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Northern Star (1837-1852), 6th February 1841, Edition 1 of 4, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      TO TIT 2 FUSTIAN JACKETS , BLISTERED EAXDS , AXD UXSKORX CHIXS , ON A UXTG >~ OF TECSE WHO LITE BY LABOrR WITH TS 05 E WHO LITE OX THE PROFIT OF THE lABOrB OF OTHERS . *¦ As well may the lamb with the ti ^ ex unite , " The nsonse with the cat , or the lark with the kite . " JIT deab Fbiexds , —Yen , over whose ererj Inter-^ t I tare iratched with a food , a parent care , ¦ white you have been hard at work , or , in broken slumbers , jefreshing your weary limbs for another round in the uitioiial mill , to you I adores my thoughts . .

      Ton will do me the justice to say that , five years ago , I -used the motto which I no * place at the head of this letter , to proTe the impossibility of any beneficial ^ jiioa bein g formed between those who live by their tnrn labour , and those -who lire upon the profits of ejhers' labour . Let me mike this as plain to every man as the 2038 upon his neighbour ' s f ; ce . Whit is the " castts belli , " the point in dispute ? Is ft not that tie labourers , upon thtir own part , look for a bett £ r remuneration fur their labour ; "while , npon the pirt of their employers , they look for a greater pro 5 r on that very labour ? Xothing can be more clear than this , and nothing , therefore , can be more clear than tfc&l mask alone caa effect the dcnl It object .

      As a matter of political necessity , the masters tell you that your condition alone is the frtat and governing object of their new enterprise . Let me test this . They say the repeal cf the Corn Laws wili accomplish tbe desired end ; while I have proved , over and , over fgv -n , that it would but multiply ruin . But , if their cfrjiCi was solely one of consideration for you , tow happens it that they never try any scheme , for your telkf , save and except such plans as those in the taccess of which they themselves have the greatest interest Substantial comfort of your order forms no part cf their plan , and for *>» « reason— they have so completely turned ramre " top > y turvy" that they , liviDg

      to . Eitificial life themselves , propose that you also shall encraee the same . It appears , however , that the artificial market is already overstocked and wiil not admit of such an addition as the proposed nnion and inxm the proposed principles . This is quite clear ; artifcial society presses too hardly npon man ' s natural resources , amusements tpardon me for mentioning the ¦ word amusement in connection with slavery ; and disposition . In this stats of things , I say , let the poriion d sixdery who wish to live more in accordance with icture ' s laws , checked by man ' s artificial and proper restraints , return to the bosom of nature and thereby relieve , for a time , the press on artificial society .

      Give to one million heads cf f&miiies , for a full rant , tiie means of supporting seven millions of ths " surplus pD s iHaiion" in cemfort , peace , sSocnce and content * rntnt , and thns harmonise , and something equalise , the artificial portion of aociety relieved by so large an emigration to port Mature . By this means you insure a redprociry of interest ana dtpendency , and without an egcal dependency yon can have neither jostica nor even mercy . Until the masrer is as much dependant npon tiie workman , for an augmentation of his capital , as ¦ jjie tp-ti js npsn the master for employment in the pursuit , no union can be fjrmed upon anything like equality .

      Having thus proved that tie masters trill not join in , at even countenance , any measure which has your gooa only for its orjret , let me novr shtw you the complete and utrer hopzdes ^ ess of cv ^ r accomplishing what Js called a union "between misters asd men , upon tarsus of equality , or even upon tenna which can have any other tfect than a further pr-itrstion of the lab ourers . T&s society as at present constituted , and I will at ccce prove to Tea thit an union cannot exist . Let us

      take , as an Esaiup-Je , the middle-class society in any jESX-ciactsrinj town in EnglanJ . This sodety is subdivided into sections and classes , having either identical Ot actagoaii-tic interests . The maniLfacturers , merchants , hani ; . * s , iicpirrpers , lawyers , and tradesmen ot tie hijjfir artier , rnsy be raid to represent the middle-class inter = it ; while oversseia , shopmen , clerks , and all rcbordinatei and dependants , compose the rorking stiff , as a political body . Well , then , mark —and saxk well—the impediments to any union with SET of these classes .

      Suppose the manufacturing portion to consist of ocs , two , or three hundred of masters . They are firstly divided into Whig and Tory ; and secondly , the social distinction , claimed by the ruling , the governing , and leading members of poth parties , are much more dear to them than your political rights . Ths large capitalists are perfectly satisfied with things ns they are , or rather they prefer them to the risk of change , and they rule the inferiors of their own class . The tail of each class prtftr their social distinction ; which they think tfcfy best preserve by being at the wrong end of the ezilusonists ; to even the risk of contending for an extension of political rights , at th « expence of the loss of the countenance of tLe ieaiers of their own

      truer . Take the shopkeeping class- As yet they are only in the position in which you w = re when you were led by crotchet-mongers and wafted by every political breath . Thiee-fifths , at least , are satisfied with things a they are ; and they , from superior property , hold the rod of social exclusion over all wfeo shall politically abandon the eld faith . All these classes have then to be brayed , as you have been , in the mortar of adversity , before a ¦ perfect nnicn can be hoped for . They isust , ls the apothecaries have it , be pounded very Sue , suHillissiiM trite , before the bolus is ready for the catient .

      Be ^ r in mind th 3 t necessity has been yosr drill sergeant , and that until a majority of tbe labouring eiassEs became paupers , you and your trades' unions hid your clubs , your orders rnd your associations , each endeavouring , under existing cirromrtances , to pull a livelihood for th ^ ir own order , at the expence of all othfctt , uatil , at length , that fellow-feeling , which makes men wondr ^ ns kind , drove yon irresistibly into ooecJasi of the poor oppressed . In 183 S I divided society into two classes , " the rich oppressor and the poor oppressed , " acd as such I Lave ever since dealt with political society .

      In olden times a few deserters very much weakened the disunTted ranks of the people ; a good crotchetaozger took with him a whole section to tbe enemy ; but now revolt is but as the sloughing off of the prond ° : sh from the Bore , leaving it cleaner and more easy oC cure . Who are the hostages which the new allies propose tar the rood faith of their party ? WLj the very felbws who have , over and over again , sold the people ' s eause . Recollect that the literal meaning of the term tatlo ' i - with , the middle classes , is , you . working men , just now be quiet , cant you , and give yourselves up to the use which a few trsfScking politicians shall < £ dnk propsr to make of you for our Bole use , behoof snibentfit .

      Don't mistake the matter ; the middle-class gentlemen don ' t propose to agitate , or to take any trouble ; ill ths : honour they intend for you , when , like good sportsmen , they will come In fct tho heel of the hunt , lad snap up the game from the exhausted pack- Of vmx yon must expect some desertions . Hy cbject through life has been to make yon independent of such casualties , and I have so far succeeded u to render even my ewn abandonment of the cause a king of no great moment to you , while it would consign me to eternal infamy and disgrace .

      I now tell you how to know a chap who is preparing toe " flitting , " a * -we say of the runaway tenants in Ireland . The leader , who is in a state of pr » bation Cor a change of political faith , Trill be always known by the following marks and token * : —He will , in the erst instance , endeavour to enlist around his own proper person , a set of disciples upon some new faith , differing , in the shadow of a shade , from the Charter , just u the Dissenters differ one from th « other about &e shadow of rsoonsbine . These disciples constitute bi * body-g ^ ard , He begins his course by picking holes ia his old faith , and with his old associates . He becomes more and more violent , and , at lecgti , he begin * to ****** to what he call * reason ; he then rubs hiBtkiiU t « thase of th . e claa ' most influential of hi » about-to-be

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      nJcpttd friends . He then watches ail and every opp > riuti ? y of associating wi : h them , and at last nU ; uds thar tovetings , and , while he se ' . ls you , he -weuid ptr-¦ tuade you that he ha 3 surrounded the whole force of ¦ the enemy , and taken them all prisoners . Such men I irresistibly remind me in their newly-inflimed , excited , | and cock-tailed Btate , of a " garron" of a horse at a j fair figged up for the occasion , and , liko the ignorant bumpkin , who , not knowing the real cause of uneasiness of the burning baast , takes his writhing for high spirit * , and very often give 3 i-. venty pounds foi ths horse flesh and thirty for the ginger ; and when he finds that the I animal loses his ginger valiancy , and drops his tail , he

      begins to think he ha 3 " paid too dear for his -whistle , " just as the porchisers of one of eur cocked-tails , who , instead of finding that a whole section of the Chartists constitutes a part of the tera g of tha bargain and sale , discover , to their mortification , that they have purchased a " garron" -with a piece of ginger under his ts . iL I think -we cannot do better , then , than to christen all deserters " cocked-tail gingers ; " and thus , as we have always sailed with our colours at the mast head , let even the enemy know what they purchase . I asked yon , in Juiy , wh : ch of the middle classes yon were to join ; for you have two at daggers drawn — Wnigs and Tories—and neither united among themselves .

      Have the Tory middle classes , either as magistrates , prosecutors , or jurors , been moro hostile to Chartists than the Whigs ? Hive they made worse Guardians , or e * -Q $ rio Guardians , of the poor ? Have they made worse Visiting Magistrates of prisons * Have they , in short , in anght oppressed you more than ths very vagabonds , who quote Scripture , while thty defile every " clean thing , and then ask you to join them . You may join them ; but I'll be d d if ever I do , or if ever the Star sha ! L I bsgan the battle with yon ; I'll fight it cut with yon ; and well die , or conquer , together ; but from cur colours we move not an hair ' s breadth ; from our principles we burtgo n » t a pin ' s point—though thousands rot in prisars , die en the scaffold , or work in the colonies .

      We will this time prcve , 3 : 1 fact , what has been a mockery for ages , that the people are "the legitimate source cf all power , " and that Great Britain and Ireland shall be the envy and admiration of surrouuuing nations . If the object of tbe enemy be to desert us , we Well know how to receive them and "will ^ lace them under a strong guard , lest they corns as spies to our camp . In our own union wears invincible aad omnipotent , whi ' e a union with xhsm would make us the laughingstork of the whole wotid . I tell you tha : the union only means the power of keeping the iron hoof of Toryism frcm our ntcks in order that the iron hoof of Whiggery may have an undisputed posseisian of the restingplace .

      Have you not had enough of middle-class union in I SSI-2 , or do you want to be sold a ^ ain ? The very hacks , to whose leaienhip yon are designed to be transferred , are the men who have allowed the Govsmraert to commit wholesale plunder and injustice , in crier that they may be allowed the profit upon retail abuse . If I had a choice , I would a thousand , aye , ten thousand times , rather be governed by Melbourne , >" ormanby and Russell , than by O'Connell , Wakley and Co .

      Xow , just attend , for one moment , to a voice which comes from a most iuftrnal place—a felon ' s solitary stone cell , and listen to reason , or , at least , reason the matter with yourselves . Firstly , then—Do those demagogues ever court an alliance with you when they are strong enough to hold their ground without you ? No ; they trample upon yuu . ' Secondly—What has reined the Whig cause ; which , by observance of honourable conduct , might have btcn

      xaide the rallying point for all Europe ? Yes , had the Whigs played the Reform game fairly , they were masters of the world , and England was the ration of nations—Ireland the gem of Isles , and Scotland tbe land of freedom , science , and the arts . -By Heaven i ! we could have fecaten tha world ; bacaase Reform orinciplea woald have given us friends in every foe ' s camp . Well , what has dashed them , or rather rolled them by degrees , from this proud eminence ? Why com-I promise ; nnion with the Tories , the very weakness of ! which they cow ask you to be guilty .

      Thirdly—If , you are disunited , deceived , and scattered once more , who ajain will raliy you , and when again will you be in a position to make your party the terror of all evil-doers ? Hear , then , my last words for to-night . Let us stick together like men—like the bundle of sticks , and I promise you that we will beat all brfore us . " United we stand , divided we falL " Let us once g « t the old malefactors into a glorious constitutional micftrity , and then we'll make the galled jades put their sore necks to the collar , and pull the Chartist waggon up Constitution Hill ; but we II work them in wrinkles lest they start , and jib , and &too at the Treasury .

      j Let our motto then be —>* o Lnion with the enemy ; no surrender . ' Onward , and we cosquer , backward , j and we filL Hurrih ! Hurrah . ' Hurrah ! for ODr side ; and three groans for the ruffians who imprisoned the ' officers that they may seduce the soldiers from their dnty . But , thank God , not a deserter—not one I " cocked-toil ginger , " and woe be with the first I unfortunate " garron , " he will pay too dear for his fig . ! Again , hurrah for the r . uugeon , the people , and tbe Charter . Down -srith tht temple of corruption , and up with the imperishable monument of freedom—the freedom of thonght , and freedom of action , where it trenches net upon the covenant , natural rights of others . I am , Your friend , Feabgls O'Co . n-nor .

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      TO HER MOST GRA . CIOUS MAJESTY THE QUEEN . Madam , —We have seen that constitutional defect " , and the misarrangemen'U of society , are the parents of much of thai mass of crime and dereliction from right principles , which so loudly call f , or corrective and remedial measures . The third source of tbe frixhtful evils which overspread our land , Lj the imperfect , and , in many instances , the c . orss than useless , education of our people .

      It has been observed by an eminent writer , that" a little learning is a dangerous thing ; " and it is a lamentable fact , that of this " dangereos thing , " we have much more than enough in this misgoverned land . Indeed , it is a question whether , in practical education , we are not far behind the most uncivilised nations of Europe-I know that we have schools of every kind and character , except that of usefulness . 1 am sensible , that if the boasted systems of Dr . Bell or Mr . Lancaster , the so-called national schools , and those of the British and

      Foreign School Society , did what they profess to do , we should have Borne right to call ourselves an educated people ; and if the Universities were really seminaries of sound learning and religious education , the upper and middle classes might , with some shew of reason , put forth a similar claim . But , as I can prove that neither the one nor the other do , cor are anything like what thej profess to do and be , I am compelled to maintain that we are , in practice , an uneducated people .

      I do not call examinini ; a boy or girl upon dogmas of theology—mis-stated , perverted , or falsely reasoned ; upon Bcrapa of history ; and we have scarcely any bisUry which deserves a better character)—the means of discusiing the disputed cavils of chronology—the acquisition of ancient and modern languages—an txtensive acquaintance with arts , science , and literature—a knowledge of the most approved method * of trade and commerce , combined with music , dancing , and other polite and taihionzhle accomplishments—education ;

      and yet this u considered education of a mos t liberal character . As well might we call a mass of stone , timber , and other building materials , a stately palace , or a magnificent cathedral . >' o , Madam , real and genuine education consists in the knowledge of the means of practically applying all these materials to the purposes of use . It is no uncommon thing to find it stated by the press , ( ths conductors of ¦ wh ich , for the mosi par t , are among the most ignorant of the multitude . « f uneducated beinp ot « whom yon

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      reign , ) that among such and such a number of persons convicted of crime , so many could not read , and bo many could read , but could not write ; and so many could only real and write very imperfectly ; and thus is the false notion engendered and propagated , that the greatest number of criminals are to be found among those who have not these acquireinenxs ; and by inference , that to teach children to read and write , is the beat and most certain preventative of crime . If this statement were correct , then thoae who have been favoured with all the other matters which I have enumerated , and which are totally out of the reach of all but the opulent cJacses , ought to be the very tie plus ultras of moral excellence . We shall see , as we pass along , that this is as far a * possible from being the case .

      I contend that nothing is worth the name of education that fails to impress upon the mind of tbe student the necessity of his so acting as to secure his own interest , not as an isolated being , living only for himself , bat in accordance with the welfare , the prosperity , and the happiness of that community of which he forms a part . Anything contrary to thi 3 , or anything short of this , is not education ; but only a developement of , animal cunning combined with perverted rational powers , "which , under the domination of internal selfishness , is striving to secure Us own ends by practising upon the weakness or ignorance

      of mankind . This pretended education , I grieve to say , is at this moment most fearfully prevalent among all classes of your Majesty ' s s \ il > jects ; and contributes , to an unknown extent , to increaso the black ca t alogue of crime , which presents so hideous a picture to the contemplative mind . I have . said that all practical education consists in the knowledge of bow to apply the various acquirements we raay possess to the purposes of use . By this I mean , that what we acquire as knowledge in the understanding , wilj be of no service to us—nay , will be a positive evil—unless it be caajoined with an earnest desire so to apply it to the purposes of life , as to mako it conducive to , and productive of , a spirit of justice and kindness , both in ourselves , and , as far aa possible , in all over whom w «

      have any influence . It is for wan t ot this governing and ruling principle , that we so often apply the instruction we have received to the basest , the most sordid , and the most unprincipled ends . And hence is it that the most flagrant crimes are frequently perpetrated by tbose who have bad what is generally , though most erroneously , considered , a liberal education . Suffer me , however , to remark , that the crimes which are the result of imperfect education , must , in « rder to a proper understanding of our subject , be divided into two classjs ; that class which is deemed disreputable , and for which the delinquents are held amenable to human laws , and that elms which is not called crime , but by a variety of specious names , too long here to enumerate , and which is considered honourable and

      rtspectable . I will mention a few of each , in order that your Majesty may perfectly comprehend my meaning ; and , as you are head of the Church , you cannot ol-ject to my citing the command men ts of the decalogue as the laws which are the mast binding authority upon a Christian people . Now , if I prove that while we pretend to honour the laws of God , we paaish a small breach of these laws with severity , and count a large breach , of them as honourable and praiseworthy , 1 shall show , ; o a demonstration , the imperfect state

      of education amongat tho = "o who claim to have it in the highest perfection—the legislature , aud the upper classes—and the inference will bo inevitable , that , while so lamentably uninformed , or uniiibtru ; ted themselves , all their public measures will be remote from the reqairements of truth and justice , and £ 0 ill calculated to remove the evils , auU to promote the weil-bei :. 'g of society , that a vast amount of erimiiaal acts must be the necessary rosuit of even their most laboured attempts at improvement and reform . To tho following evidence , then , I respectfully solicit your M-jesty ' s most Berious and candid attention : —

      First , as to breaches of the first commandment . If a man , disgusted with the unlovely aud frightful charac ! er with wliL-Ii state priests andjguoraut hrrcling 3 invest lha ~ Deity , turaa to nature , and there beholding him portrayed iu the robeV 6 TTMsuliied loveliness , and beaming forth upon all the works of his hands , w : th a countenance < h benignity and soft compassion , resoivea to worship him by the incense of a grateful heart , and tho sincere homage of a benevolent life—instead of joining with the great congregation , ( of the hypocrisy and heartlessness of a majority of -whom he has perhaps daily

      experience , ; in tho rite 3 of integral worsh ' -p , in tbe temples made by hands , he is styled an infidel , held up to the abhorrence and detestation of society , and if he be poor , and shall dare to m : vke his sentiments known , and to question tho truth of a religion , that , so far as he can perceive , is productive of so mudi evil , ho will , at the least , stand a chance ot losing his employment , and it will be well i ? he be not made to undergo the penalties of the laws against irreligion and blasphemy , and sent to prison to karn a more orthodox creed , from some drunken , gaming , timt-serving chaplain . This man is he ) d to be a flagrant and great criminal , and to be sure he Vnnst be punished .

      Look at the contrast . Yonder is a ri $ h landholder , or null-owner . Ho has acquired thousands by rapine and extortion . Mosey is his God ; no matter how he gets it , have it he will . He has ground the faces of the poor ; bis wurknwn tuve toiled Ihenioelvea into a premature gnvve , to increase his gold ; and the blood of helplesibabts erica against him ; yet he stiil cries " Give , give . " He is so covetous , thr . t he would not give a shilling to save a fellowcreature from starvation , and yet , wholesale robber as

      he is , no law can touch mm . He may fill the chair of the magistrate , or his voice may be heard in the deliberations of tho senate : he is a most honourable member of the best society ; anil if , a 3 ia the case with one gentleman wause image is now before me , he can take the chair at religious meetings , and may give liberally from his ill-gotten gains to what is most impiously called the cause of charity , or the cause of G « d , he is held up as a paragon of excellence , and all niea are expected to speak well of him .

      I have one of these saints now in my recollection—a flaming religionist , and late a member of the senate , who robs the public annually to the tune » f £ 150 , 000 , anil to an unknown extent , in the loss of comfort respectabilty , and temporal and eternal btppiness , by the sale of intoxicating drinks , and returns them £ C , ooo in what the world calls charity . Bobbery and idolatry are in this man no crime . I am , Madam , Tour Majesty ' s faithful and obedient subject and Btrvant , London , January 25 tb , 1510 . NUMA .

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      ANALYSIS OF THE HAND-LOOM WEAVERS' REPORT . LETTER X . I now come to the question of all questioB , the subject of all subjects , the most important for the consideration of tho people of this vast " workslop of the world . " The erportation of machinery , though plaed last in the list of allegations by the Hand-loom Wearers' Committee of Manchester , is by no meaua Us » to be considered , inasmuch as it is tbe lost blow slned at tae very existence of the manufacturing operii'es of this country . We have been familiarised wilt foe cry of the " Church in danger J" I now proclaiOi and with greater truth , that the " trade is in daigu ?! " And this , my final letter , upon this subject , shall be devoted to warn my countrymen of their threatened annihilation .

      Machinery and wealth are co-existent , and if tbero be one greater ill than another , it is in ttis accursed union of machinery and wealth ; tbeir connctlon ia productive of gTeat mischief to the labourer ! > f this country , and wherever such an alliance exists , h » workers , or manual labourers , ¦« ill be the greateatsufferera , in fict , the only sufferers . Machinery iatha Batwr » l enemy of manual labour , and the rich , wjo bafe ever shown themselves to be hostile to thelabotrews . powess the means of employing machinery to an a < raatage , « ad do so regardless of the evil consequWe * to the labouring class . Aa ten men manufacture »» roooh

      machinery as will displace one hundred riawal Jkboorers , so in the same proportion will ten o £ tl » labouring class be employed in machine maJing , f « Ue superseding of manual labourers througho ut tha < uitry . Time was when we could boast of our exc » s of exports over our imports ; but the tim a for bo » s n { ia drawing to a close : our own merchant 1 and mac facturera have for some time back been tra itorously efoiraging , and our Whig Government fseili iatiDg by Oifc » in Council , the exportation of maefetoe" . 7 to foreigncointries , contrary to law , justice , * a » i reason : cOifcary to law , because many AcU el Y arliament haje i » en passed , and an sow in far ** , to prevent thi ecportation ot

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      machinery , and prohibiting the emign , t . on of artisans contrary to justice , because the inventions drawn from our experience , and the result of native talent , ought not , in fairness to cur mechanics and operatives , to be given to other countries who in matters of trade are endeavouring to rival us , aud thereby destroy our very existence as a commercial nation ; contrary to reason , because , it being tbe duty of our Government to afford protection to the people , more especially to the labourers whose bread depends upon the labour of their hands , it is , therefore , irrational in the extreme for the Government to allow machinery to be expsrted , or , in plainer English , to take tbe bread out of tbe mouths of hundreds o { thousands who now depend upon machinery .

      fhe hand-loom weavers justly complain of the exportation of machinery , notwithstanding the application of machinery to their business has been injurious to them : they complain of the exportation of carding engines , toying and spinning machinery—well knowing that every ounce weight of machinery leaving this country for the Continent or the United States , materially assUta foreigners in perfecting their manufacturing establishments . I will refer you to an extract from a Parliamentary paper , No . 578 , 182 § , containing a report of a committee of manufacturers , merchauts , and agriculturists of the United States , who met at Harrisburgh , 1827 , to consider the commercial state of England and America . After speaking of our cotton manufactures ,

      they say , " This is a difference of 10 per cent , in favour of American cotton yara ! With this plain exhibit , it may be certainly expected , that wo shall export annually , millions on millions of pounds of cotton yarn , and rival the British in that business , as we do in goods made out of it , as soon as the capacity of our manufacturers shall pass beyond tue demand for cotton cloths , of which last there is a scarcity , because of the export , though not much advanced in price . The home demand ia extending , and the foreign one increasing faster than more perfect machinery ( and more of It ) can supply . 1 But the domestic competition will soon regulate this . We have water power , iron and coal , ingenious artisans and industrious people , and the days of British monopoly in the manufacture of our own raw material are numbered !"

      What do the Americans want more but the newest inventions from England ? improved machinery from this country ; then , like France , aa soon as the tariff expires , such arraugements will be made as to almost exclude our manufactures from their States , and perhaps pass a law to prevent certain descriptions of cotton wool ( of [ course the best ! from being exported , thus forcing England to manufacture from inferior raw material , which will lower tho quality of their goods in the markets , where America will compete with us . Wfcat has been the effect of American rivalry occasioned by the wicked policy of our rulors , in driving , by oppressive laws and their corrupt administration , our best artiuaM to that country , and exporting our best machinery under the sanction of Orders in Council ? Why , a considerable decrease in our exports to that flourishing country . Witness the following statement cf exports from England to the United States : —

      1815 . 1828 . Decrease . Yards . Yards . Yards . White or plain calicoes at I 5 d per yard ... 19 , 207 , 928 10 , 350 , 707 8 , 848 , 221 Printed c-licues at 18 d . per , yard 32 , 512 , 408 25 , 340 , 720 C , 708 , 6 S 8 White or plain muslins at 20 d per yard ... 13 , 783 , 082 658 , 368 13 , 004 , 714 Fustiaiis jeans , velvets , < kc . at 2 s Od peryard jl . 629 . H 5 185 , 630 1 . 443 . G 55 Mark ! this gradual decrease took place at a time wheu tho laws regarding the exportation of machinery were rigidly enforced by the Tories , under Lord Liverpool ' s , Canning ' s , and Goderich ' s Administrations .

      Since that time , there were machvnevy and mill-wotk exported to America—Year . £ . In 1828 4 , 917 1829 7 , 715 1830 10 , 913 1 S 31 8 , 037 1832 6 . 8 S 3 1833 8 , 828 1834 28 , 699 1835 45 , 706 1830 24 , 081 and we are still going on exporting machinery in the same ratio of increase ; and our export trade in cotton manufactures still progressively decreasing . [ See the "Black Book , " 1841 , page 60 , for similar statements respecting Russia , Prussia , Germany , Holland , Belgium , and France . ]

      Well may the hand-loom weaTers complain now , for this system of exporting machinery has been a source of complaint for tbe last twenty years , and we have a report of a Committee of the House of Commons , in 18 * 24 . inquiring into this subject , which * &w » how- * tb * prohibition l ^ ws have been uvaded and machinery exported to the Continent ; also the plans Uken by foreigners to iniluco our bust artisans to emigrate , for the purpose of teaching foreign workmen how to manufacture machinery and imitata English goods . Evidence is also given , shewing the impolicy of prohibiting the exportation of machinery , but it is of an interested nature , and unworthy of notice . Last Session , Mr . Emerson Tennent moved for returns of the machinery and millwork exported from Great Britain during the lost ten years , which was as follows : — 1—Steam engines and parts of Steam Engines . First five years , declared value , £ 2 (> 5 , 947 ; second five years , £ 773 , 512 .

      2—Mill work , of all aorta , allowed by law to be exported . First five years , do ., £ 106 , 054 ; second five years , £ 157 , 626 . 3—Machinery of all other kinds allowed by law to be exported . First five years , do ., £ 821 , 790 ; second five years , £ 1 . 307 . 624 .

      4—Machinery exported under license from the Treasury or Privy Council . First five years , do ., £ 34 , 877 ; second five years , £ 175 , 404 . 5—Machinery and millwork , of all sorts , ( aggregate . ) First five years , do ., £ 740 , 019 ; second five years , £ 2 , 4 U , 226 . Total in the ten years ending 1840 , £ 3 , 150 , 245 . What think you is the avowed object of this return ]—To put a stop to this selling of our trade and pauperising our labourers ? O , no ! Mr . Tennent ( the Historian of Modern Greece ) is the representative of tho machine makers aud millownera of Belfast , ( the Irish Manchester . ) Mr . Mark Phillips and K . H . Greg are tiie representatives of the machine makers and

      millowners of the celebrated English Manchester , and tbe Manchester Guardian ( the cousin German of the "Great Liar of the North " i is the accredited oracle of the Whiga of White Hall . This triumvirate of patriots , imiier the guidance of the Guardian , which means tbe Ministry , are concocting a Bill to bring before the Talkers , to repeal all the laws affecting or restricting the exportation of machinery ; or , to use the slang , to have ire * trade ia machinery . Mark Phillips gave notice last session that he would move for leave , early next session , to bring in such a bill . This is the same Mark Phillips , who declared that "he would resist all legislation in favour of the hand loom weavers ; " and , if Parliament insisted in

      interfering betwixt the employer and the weaver , he ( Mr . P . ) was connected with a large manufacturing establishment , and he should feel it his duty te advise his partner to break up tbeir establishment , and emp ' op their capital abroad , where it- ' would not be interfered with . " His colleague , Mr . Greg , I believe , has been , or is connected with , an establishment at Geneva in Switzerland . So , as seen as these worthies get " Free trade in machinery , " they will sell up their establishments in this over-taxed ^ country , employ their capital abroad , and leave the starving , disaffected people , and tho landed aristocracy to settle the interest of tae National Debt , and tbe " ways and means , " among themselves . Glorious prospect I

      If the machinery exported was of a perfect kind , the evil would have been bad enough , but the great bulk of what has hitherto been exported consisted of lathes , planing machines , drilling machines , cutting engines , anil other tools used in the manufacture of niadiinory : working models , and expensive or difficult pieces of machinery ; thus furnished with the moat necessary means for the manufacturing of machinery , they are enabled to manufacture for themselves as woll as for others . . R . J . BlCUAUDSO . N . February ! 1 st , 1841 .

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      TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAB . Sin , —I have been much gratified recently in looking over tbe " Fleet Papers , " and should not envy much the feelings of the man who could read the statements of tLe good ol 4 " King , " with

      "Eyes onmoBtened by ft tear , " I sincerely hope that , both for the sake of the venerable writer , and for that of genuine liberty , these papers may obtain an extensive circulation throughout tbe three kingdoms . My reason for troubiiag you with this note is , to&t I have heard ol some persona who think they have not sufficient matter for their money ; and that if it is not increased , tbe ; than discontinue taking the work . I think the ; will see , on a second perusal of each letter , that thty do really get their two-penny worth for their twoptnes . Still , I admit that if four page * more could be giwm in each number , it would be desirable ; , and I write to propose apian by which it might be done .

      I see the "Papers" are stitched in a wrapper , and I suggest that all the friends of this champion of the right * of the po * r should unite tbeir energies to make tho work a good advertising medium . If a sufficient number of advertisements could be obtained to cover tbe expence of printing and paper of four additional pages , it may be fairly expected that an increase of the circulation would be obtained . Another suggestion I would moke is , that in eveij town a number of persona , say twelve , ihould unite la tak « three additional copiM

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      weekly ; sending one to the parson , another to the chief hiagibtrate , ant \ the third ti > tbe public VibraTy . It would by easy to put a Chartist tract now and then in the inside of each . This plan would serve the cause of the people , and would ako promote the comfort of him who , tliaugh ostensibly in the Fleet for debt , is in truth in the Fleet for advocating the cause of those who have fow or none to help them . I am , Yours , faithfully , A . B . Leeds , February 1 st , 1841 .

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      THE PARLIAMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY . MB . Editob , —As some sapient persons are so fond of endeavouring to throw ridicule on the past Convention of the nation , or on the future Parliament , as it may be , When the people are fully represented , it perbapa will not he without interest or amiiseme / jt to give some slight account of the British Senate , as it is at present constituted . On January 26 th , 1841 , the day of the opening of Parliament , having obtained a Members' order for the gallery of the House of Commons , I found myself in that assembly , after having been nearly equttzsd to death by a cr » wd of fools , who flocked to sea the young Lady , Queen Victoria .

      Well , Sir , I was in the gallery , and as before the Members arrived , I attentively viewed the building itself , I may as well give you an account of it , before I proceed to its inmates . The present place , where tho "Imperial Parliament" meet , until the new House on the banks of the Thames is bu-. lt , strikes the spectator neither with awe nor admiration ; it is , in truth , as shabby a dwelling , as any sfiabby tenants coukl desire . It is 0 ! an oblong form , and divided into the body and theffollery of the House . The Hoot is covered with matting and with benches , which latter possess green leather cushions and high backs . At one end ( tho western )

      is the Speaker ' s chair , or throne , oTer v . laich is a species of canopy , and before which ia a large table , containing the mace , so essential to a debate , and a few old books . The walls are of white painted wood , and look very bare and desolate . The gallery has benches of rather a less comfortable appearance than those in the body , and one part of it is given up to the Members , who may find it too crowded , or too hot , or too busy below j another port is assigned to the Speaker ' s orders , a third to the Members ditto , and a fourth to the Reporter * . From the roof hang four lamps , two very insiguiucaut , iwid two very incomprehensible .

      By degrees tho Members , the Honourable and Learned Members , flocked in . Tho Ministerial benches ( which aro ts > the right of the Speaker ) boasted of about six occupants , who talked and laughed with great noise and glee , as if pleased and surprised to tfnd themselves still in so happy a situation . At length the benches on both s-ides of the Houso were filied , particularly ths Conservative sido , which mustered very strong . Among the Ministerial party might be seen tho big and burly " Dan O'Connell , " with his broad brimmed hat , and long fiock coat He assumed s jovial look , but seemed to bo writhing under his recent defeat in the " Fox and Gcose Ciub . " As usual , whenever he opens his mouth , he was called to order by the Speaker , and laughed at by the < Members .

      Here was little Lord John , liko a bar . tam-cock , swelling r out his throat , and sUmling on tiptoe , in order to be heard and . suen . Facing him was Sir Robert P « el , looking great things , but doing little . Aronnrt these , Sir , were uiiflV . ged boys , fit for school ; o ' . il men , fit for bed ; and the like . As for the debate , the opener ppuke so low 110 one could hear him ; the seconder read bis speech ; others nhouted or whispered ; the Members not speaking to the Speaker spoke among themselves sj l . » u < Uy o » to drown almost every eound . In the course of two hours after the debate had begun , soino dozen of the Representatives of Great Britain might be seen fast asleep , and stretched at full length , on the ber . ches in the gallery , in positions neither elegant not becoming .

      I left the place . Sir , with a resolution not to ever enter it again in its present t'tate . Believe me , Youra , faithfuUy , An Observer of Men and Manners .

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      THE EFFECTS OF CLASS LEGISLA . TK )}? AS SEEN iN THK STREETS AND HOUSES OF THE WORKING CLASSES .

      TO THB BDlTOlt OF THE NORTHERN STAB . DeaH Sib , —The statistical accounts of the large towns ot England and Scotland furnish us with many « ad pictures of human wretchedness , anil some few are evon worse than Leetl ? . But as I am in possession of a greater number of fauts , and , above all , a greater personal acquaintance with this town than' any other , as well as tho varied detaiJs of the late survey , I shall confine my remarks entirely to it , while endeavouring to sketch in undeniable characters the horrid effects of class legislation , as seen in . aud around the abodes of working men . And , first , let us examine the condition of streets , and for this purpose 1 shall take , as a specimen , the East Ward , as compared with the Mill Hill Ward . There is . howtiver , little difference between the state of the East Ward and those of tha North East , South , and parts of the North and West Wards .

      1 he following table will bIiow the comparative state of the streets in the two Wards : to which I solicit the careful examination of working men .

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      g . Condtn of Surface . J . j ! . J |« ~ Zi ™ , yjfjjij i 1 1 i 1 -t i ??* 1 ° lr ^ ^_ Eastward . 14 , 271 J 3 . SG ! 122 35 17 28 42 7 Mill Hill . 5 . 1 U 7 1 . 5 CG 40 35 5 4 4 19

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      From this will l « -seen tho great advantage «> f heing a gentleman shopkeeper , or , one of the enfranchised upper , middle , or biiy-cheap-and-sellde ; tr classes . The coji . forts arising from local as well as state legislation ought to be apportioned according to tho number of inhabitants ; aud if this were tiie case , the East Ward would have 24 streets paved by the town instead of 7 ; and , on the other hand , Mill Hill Wr . rd would nave 15 very bad instead of only four ; but were it so , what a row there would be—what a Ktir in the rookery for reform ! reform ! ! reform ! ! ! of streets . Butnow , si nee an alteration would confc-r little personal benefit upon these gentry , itis scarcely ever mentioned . Let us next consider the < liffernnco in the meaning of the words employed to describe the condition of streets , as they refer to each Ward ; for having myself superintended this statistical survey , I may at least be supposed to possess some knowledge of their meaning .

      MILL HILL WARD . Terms . Meaning . good . Beautifully paved ; clean , swept , and dry , middling . Paved , but not Very well ; dry . Bad . Partly paved ana partly not . very bad . Not paved or swept ; dirty only in some places .

      east waiid . Terms . Meaning . 600 V . Wholly or partly paved ; M'Adamised , or possessing a hard level cinder surface , and tolerably clean and dry . middling . As above with portions bad . bad . Not over shoo tops in mud , but wet and dirty . very bad . Pretty well strewn with the contents of night 8 tool 5 ,. or . p 0 & de chambre ; ankle deep in mud , cut up , and in some instances impassable , at times , to carts ; elevated two feet above the level of the ground-floor of the houses by the accumulation of ashes and other filth .

      Such is the difference in tbe meaning of tbose terms , which it was necessary to apply alike to all , when the survey was made ; but which , as will now be seen , differs materially when compared with the separate localities . Without'further comment here , I shall pass on to furnish another table , exhibiting the state of sewerage , affording additional reasons why the abodes of the working classes are s » surrounded with filth : —

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      Condtn . of Sewerage Amount of Ward-. iHitltitlM TtP 9 |« S ! 5 >| g o |» lected on ft « £ fi £ * g g P Property . East Ward . 3 13 69 37 3 , 481 £ 1 . 5 f > 4 17 8 MiHHi »> ..... 1 J > 2 ) 4 23 984 3 , 890 11 8

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      From this table , the wet condition of the streets and cellars In the East Ward may be accounted for . Now , if ¦ weare not to be allowed an ' tqual distribution of the comforta , alluded to before , according to the number of inhabitants , surely we ought to claim for the working classes an equivalent for the money paid by them in support of the whole . It will be observed , above , I have given the amount of poor rate paid by each . Mill Hill only contributea two and ft half timea as much as East Ward ; and y « t , it has more than six times as many public sewers . The E ast Ward has one third of the whole of its atreets " very bad / ' while Mill Hill

      has only one-twelfth . How ia thia T It ia because out of 5 167 inhabitants Mill Hill , only contains 1 . 568 of the working classe * , while out of 14 271 in the East Ward , 13 261 an the enslaved , wealth-creating , nnrepreaented , but industri oua classes . Is It not plain , then , that class-legislation , in its baneful effects , extends Jar beyond state corruption and public plunder ? It reaches to and poisons the very air which working men breath * . Let tb * returns of the Registrar for the North district , which extends over Borne of the ¦ worst parts of tho town , be examined and compared with those of the West district , the streets and bouses of which are cleaner and better situated ; and tbAtruihol what I

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      ' ' have . asserted will easily be Been . "¦ In the North district , births are as one to twenty-two and a half ; flp-itns one ' t * twenty-three and o halt West district , births : ire MB one to twenty-eight ; deaths one to thirty-six inhabitants . There may be other causes ; such as wanb of fond and clothing , to produce this difference in the bills of ' mortality ; yet , it will not be denied that the unwholesome exhalations from the streets , &c . contribute their share . —[ We must here break off our friend ' s discussion , and give the remainder ef the letter next week . —Eds . 3

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      - *^ v SUBSTITUTE FOR PETITIONS .

      TO THE EDITOB OF TH * NORTHERN 8 TAB . " Petitioning for pity is moat weak ., The sovereign people ought to de / hand justice . " Sir , —This letter ia to explain the principle of the plan which I propose , aa a substitute for petitioning , which appeared in tho Star ot last . week . My plan , then , was to register the whole Chartists * names , trades , and places of abode , once a year ; to publish the same * with the Charter ,, and a Jtoort afccpunt of . tha J ? u > vjero « it ; to call it the Chartist Kegisjter , under the superintendance of the National Executive Committee for England and Scotland . My explanation now is , —the leading Chartists ia every city , town , village , and hamlet , from ' John o * Qroafs to the Land's End , " Bhould call a public meeting of the inhabitants , and these Should choose Stand proper persons to register tha names of all who really want the Charter .

      Each place to report the number registered , in each trade or occupation , to the Executive , with an account of the proceedings , signed by the Registration CuiumiUeee . Every association to report its ' name , and number of members , signed by its comrmttte . The . Executive to publish the -whole reports , as signed by the respective committees , together with the Charter , and the state of Chartism , as ' ch « ap as possible , so as to bring it within the reach of the poorest in the land . . . - ; With regard to ulterior measures , let the registrations he proceaded with , till there is a clrar majority of the people on the list , and then elect delegates to carry the original copies bufore the Commons , the Lords , and the Queen , and there in a " peaceful , legal , ami constitutional " mode to demand the Charter .

      This , Sir , is the plan which I propose as a substitute for petitioning . 1 think it " is most Weak" to petition tor the Charter , so long us the Chartists have no patty in the House "Which is called the Commons ; it there was , I would petition ; as it is , I would register , form unious , and act as circumstances might determine . Jas . B . Crawford . Old Cuninock , Jan . 30 , 1841 .

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      Sib , —Having been honoured by tbe general meeting ef delegates with an appointment as one of the eighk ChartUts to epeak at Marshall ' s mill , on the evening of the 21 st , and , as the meeting was concluded without my sanction , perhaps you will permit me to occupy a corner of your valuable p » per , ~ to give a sketch of what I intended to say on that occasion . I intended to expose the conduct of the vaccinating end traitorous Whig faction , and particularly that portion of it evinced duting th « H « fotm mania . While that deceptive bill was in progress , ; they courted the support of the people ; but no sooner had it become law , than they immediately turned round upon the people , and assailed them with the most epprobious epithets ; such as " dirty ragged rascals , without & shilling < k tfieir own , " and , iu the teeth of their oftrepeated pledges , refused to aid the people in the acquisition of their inaticnabla rights .

      The people are well aware of the cajolery practised at that time , and it is evident that too new scheme of agitation , now mooted , ia the counterpart of the former imposition . . The middle elass deBire to obtain a tenfold influence over the working classes . They do not wish them to vote for their own bricks and mortar , buk that the landlord may have an unjust power vested in him , and may command the tenant to vote for his favourite , or quit . W E contend for the franchise being vested in animate , not ia inanimate matter . Tbe Household Suffrageites would have us support their plan , yet they leave their plau undefined . Mr . Hume would say thct if ten families enter by one door to their several compartments , only one shall vote . Mr . Roebuck , Sharnian Crawford ,

      and Mr . Williams , would let every one of thtm vote ; and Mr . Marshall would define a house under such a height , breadth , and length , to be only a eot , a hut , or a shed ,- anil the people must be able to read and write ; be of religious habits , and be united to some society , to come up to the ttindard of intelligence , and must a '« so have resided in tue house three years , and have paid all the poor rates and taxes of evtry description , or have no vote . And as to that important act which was lately passed , namely taelaw of bostiles , coarser food , and starvation , commonlycal ! e « l th « NewPoar Law Amendment Acte the men who are the leaders in this new movement were mainly instrumental in passing that infernal centralisation Maltlmsian schnme , which gives nine votwi in the election of guardians to one man ; and gives tha

      power of voting to men not elected at all , but who are appointed by the existing Government , who can at pleasure swamp the so-called elected guardians and squander the poor- rates . Those very men were instrumental in passing a lair to place the funds for the relief of the halt , the lame , the blind , the aged , and the impotent , in the hands of a trio of pensioned , unfeeling , ignorant upstarts ; they have given the three monsterspower to sUrve our best mechanics and artisans , with their wives and children separated from them , in baatiles .. Yes ;' and those who gave nine v « tes to some voters in the election for guardians , may give nineteen to some householders , and one to another ; or a vote for every room or every window in the house , and for every rood of land attached thereto . And this

      " liboral" reformers would call an extension of t ! : e Suffrage ! Let me enquire who the Household Suffrage advocates havo called before us to convince the men of Leeds and the country of the blessings of their schemes ? Why , they have called Mr . Shwrman Crawford from the north of Ireland , one of tbe most generous and humane of men , and consequently , a Chartist ; they have called Mr . Gully , one of the same stump , who is also a Chartist , and subscribed to the national rent and aignod the n&tiermi petition ; they have called-Sir Geo . Strickland , Who would extend the Suffrage according to his standard of intelligence ; ( were Sir George ' s besom properly exercised in the two houses of our law makers , they would be clean indeed ;) they have called Mr . Giaburne , a ' . 'M ' altbusian of tbe firi > t water , a

      grinding miilowner ; they have called Mr . Williams , an out-and-out Radical ; they have called Mr . Roebuck , who has done many good things , bnt who , when he began to advocate tbe New Poor Law iu his periodical , gave it its death blow , and who was soon after kicked out of Bath for the same reason , and it is to be Loped will be kept out of every place while he holds such hellish doctrines ; they have called Mr . Hume , a pure Malthusian , who desires that not one blade of grass should apring from the face of the country ; in fact , that the whole surface should be covered with aa incrustation of lava , through vrhkh nothing wbafc . ever which could sustain or support life migbt spring : they have called Daniel O'CowaeU too , who betrayed and disfranchised the 40 s . freeholders of Ireland— -who

      aided in passing a Coercion Bill for Ireland—who opposed substantial poor Jaws for Ireland , and supported a poor law for hia country which is only so in name , and , in reality , a cuxae—who urged the trades' unions to combination and exclusive dealing , and afterwards turned round , and told them they were liable to trans * portation for acting upon his advice—who rscommended a ran-upon the banks , and soon after became a banker himself—who ma < 1 e » n effort to oitainfor Mr . E . Ruthveii a place at £ l , 0 t 0 a year , when he said hia conduct had been so bad , aa to render him unfit to sit In the company of common labourers— ( anything to get rid of a joint th » t won't work up the " rint , " )—who coaxed Mr . Feargus O'Connor , after he found him paramount In the great county of Cork ( the

      Yorkshire of Ireland ) until he found him possessed of too much honour , too high principle , too much integrity , and too great a love of country , to make a joint of his tail , and then attempted to kick ' . him over-board—who christened the Whiga , " base , Woody , and brutal , " and afterwards shielded them with hia tail—who , with his influence , not only saved them from being kicked out , but enabled and aided them to pass the horrible new bastile and rural police laws , and irill asaiat them , in all probably , to pass a passport law by which we shall be prevented : from leaving home without onr description in onr pocket , unless with the certainty of beinjf popped into a dungeon by the blue police-:-who pledged himself never to cease agitation until the factory slaves were emancipated , and Tery soon sold them for £ 1 , 000 Char

      —who wa-s one of the first to sign the People ' s - ter and very soon denounced Chartists and Chartism , oud proclaimed that be . would bring over 500 . 000 of his Irish legions to cut them down—who gloried ihat his Irishboya had murdered the men at Newport . Yta , these are the men-thia ia the man whom the a < ivocates « f Household Suffrage delight to . honour . Yes , these arethe ruen—thia ia the man—whoni they cherish , and would recommend the people ot England , Scotland , and Walea , to » et up as their leader . Thia ia the viper they would desire them to take to their bosom . ' They have calculated , however , without their host . They had better fall back upon Balnea , and , "iastead of attempting to " extend" tho franchise , join the Tories , Whigs , and Lord Finality , and leavo the Charter and Chartists to farry out their own principle * .

      I think , too , I can discern an omen » f the intention of the Reform Association in their arrangement Why all this parade of police in livery ? I think I hear the death knell of liberty reverberating upen my ear ; and , hi fact , every trick , scheme , and movement of these paeudo-reformers is indicative of the speedy exit of factious jugglery from the political stage . In conclusion , allow me to observe that the defeat which the embryo faction experienced at the hands of the Chartists on the 21 st , has not only placed aa imperishable crown of honour on the brow of the men of Yorkshire ,, the -working men , I mean ; bnt it bat given an impetus to the cause which the efforts of eon * federated factions cannot retard . L . PlTKBTBLT . Huddersfleld , Jan . 20 , 1841 .

      1 ^_—To T&E Editob Of The Northebn Stab.

      1 ^_—TO T&E EDITOB OF THE NORTHEBN STAB .

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      THE NORTHERN STAR , 7

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 6, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1095/page/7/