those papers , he would have found that they , as well as we , " venture to unite with Birmingham in proclaiming Universal Suffirage . " But suppose that no paper , London or Provincial , had ventured to join with Birmingham in proclaiming Universal Suffrage "—what then ? If the whole Pres 3 turn traitor
to the people , is that a reason why the people should turn traitor to themselves ? The very fact of a great majority of the Press—the Weekly Chronicle among the rest—upholding the partial interests of the factions in preference to the universal interests of the people , makes it so much the more necessary that by the means of Universal Suffrage , the people should be enabled to uphold their own interests . Our sage of the Weekly Chronicle goes on to moralize in the following strain : — " Most of our dafl y contemporaries seem to think that the less that iasaid upon the subject , the better . In short , the
only journal tb « t Koe » the wh-le hog ( M the Yankees wonld call HJ is the Northern Star , which is the dller ego , the representative in print , of Mr . Kearjfus O'Connor . What we « ht tne opinions of . Mr . OV-onnor may derive from those oftbe paper , or the opininns of the paper trom those of Mr . O'Connor , we cannot prrtend 10 determine . Like Mr . Whittln Harvey '« par ty in the Huuae of Commons , that never waa divided , because n consisted onl y of himself , they naturally respond to and rereiio one another . Yet even here tiv demon ofaiseurd flas lonnd a loop-hole to creep in at , for in the Star of last Satur-Pf 7 » wh . ich announces in the most grandiloquent lone , that Utt Union u rune Ihe Government of the ceunirudejure et dt
, facto , and that the Northern Star is the JHoniteur , the Official bazette , of the new cabinet—a ] though we ure assured that , the execnave is cordiall y united—that they have no differencesno open questions—nothing that can impede the most prompt t a f rm ° n > ° us action . — we find in the next parigmpL ™ r f , * : 7 1 Amer ? anStn 2 ^ ' " « n » t ' »! r . Keareus O'Connor and Mr . Attwood differ , and that , in as far ss the Jforthern suit-in concerned , the enrreucy qneation is to be thrown over-Wrd . Poor -Mr . AttWOod ! Ihu is the nnkindliest cnt of aiJ . in j : _ 1 notes , he lives , mov ^ t . and has his beina . All h ;«
pmiuc * are c , cntrated in this one question . Yet Mr . Fearfrn « O Conm . r dare * to talk ur the pregress of the 'rag-money « tn . ggK a ? d p ^ . t . to the triumph of the people over the DK . n . y rr ,. s , n the Wlted State * , by the re-establishment of a nieulhc eun-ency as * proof of the good working of Universal M . IW ! H ,. w ihe united . xwjtife is to accommodate such a schwrt as thuVtween t * o « f its leading members , we can-Jiot cunj-cture : but thi-e simptoms of that want of co-operauou which serin * ro be the bane or all cahineU , sue very di * - tressing , anuouphito be put an end to . "
Here we have a porbon of the greatest rubbish and nonsense that ever emanated from the head of mortal man . What , in the name of wonder , has the state of America , with little or no debt , to do with the state of England , with her enormous debt , that our sapient friend should so far consider the position "f the two countries analagous , as to suppose that we could justif y , under present circumstances , a like Currtnc-y for both countries . He is raving upon the Ballot and the Corn LawSj and has lost the " appropriation" of bis common senses . But then , he wende « how Mr . O'CoNKOB and Mr . Attwood can so harmonize with the Currency gulph between them ! Now , if n 5 s common reason had not the
power to attach importance to Mr . Attwood , hi , maliwoM ingemnt , has aOD e it effectually , and eStaU « brd Mr . Attwood ' s > haraeter for intt , gritJ > ilr . Attwood may , and probabl y doeg , consider
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his currency scheme the grand panacea for all our evils ; hut , with more honesty than other crqtchetmongers , he says manfully , " So convinced am I of the value of my scheme , that I am ready to submit it to Universal Suffrage ; " while Mr . Ward and Mr . O'Connell chatter about the Ballot and the Abolition of the Corn La ^ s , but would withhold the Suffrajje , although by that alone could those other projects he effected . So much for the comparative honesty of Mr . Attwood and hia revilers . Now , does not the Weekly Chronicle
scribe know full well that Mr . Attwood ' s currency plan forms no part nor parcel of the present agi-. ^ tion ? is he not aware that the subject was not mentioned by Mr . Attwood at the meeting ? We venture also to inquire , has not he himself abused , reviled , and blackened the present Government , because they oppose his Corn Law Repeal , his Appropriation Clause , and his Ballot project ? ana yet , when a "job" it to be done , who is more , eady to sink those , then trifling differencee , and join in th » suppression of liberty ? Mr . Ward
mad * a furioun upeectv againit the Irish , and voted for the Coercion Bill ; yet did he vote for the Appropriation Clause for Ireland ? It does not seem to be a necessary uaderstanding between the present Government and their servile supporters , that any farther unanimity should exist tlian that of keeping the Tories out and the Whigs in ; and yet the Weekly Chronicle is astoniched ( with the remote probability of an ideal difference between Mr . O'Connor and Mr . Attwood , ) that any union can exist between thoi » e two gentlemen upon the
question of the Suffrage . He goes on , " Had we had a little more vigour—a little more of unity of plan—a little more of well understood and vrell regulated principle , in the present Administrationthe new Birmingham executive would never have been heard of . " If this be not a direct censure oh Government for not having " vigour enough" to arrest Messrs . O'Connor and Attwood , and others , we know not the meaning of language . And although our friend endeavour * in his after clap to attach something like blame to the Whigs
we tell him that the sophistry and treachery of such ncribw and supporters , has gone far to embolden tbe Whigs in their transgressions , ¦ while , it has had the pernicious effect of throwing the Radicals off their guard . Now for the third course of the Birmingham glorious and never-to-be-forgotten meeting , rendered daily and weekly more important , in consequence of the abuse of the daily and weekly press . It now becomes the duty of every town , city , and village , in England and Scotland , to give effect to the exertions of the men of Birmingham . Preparatory
mettings have already been held at Manchester , Hull , Carlisle , Rochdale , Ipswich , Middleton , and other places ; and as we find that the Auguatmeeting » w a God send for a week to tbe daily , and a month to the weekly papers , we will give them another windfall for the next month ; and ko on , shall we feed them during the dull season of the recess . The Binningbam petition is being generally signed , and * eeni 8 "o have given more sausf ' aciion than any
public document tver presented to the people . Meantime , the Birmingham Union , backed by Mr . Salt , and his virtuous female staff , seem to have buckled on rheir armour in good earnest , and the Universal mnt « o is , and ou ^ ht to be , onward ! onward ! Union , Universal Suffrage and Liberty , if we have but -ucb enemies as the Weekly Dispatch , and the Weekly Chronicle , to contend against , the victory is sure ; the battle is our own .
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^— PHYSICAL FORCE . The baru mention of physical force seems to hate excited so much alarm of lace among the nestlings • f Whiggery and " Reform , " that we deem it not iimiss to quote a few recent authorities upon tbt i . uhj » Ct . Hi' -editax ^ bomlftmen , know ye not . They who would be free , themselves most strike the blow . O'Conneirs JUotto .
" Sooner than see the grievances of my country continue , I would see her streams running blood , and her green fields crimsoned with gore ; and , though my arm U old , yet is it not too withered to draw a sword in my country ' s cause . "— O'Connell at I lie Drug lieda Dinner . ¦ " What use are your petitions ; let me have petitions that will run thus : —* We , 500 , 000 fighting men , do most humbly petition your Honourable House . ' Let the House know , that you are ready to fight , and then your petitions will be listened to . "—O'Connell at the Dinner at White Conduit House . We heard him .
" Oh ! If we had a Parliament in College Green , wonld ' nt the Kildare boys march in , some fine morning , with their short sticks , to teach their Members how to vote . "—O'Connell . " I hope the day is not far distant when all King ' s beads will be footballs for the boys to kick in the gutter . "—Slashing Harry . 11 Should the Duke of Wellington attempt to force a Bourbon upon the French throne , in opposition to the will of the French people , it would justify a revolt upon the part of the people of England . " —Slashing Harry .
" We are ready to lead you , or to follow you to the death , in obtaining Universal Suffrage . "—T . Attxcood at Glasgow . i ( The time may not yet have arrived when we can repel force by force . "—John Fielden . " We will resist the repeal of the Union even to the death . "—Lord Stanley . Then onward , the green banner rearing , ! ' Go fleth every sirord to the hill ; < On oar side is virtue and Krin , ' On theirs is the parson and guilt . Moore .
" They that be slain with the sword , are better than they that are slain with hunger ; for these pine away , stricken through for want of the fruits of the field . "—Lamentations , fourth chapter | ninth verse . "I declare the man whe attempts to marshal p hysical force , to be a coward and a traitor . In every instance where it has been resorted to , the dupes always consider the last shot and murder as
the completion of their object j whereas , it i » the commencement of misery . Moral power is the deliberative reasoning quality in man ' s mind , which teaches him how to bear , and when forbearance becomes a crime . Never will I acknowledge that you have used your full moral power till every man works as I have done , and has the vanity to consider that himself , and himself alone , can gain the point ; and then , should moral power lail , I will lead you on to death or glory . "—Feargus O'Connor .
We give these extracts for the especial benefit of the Weekly Dispatch , who has called Mr . O'Connor ' s speech at Birmingham atrocious , because he quoted a stanza from Moore .
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THE PLEASURES OF CARRYING OUT THE NEW POOR LAW . Lord Spencer , then Lord Althoup , one oi the fathers of the New Poor Law , once observed in the Boose of Commons , that the unpopularity of a law was a sufficient ' reason for its repeal . Very different is the o pinion , on the same subject , of Mr INOHAM . He feels , in popular discontent , a noble goading to high deeds of daring enterprise , and heroically stakes his owniffom , supported by those of any two individuals , who will join him in the "for lorn hope , " against the determination of the whole
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district in which his residence is situate . Now , a Magistrate should be a man of sense ; and j granting that Mr .- InVham believes the principle of the New Poor Law to be good , we would ask him what benefit he proposes to himself , or to society , from the insane attempt he is now making to cram it down the people ' s throats ? It might he an ^ ct of charity togive a poor fellow a good warm new coatfora threadbare old one ; but ifhehad sogreatanobjection to the new one as to tear it to ribbons , sooner than allow it to he forced upon his hack , we believe all
men of sense will allow that the best thing to be done would be to let him continue to wear the old one , until his judgment could be convinced that the newr one is preferable . Nowj this is the ptan we recommend to Mr . Ingham , to Mr . Power , and to Lord John , Russell . If the N « w Poor Law be a "Boon ^ to ^ the poor" show them : wherei n the V Boon" consists ; show jthem how it wifl operate to tbtdr benefit , and not to their prejudice , and then we engage that the poor will accept it joyfully , and return many thanks to their benefactors
But we tell all these person * that it is out of THEIR POWER TO FORCE IT UPON THE PEOPLE so long as the conviction remains upon the public mind that it is diabolical plot to reduce them to " a coarter tort qffoodJ' And we tell them that this conviction is not to he got rid of b y simply employing the blajckguardiBtn of the Qlobe ^ in asserting that it is a lie—they must show proof—proof satisfactory to the judgment of rational and deep
thinking men—that this new law is indeed a great boon to the poor . " Let them do this , and we promise , on behalf of the people , that they shall have no more , trouble in its enforcement ; but , as for cramming it down our throats b y brute violence we have simply to say upon that subjecr , that " / orce "is a game that two parties can play at , aa wesuppose Mr . lNGHAM has found out ; and wa really cannot conceive any gratification Mr . Ingham cau
derive from making the people happy , in Whig fashion , in spite of themselves , that can adequately compensate him for the mortification which must be endured by a gentleman , a magistrate—one who should be beloved , regarded and looked up to by his neighbours , at finding himself unable to atir safely frcm his own door without soldiers to encort him . How galling must it be to the feelings of such a man to be compelled to quiV hia own home , and sc k refuge in a distant hiding place . Trul y , Mr . Inoham ha ? made a sad mess of his Poor Law patriotism . Upon this head , we must here give one word of caution to our brave Dewsbury friends .
Let them beware of Mott . This tramping pauper tells them that there is no intention to carry out the law , bat that the forms must be Complied with of appointing officers , &c . Two years ago they were tuld , that the formation of the Union and the appointment of Guardians was only for registration purposes and not for the introduction of the Poor Law . Let them estimate the value of this subterfuge , by that . We the n told them that if they allowed the Union to be formed they would surely get the Poor Law in all its blessedness . We now tell them > hat if they allow this Mott to trick them out of their well-timed resistance , they will rivet its chains about their own necks . LET THEM
PUT CONFIDENCE IN THE DEVIL OR THE Devil Kino , sooner THAN IN MoTT . We refer them to our Bradford news , where , under the head , "Give it a fairTrial , " they will there find an instance of the blessed workings of the " Boon " bat may help their confidence in Messrs . Mott and Power .
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—— m : THE FORTY-NINE . There is no subject of more vital importance at this moment to the people of these realms than a judicious selection of persons to represent their interests in the National Convention , which will sit during the approaching session of Parliament . On the choice of these men the salvation of our fatter land greatly hinges . If men of courage and integrity
are chosen as members of the convention , this salvation will shortly be consummated . If , on the contrary , shamr-patriots of any description , should be entrusted with the confidunce of the people , all will be lost , or , at least , the attainment of our rights indefinitely postponed . Let the people , therefore , look round them cautiously- ^ -let them select with judgment , and support with firmness , their representatives .
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London , August 22 nd , 1838 . My dear Sirs , —Our cause will gain nothing by deluding ourpelvea or others . Why do I make this observation ? Because I have seen a eulogiani of Lafayette in one of your recent editorial article * , and because your paper of last week contains the following remarks , which I was sorry to see . Commenting on certain misstatements in the Weekly Chronicle , touching Mr . Attwood and the great Birnmgham meeting , you go on to say .
"So much fo . the charge of dourd folly . Now for the wholesale bad principle of which Mr , Attwood is accused : and for on t more blow while we ha- ^ e LYcURGUa upon his back . The Chronicle goes on— ' Then a ain , what man in his senses ever thought of alluding to Robespierre a * a fit type for an English Reformer ? Mr . Attwood desires to resemble Him . Who , indeed , ever thought of
such a thing , but the writer in the Chronicle ? Not Attwood , as we shall prove by giving his own words from the very back of the ' History and Politics . ' Here they are— ' . He would never be a Robespierre in his country . There should be no blood shed with his concurrence . ' Now , need we say one other word , further than to tell the Chronicle ' s ecribe to read the speech of Mr . Attwood , which be has not done ?"
As a mere matter-of-fact refutation of the Chronicle ' s misstatements , these are very just and proper remarks . When a journalist is guilty of palpable misrepresentations , it is the duty of other and honester journalists to set him ri ght , or rather to set the public right in respect of his misstatemente . But it is not their duty , while removing one delusion , to propagate or countenance other delusions , as bad or worse than the one removed . You will pardon me Gentlemen , for saying that the above paragraph
appears to me to have this tendency . You will pardon me for observing , that Lafayette was not the exalted patriot which you and Mr . Attwood -would make it appear , ( for Mr . Attwood reiterated your praise of LAFAYETTE at the Birmingham meeting , ) and that Robespierre , so far from meriting the character insinuated by Mr . Attwood , and propagated by you , was one of the purest ) one of the most humane , ( aye , humane !) and one of the most enlightened Reformers that ever existed in the world . These , I know , are only assertions ; but
they are assertions which I am prepared to prove by a thousand indisputable facts . Nay , I will go further , I will undertake to -. ¦ ¦ pr ove that LafayettE was a cheat , a tyrant , a traitor , and a scoundrel ; and that Rpbe 6 > pierre v ; as not only the opposite of all these , but that he actually did and suffered more for the cause of buinanity , during his brief career , than any other statesman , legislator , orator , or pilblic character , . to be found in the whole circle of history . I care not with whom the comparison is instituted . I will give iny ad \ -ersary his choice of all Plutarch ? s
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heroes and statesmen . I will give him- ' a carte blanche to ransack the historic stores of Herodotus , Thtjcidydes , Polybius , Josephus , LivY , TACiTUS , and as many ' more of the ancients ; as he likes , or those of Rollin , Rapin , Voltaire , Gibbon , Humb , Robertspn , and as many more of the iaoderns as he likes ; or , coming to our own immediate time !' , I . will" allow him to select , out of all the public characters that have figured Within the last fifty years in France , England , and the United States , the
MAN who ^ he supposes , has done most for the human race , and I will undertake to prove that Robesfiebre was superior to that man , at a benefactor to ihe human race . I do not say that Robespierre was at once thewisest , the ' most intellectual , the most upright , the most disinterested , the most courageous , the moat eloquent , the most humane , and the most benevolent man of whom history make * mention , but I do say I will undertake to prove that he possessed a larger proportion of these several qualities , ( taken
conjointly , ) than any other public man , of ancient or modern times , known to history . This , I am aware , is saying a great deal , but let my adversary only name bi » time and place , giving me a month ' s notice , > and I will engage to meet him on the subject . I will only stipulate that , in case my challenge be accepted , the discussion shall take place publicly , in a building capable of holding Jive thousand persons ; that there shall be no charge for admission ;
and that I shall be put to no expense whatever , beyond my travelling or other personal expenses . That will be more than enough of expense for me , for , I cannot well afford even that . Should any friends or agents of the present Whig Government honour our proceedings with their presence , I should like them to be accommodated with seats in tbe most conspicuous part of the building , so that their counteuances , ( supposing them to be able to keep cheir countenance ^ ynii ^ ht be visible to the whole of the assembly , during the whole of the
discussion . I trust , Gentlemen , that you will do me more justice than to suppose , that the foregoing challenge is bjt so much idle vapouring on my part . What i have said , 1 have said deliberatel y , and what I have engaged to do , I iw 7 / . do , to the best of iny ability , in case the opportunity b : afforded me . I do not say , that I will prove this or I will prove that . 1 only say that I will undertake to prove . Of the Weight and value of my proofs , it will be lor the audience , not for me , to judge . I will undertake to
prove that Robespierre Was as nearly as possible the opposite of what history has represented - him . I will undertake to prove that ht was an immeasurably superior man to Thomas Attwood , or to Daniel O'CoNNtLL , or to Fearous o'Cunnob , ur to Cabtw kiuht , HuNt , or Cubbett , or to Washington , Adams , Maddison , J .,. ckson Paine , or even Jefferson ; or to Burkk , Fox , Pitt , or Chatham , or to any Member oi the present House of Commons , or to any Member of the House of Lords , or to any other public
character now living , or now dead . I will undertake to prove that he was , in a pre-eminent degree , patriocic , benevolent , humane , eloquent , eoar ^ tous , well-informed , magnanimous , incorruptiblej and laborious . I will undertake to prove that he made greater , wiser , and more successful efforts for humanity in Jive years ' , than any of the great names above cited made in fifty . I will undertake to prove that if justice were done to ROBESPIERRE , instead of being calumniated and execrated as he has been by knaves and fools
of all description * , monuments would be erected to him in every civilised country on earth . I will undertake to prove not only that he was not the author of all , or any , of the horrors committed in the French Revolution , but that he laboured harder than any other Frenchman af his day to prevent such horrors ; that throughout the whole of that eventful period , he laboured with consummate ability , and with Godlike perseverance , amidst the most bitter and discouraging circumstances , , to reconcile the various conflicting factious with one
another , and to reconcile all of them , with reason and with justice ; and that if he ultimately perished in the attempt , it was not in consequence of any crime he had himself committed , but through his incapability of committing even one crime , and of making head against the crimes of his destroyers . I will prove that all the crimes and horrors falsely attributed to him b y history were , in reality , committed or caused by the
inhuman tyranny of the base Aristocracy , and of the baser middle classes of France , in whose interests all the histories , hitherto published , have been written ; and , finally , I will prove that it is all but certain that Robespierre would have ultimately succeeded in regenerating France , in spite of all the factions , had he not been assassinated through the foulest cons piracy that ever disgraced the annals of political crime .
You , Gentlemen , profess to be lovers of fair play and free discussion . You do more than profess } you prove it , by throwing your columns open to the advocates of opiuious different from , and , sometimes , the opposite of your own . Now it is in the spirit of fair play and free di scussion and in that spirit only , I have ventured the preceding remarks , which , I am aware , will appear to most people to be , in the last degree , extravagant . " No matter for that , they are my honest , well matured
convictions . I do not ask you , or anybody else to hold my opinions without being similarly convinced of their truth , but I do ask , for the sake of the eternal interests of justice , that you will not propagate one set of opinions , even though jou should happen to hold them yourselves , without giving the lovers of fair play , holding opposite opiuions , an opportunity of answering and refuting them , if they can . That you will do this . in the present instance , I need no other guarantee than your past conduct .
If I believed Robespierre to have been the blood-thirsty monster , be basbeen depicted in history , I would not be his eulogist . If I thought , with you and Mr . Attwood , that Lafayette was a brave and virtuous patriot , I would not be an eueroy of his fame . But , I believe neither the one nor the other . On the contrary , I believe that Robespierre was the best friend that France ever had , and that Lafayette was one of her worst
. Mr . Attwood says "I will never be Ihe Robespierre of my country . " In that Mr . A ^ is ptrlectly correct , but when he coupled that asseveration with another about " shedding blood , " he ought to have applied the latter to Lafayette and not to Robespierre . Robespierr e never did shed innocent blood . Lafayette did . Lafayette was the author of the horrible massacre ol 1791 , in the Champ-de-Mars—a massacre in whicn
a multitude of person ? were cruelly and without cause put to death . Robespierre , not only had no share in the massacre , but had his advice been followed it would not have taken place . If Lafayette professed the same power in England-mom ?; which , he did in France in the years 1790 and 1791 , JVIr . Attwood and his brother Unionists would , to a certainty , have been cannonaded at Hollow . ayhead . Lafayette destroyed hundreds of persons , during the Revolution , for language not the hundredth part so Radical or so violent as Mr . Att-
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wood is in the habit of using at his Unib ^ meeHoJ and had it not been for the v ; l » jraye ^ resistance ott £ ' Parisians , he wonld have ; destroyed the jf aC obife ; Club , broken up all the ( popularsocieties , and annW hilated the popular press ^ He made the atteni ptihe made it with an armed frrce— -and ^ he inade ij under the authority of a Martial Law of which ^ was the principal author , abd whichThe alone ever dared to execute against the armed people . Talk o ( Lafayette as a patriots He was an Execrable tyrant . He voted for giving Louis XVL an abso . \ uteveio on the laws-- <) f giving him the power of war and peace—for giving him ; an . enprmoua C ^ List , and for reinstating him on the throne ^ after his abdication . He Toted for Martial ^ vLaw—ht voted againat the independence of Bel giumXhe ad «
vocated every legislative m « a # ure for excluding th « wt > rking classes from the National Guards—for excluding them from every political and munici pal triut and franchise , for robbing th « m ' - ' of th « righk ^ petition—in short , for every measure the Constitaent Assembly decreed , with the View of making the ^ abject slave * . He did ' more he repeatedly trieS U leave them without W single political chik or de . fender , hj openly attempting th * lire . * f « verr honest patriot that raised a voice in . their t * roxa , And this is tha way Mr * Attwood praises ! whilij he excites horror against KoBBSPiERRB , wh » laboured to prevent all LafatStte ' s tyrannies . But after all Mr . Attwood is not to blame- ^ bi has been imposed upon by living , historians and lying journalists . When he comes to know the troth he will think differentl y . He will thank hii
stars that there are no Lafayettes in England , ta proclaim and execute Martial Law against th » honest Unionists of "Brummaguni . " Having said so much of Robespierre ani Lafayette let me conclude with two pafagraphi which exactly illustrate their respective acts and principles . Mr . Attwood will recognise one of them at any rate .
LAFAYETTE 8 PRINCIPLES . " MURDER DEMANDS JUSTICE . " Brother Radicals , —The memorable 16 th of Aneust , that never-to-be-forgotten day in Manchester w nearat hand , and we call upon you once more to assemble on the plains of iVttrloo and ttiew prove to the perpetrators of that inhuman Oeei mat ) ou have not forgotten , nor will you ever forgive until Jusiice' ha * been obtained . for the outrages that w « r « committed on tiiat day . Shall the shrieks of the butchered children— the piercing cries of the slaughtered women , anj the d > ing groans of the murdered men , be forgotten b j the Kudical Keiormersof Manchester , for peaceably and legall ? lui-Ktmg tn petitioia ; for a repealof the . infdiiioiw Corn Law / and a Kadical Reform in the representation of the people a ih « Cumuious' House of Parliament ?
Robespierre ' s principles . ( From Robespierre ' tBepqrt tothe Qmwntion on thelSth P [ % verso qf the 10 thyearol ' llie Republic . ) " Wede 8 ire an order of thingBj in which all the mean anj cruel passions shall be chained down . ; . all the : beneticeni anj ^ euer uus p . isaionH awakened by the lawa ; in whichai » bitios stmll coHnist in the desire . ot " meriting , glory and serving ora cuiiittry ; in which distinctions shall spring but from equality iUnit ; in which the citizen shall be subject to the magistrates the magiutrate to the people , and the people to justice ; a which the country shall ensure the prosjieruy of ¦ . ' ¦• s very . indi vidual , and in which each individual Shall eujoy with prid « the prosperity and glory of hia country ; in which every seal
shall bt ; aggrandized by the continual intercommuuicatiou oJ Republican sentiments , and b y the wish to merit the efteem hi u gieiitptfople ; in which the arts shall flourish iis the dectirdtwiia of tne liberty that ennoble them ; and in whid commerce will be a source of public riches , and not of th in ustroUH iipulehce of a few great houses only . " We desire to substitute in our country morality fur egotism , probity for honour , princi p les for usages , duties fqi counv » ie > i , the empire of reason for the tyranny of laxhioi . enntempt of vice for contempt of misfortune , m .. nl y pride bt insuleiice , greatness of soul for vanity , love of alory tor ( ht iuve » V money , honesty lot TesuectaDiHty , good people for jiooil e . iiiiui . i . y , merit lor intrigue , ^ e niati fur wit , truth for
aisptuy , the chaimn oV happiness lor the ennui of peainie the greatness-of man for the littleness of the great , a pe » tle uiaguaiiimuud , poweiful , and happy , for a . people aiiiialle , irivulpus , and miserable ; in a word we desire to substitute 2 the miracles of thfi Republic for all the vices and alltfe ridiculi . u . H fopperies of the monarchy . :, VVe desire , in short . t . u fulfil the yows of nBture , to , accomplish the doctrines of liumuuity , to absolved providence , froni the ioug reign of crime and t } r » nny- ^ . thatKrance heretofore illustrious amongst ensliived countries , may , by eclipsing all the free states that ever exi ted * become amodel for nations , the terror of oppt * sors , the consolation of the oppressed , the ornament or the world—and that in sealing our work with our btuod , we ui « at least witness the breaking dawii of universal felicity . "
Such were the respective principles of Lafayette and Robespierre ! It is for Radical Reformers and honest men to say which they prefer . My life to a baubee that Mr . Attwqod , himself ^ will gtoe the preference to Robespierre . Yours &c . BRONTERRE .
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( FROM A STEEL PLATE , ) OF ¦"' ¦¦ - ' : ; - ¦' sir w , moleswmm BART ., M . P . FOR LEEDS , Will be presented to our SCOTCH and other NORTHERN PXJRCHASERS of toe * STAK of this Day , Aug . 25 .
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Mr . Brooke . —/ should be most happy to defend the Anti-Peor Law men and the poor insane woman , at Wakcfield , but 1 cannot . 1 A those out plead for them ., by making the grau grow at the door of the enemy . Do not it frightened man ; no surrender . You wert right not to attend the board on the day ofbattlt ; for ifyouhady they would have shotyou and a number o f the poor people . I blamed youd fir st ; but , upon consideration , you were righi . Yours most faithfully ,
EEARGrUS O'GONNOB . P . 5 . If starvation is to be the order of the day it will starve Government and all out . To Mr . Titus Brooke , Dewsbury . Mr . O'Connor will have muck pleasure in attending the Nottingham Meeting , and will see ( hi Birmingham Council on Monday the 27 th , and mention the circumstance required to be stated it them , and also to those other friends mentioned . ¦¦¦ ¦'
Mr . O'Connor will be at Birmingham ontheMk and , consequentl y , must regret his inability to attend the Stockport meeting . Mr . O'Connor icill shortly reply to his goodfrtendi at Colne , and will comply with their reqiied He will give them sufficient notice , but hit thnt will be fully occupied for some time . R . Nash . —The Portraits will be \ given at ' Stockim Kennedy , Eipon . —His Let'er is not suitable M our columns . We have handed it to . -Q Society here , who will , doubtless , make % v& use of it . ¦'; . ¦ " ¦ John Ambler . —We cannot insert his emmutdeation . Polemics are altogether out of our spl& {' Philo—Amicus—Verax—W . W . K . and
Peterv-Their verses are ) consigned to the deadfiW S . Swift . —It wont do . ' George Julian Harney . —TF ? rfb not think J advisable to point out individuals ¦ whom ^ people should elect . He will see that tee h /"' adopted part of his letter under a dijfeiW form . : ~ We have to acknowledge the receipt of 17 *> fi * Rochdale towards the Clapham Fund ,
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leeds . : );¦ : . ¦ . .- . . - ,-..: Inquest . —On Thursday ni ght , an inquest ff * held at the Court House , on view of the body of S woman , named Maria Mallinson resident in ^ ^ Lane , who is snspected to have poisoned hersfilf PJ takiDg arsenic . In consequence : of ihe ahsence of » material witnessj the inquest was adjourned ^ yesterday evening . " - " . "¦ •' Social Festival . — "We understand that another of those pleasing and rational entertainment 1 * 1 ' to take place on Monday week . We are glad of tbi ? j because we think that the providing of active aw yet innocentfamusement lor -the people will <» c much to ameliorate the character of the working classes , and weatt them from those mischievous ^ degrading habits which are at present too commoii among them . Mr . Fleming , of Birmingham , V expected to lectiire on the Sunday preceding l " l ^ tival , and to be present at the festivai .
To The Ed1toks Ok The Northern Star.
TO THE ED 1 TOKS OK THE NORTHERN STAR .
To Readers & Corhesponbentfl.
TO READERS & CORHESPONBENTfl .
Splendid Portrait
SPLENDID PORTRAIT
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Leeds And West-Riding News
LEEDS AND WEST-RIDING NEWS
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Aug. 25, 1838, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1020/page/4/
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