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Cftavtftf $nttXUzmce
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— Original Correspondence. _ ^
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Empmai ^arltamcnt.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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" ""^ IHE EDITOR OF TBS KOBTHEE . N STAB . e , v _ - _ Xbis evening , as Mr . Spencer was addressing a rf ^ aetoos auditory " » bo have bear aecurtomed to wJ ^ Z ^ ig exposition of the Scriptures every Sunday PS ^ Mile End G&te , for the last two years , when-* the veatber -would permit , two policemen came * f ^ flWfli , » nd demanded a sight of his license , aad f *_— much cboprallen when they -were shewn the Samaat they asied for . Polieeman K 29 said , '" KkiTnot a license to preach Chartism , aad unless " ^ gjca some other doctrine , yon shant preach £ l » ilr . Spencer replied that he taught those things L ^ Ste Serfptttres taught , that all men -were equal in ifjditcf God , and that all those differences which ®* f exhibiied in the present state of society , in -whieh ]~ i > ortian irere revelling in luxury on the prodnce j . aer men ' s labour , -while those -who laboured hard Z orodnse for them , net only necessaries , but lnxuries , tnemseives
ta a&pei eTsry appeute , were denied the f / Tscffirient even to support their natural existence zL their own labour , -were contrary to the Scriptures , aTwo truy to common sense ; that he believed it to be S ^ ntr to preach that Gospel , and that he would still 2 £ » to preach at all risks . 1 ( 011 , Sir , by what power are these men elevated into tAga of theology ? There were two other preachers Oldifferent doctrine , and who regularly hold forth ! LfT Sonilay . bat they wert not asked to prodnce their Laaes ; but it must be acknowledged they are not L ^ nea by the constant attendance of four policemen , jk Spencer is , and he "would perhaps feel proud of ! L fijdnguishea honour if they would merely confine rj- ^ res to taking notes of his teaching for the benefit
TfjanselTes and their masters , and not interrupt him , njjeem so desirous of creating a disturbance , which , toteia , they * ill not be able to succeed in . It ought L ^ erff ' to be known , that Mr . Spencer preached in ^ ro ' parish , -within a very short distance of his ! , ! ^ welling , while those who are not hunted , but 2 tar pett « d by the police , come from distant parts , ZJ [ fit psid preachers , while Mr . Spencer earns his mj Jr die work of his own hands . I am , Yours respectfully , James Savage . j { fle End . ^" ew" Town , l « ih 31 ay , IS 41 .
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10 TES EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAB . BX , —AUow me , through the medium of theA ' orrt ^ r * ggr , to throw out the following suggestions with jgjd to a more efficient plan for supplying the Irish Qgt&b with Stars , and other papers favourable to gaQartist cause , to distribute among their fellowflTntrymen . namely , by the class-leaders of the Charter iaeoition collecting the papers from those of their gpm frta choose to give them , asd transmitting them jf t Committee of four or five , to be chosen for the ftrpcm in each town , who will send them to the j ^ apool Committees . y »» , I think , there is hardly one Chartist who yedd keep his paper after he had read it , knowing the mm to which it -would be applied .- namely , as a ^ j » towards the political regeneration of O'Connelljfefed Ireland—an event to which every real Chari £ koto forward with the feelings of the greatest siiety . A Chartist , And a sincere well-wisher of Ireland , C . WESTAaY .
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10 THI EDITOR OP THE KOSTHEBii STAB . Pill Six , —However I may feel it my doty pnb-Ky to tsknoirledge my erron , I am not prepared to ) mm the aeape-goat of every man who may choose te hkt advantage of tdj confessions . 2 t a tetter addressed to yourself by Mr . HolHs , of { yiwi »« B published in last week's Star , that gentleaa *»** « that he wrote to head quarters for an exj frafi / a esneeming the plan of the old move . I beg krc to state in the columns of the Star , for the satisfctjcn of all parties , that I sever received any comsnka&on from Mr . Hollis on that subject , or any
ite ; nd often wondered , considering the excellent tataw that were at that time delivered in Cheltenta »—» plwe with -which I am -well acquainted—that ftey ( the lecturers * did not establish a society , and qpj to cards , particularly as there were associations t Worcester , Red ditch , Gloucester , Stroud , and Mte traces in that part of England . If Mr . Hollis ' s 2 k letter received no attention , he might have written ipi * , or addressed the Executive through the Sktr . I km so desire to enter into recrimination , but , at the Bethse , I wish it to be understood , that I am detnnvd to be answerable for no more than my own ¦ s&ld Jdns .
I remain , dear Sir , VSbrai dread of the charge of being servile or fnlsome Tours , fcc-, WS . TlLLMAN . KiochestCT , May 17 , 1841 .
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THE CORN LAW QUESTION . " Ton take ay house when yon do take the prop That doth sustain my house ; you take my life When you do take t&s means whereby 1 live . " —— - - -- -. - ... Shakespeare
Tie design of all Government was twofold—1 st . To jBtoetthe people from themselves and each other ; ls $ j . To protect them from foreign invasion . For ftae purposes laws and arms were instituted . The *¦« & and best were freely chosen to rule the rest , and fi » ptople pursued their labours in peace and confitao . Partial or remiss governors were condemned or Kpotded . If the bad refused to gi ve place to the pti , the people rose and made an example of them , for tiny would not permit their rulers to be above the law ¦ i themselves alone under it But if faction proved ¦ MBKful—if governors degenerated to tyrants—the
peoptwere oppressed by the very power which they had ¦ toKned for their protection . Then one part was ¦ aed to keep < 3 own the other—brother held brother in ¦ tjectuo , while masters plundered them . Free labour fean * a slava God help the people that suffered such t Matt of things to eoiEe to pass—tliat did not die asier than yirid to the yoke ; for their usurping and tetpocrible raters next made laws to establish oppresntad to perpetuate it from g&neratiom to generation . Hating bound and silenced the people , they got priests to persuade them that the will of man was the will of Sol , tad nations w ' ere thereafter divided into two *»«*— " tyrants and tyrants' slaves .-
Kepoe * kidnapped in Africa , and sold to be tortured ¦ d tasked , are not more unjustly treated than English-Xb robbed of their rights ; who must obey laws which ** J have no voice in mating—laws which enslave them ; ¦ ho are worked when wanted—starved -when not tetei Jtte difference between the white and the black ** i * absolutely in faronr of the latter The black *** iS least , born free—he was born a man , though fter *» rdi broken to a beast The white maa is born a * ' « , without a birthright ; he ias his freedom to gain ; * f « ate disowns him ; be is not provided fur like the ¦ * , sad he is prevented from providing for him-*»; be envies the horses and tiogs of his oppressors—¦» Mt without cause . " Work is given to him as a **»—tte yrqjt -which he does ft-r another . Was h — v& ^^ v * + *¦* w ^ aaw uv ^ a a v ^ i ^ t " i" ^ § ¦¦¦ -- - i i m i
* t em such a » erf : Poor wretch ! he knows not ¦*• ease of what he feels—he dares not seek the re-Jwy- Priests tell him that it is the will of Heaven « " be * ould suffer thus . Lawrtrs tell Mm that the g » tiee which he experiences is law . Must he resign ™* " to fce fate which they award him ? Mutt he ¦ " t « bread which he can neiihtr buy nor beg ? ***** ttieof hunger by the way side , or ef starvation * Ua basKle ?—a quick death or a slow death ? Must * S J *** obey Gvd , who gave him life , and a * nl . i 0 ?—nature , that says , "Die not while you fo ^ fj " ~ reason , that exclaims , " Starve not amia ^^¦ "—aid justice , whose trnmpet-tongue pro-^ » that not the willing working man , but the *~ \ » oeld not eat ? If these inward voices are dis' r > * U 1 the outward call ha nheved that ctipb .
*^> mate , regain your rights—recover your lost ^? ff » « eat grass and perisb ? - k ^^ * Dot tfae F ^^ 16 Dn ^ unpitied state to which vwfcffig mm ig reduced ? And where is his wife ? * pad te do man's work—to unsex herself for , - What becomes of their children ? Go and see *» ? tte . factories . ' ^* » oyg m ^ gijjj tj ^ }! Onid be playing in the ** ae fcHliBg in a frightful miU , kept awake by fear , ^ ej rad their s&ength by torture , and maddened t R&J ? misel 7- Saiot * . ""ho are horror-etrnek at j rr'fE-p of negroes and at the sins of idolatora , J ^ wettselTcg by crudtiea too abominable for slaveb tw P * 65 *** aad worship idyls more hideons , sT * 6 m heithen lands . Chiidrtn are thrown into Ii 1 7 arm » Of Meloch , to be rendered into gold for the "" * , ? Ji ammoa . Silkworm * ««» fcftter rar « i fnr
**« w machines throwing human beings out of ^ jaent ' -ig itfit that ought but iron and steel 1 J ^* P « upon such tasks ? But money is wrung ^ e » ms m « 3 bodies of the poer with as UtUe re- ? » aeuu i » smelted from stones . * U ^ ' ^ bl&med { ° T those evils ; but the % rJ" ?** not ^ eause of them . They are not of ! fc /^ ^^ th ; they existed pri « r to the Corn ^ to JT ln ( ie P eoden t of them . In fact the Corn rortiLfrt *^ 7 ^ eaUed & question , iet us go to ^« rf the aattar . 8 ^ o « A ^ T" ^ isered by a bastard , he par-^ iZ ^ T d amon « *** followers , and the English I ^ for ^ T to tiU U for them - T ^ 8 descendants of ; haa ^ * - *^ P ^^ e t his plan . Snch was the de- ; W ^ Zr ^ fyto - » hich the couqnfired natives were ; '»« t latlr *! were & ** to esc * P e bom husbandry , j ^ t irt kT aDd Patriotic of all pursuits , and < 5 ** s ^ ' ° ^" weaTen > . « anything rather j ^^^ iriL * 1116 ' * n ^ afaeturing interest arose ; a ' y £ ^ . £ » Ly * " »» V power broke the |
? Ced tt » ,, ^^ " ^ g anstocracy , and mill lords « iy ^^ f aiicna of tte landlords . Corn was >^ ewr ; . frcm this «>^ try : it can now be I « eonW ^ b ^ TOTr a here ; but not cheaper 7 * 1 tax n M . grown - Sent * are kept up by a pro-^ ujd ^ ^ ' that & * landlords may ^ T-ce to their plesiniet Themamifttc-
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turers hate the lan-Uords with a perfect hatred , and would fain " buy all their corn in Egypt , " in order to ruin the landlords at home . For this purpose , they raise the cry , " Repeal the Com Laws ! " so say we , 11 Repeal the Corn LiwsT' but not with the hope of laying « ur cultivated lands waste , bat with the hope of bringing our waste lands into cultivation . The manufacturers pretend that they cannot afford to pay men the high wages which the dear price of bread require *; bat they know—the hypocrites—that they are « upet > easng tbe nse of men as fast as they can , by the introduction of machinery , and that they get men for half the wages they formerly paid them . The agricnltaxal aad manufacturing interests depend upon each other ; but each seeks it * self aggrandisement at the
expence of the other . When goods are supplied faster than tlie demand , and there is no market for them , the manufacturers—who dread foreign competition , and are in a hurry to make large fortunes—blame the Com Laws , like the old man who said that Tenterden steeple was the cause of Goodwin Sands , because he had never heard of thosa sands until that steeple was built . Their own selfishness is to blame ; but , like Shylock , when balked the gratification of their evil passions , they exclaim— " The curse never fell upon our nation till now— we never felt it till now . " Like the oneeyed stag , they watch the land , and turn a blind eye to the danger that threatens them from the sea ; for , if they could succeed in extirpating the " bold peasantry " at home , what defence could they ma . in » Aip against a foreign- enemy ?
Both landlords and mill lords take a wrong or perversely obstinate view ' of the subject Miil lords , in wishing to impoit all their food from abroad—landlords , in refusing to supply it cheaper at home . Repeal the Corn Laws—de away with a monopoly that only protects idleness , and corn will soon- be grown as cheap in England as it is in Poland . But the landlords sit at the head ef taffairs—they are secure in their own possessions , and will not so much as suffer an inquiry to be made into the evils complained of by the manufacturers . The landlords carry their heads on high like those . overtopping flowers which Tarquiniua decimated . The only method of reducing them to
reason is by the help of the people ; but the people are not so simple as they used to be . The middle classes could formerly conjure up the power of the people t « frighten the aristocracy ; but now th . e people will not come at their call—they had as lief lie under the tyranny of the landlords as under that of the mill-lords ; but they are resolved to remain no longer under either—they claim their own rightsthey demand their Charter . ' They have too often done the work of the factions and been cashiered—they will henceforth work only for themselves—their own cause is the best—it is the cause of all . The middle classes see that their day * of cajolery has gone by , and they are frantic with rage snd vexation .
The Corn Lswb cannot and ought not to be repealed until justice becomes law j it will be time enough then , and that will be when the People's Charter becomes law . Let the Corn Laws be the first laws repealed after the Charter is passed . We are convinced that more husbandmen would then be employed , and we have no wish to see the poet's lines
realised" trade ' s unfeeling train Usurp the land and dispossess the swain . " As the manufacturers have been necessitated to ransack their brains for new inventions , to extend their trade into every land , so , if the farmers were likewise thr « wn into the field of foreign competition , they would make every portion of uncultivated land available for the purposes ef husbandry . No more talk of emigration I—no more complaint ef increase of poer rates !—plenty of work would be found by all who seek it . Talk of a surplus population i—that is to lay that blame on Providence which belongs to man . God is not in fault England might be made to produce double the food needed by all Englishmen .
There are millions of acres that lie waste—millions that are laid out in unprofitable pleasure-groundsmillions that might be made to produce fourfold . What right have the rich to deny the poor sustenance from their own soil ? Te send them to the antipodes for food ? Foxes and hares are bred for tke sport of titled men , on lands that would feed the patriot-poor —rabbit * feed on crops that wonld feed many famishing families . Should the poor man take one , he is taken for it An insolent , ignorant , and arrogant aristocracy have all , and keep alL If an honest labourer seek to enclose a piece of common , he is forbid by the squire , who encloses it himself—who adds it to a
large farm , so that from him who hath nothing is taken even that which he hath , and given to him who already hath too much . Should the labourer succeed in appropriating a piece of waste ground , the parson immediately c * mes , and claps his ten claws upon it for tithe . It may be seven years before the land yields any benefit to its cultivator , but the parson , who stands idly by , counts the produce of every year ' s labour , and takes his tenth from the first And what is his pretence ? He has the care of the labourer ' s soul ! "May the devil give him good of it . ' " prays the plundered peasant Oh , if the parson and lawyer could be kept ont , as well as the polecat and the fox ; but there are no mantraps for these .
Those who tell the poor to emigrate should be told te do so themselves—those who would force the poor to expatriate themselves , should themselves be made to do so . Wfcat right has idleness to deny labonr its reward—and pride to deprive life of its land ? The right of might alone . Oar native soil is the fittest for us—we belong to it , and it belongs to us . It is God's gift , appointed to us at our birth by ProvidenceanotnarsoTI Is net suited to ua , and is tenante < royTCs-i > frD appropriate people . Qait not your native Boil in otxdience- to the wishes of its unjust possessors—remain at home and regain your rights . " The people shall X 5 J 0 T THEIR OWN AGAIS I" W . ( To be condtided in our next . )
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[ ADVEBTISEMEST . ] TO THE CHARTISTS OF LONDON . If not victimised in gaol , I am left to perish from principles I ^ till hope to see carried out , by advocating the rights of the labouring classes to live by their labour . For this have I found enemies in masters and men ; the latter have I found to succeed—invariably the most deadly foes I have bad to contend against I have been told to get my breadby my Chartism , having five children , destitute of support I trust you will not withhold your aid from one who has relieved others . Tour's , respectfully , Rd . Medcroft , No . 1 , Trinity Court , Trinity Lane , Queenhithe .
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THE SIXTY OUNCE INGOT , OR BAR PLAN , OF THE LATE DAVID R 1 CARDO , ESQ . " " El germs , eiformam , repina pecunia donai . " David once with a sling Witness Roths—d and such Made Goliah ' s . head ling , Who the gold fain would But David Ricardo clutch , At least would as far go , And have it ! cunning elves ) E ' en the slinger . surpass In a lump to themselves . With gold bars in a mass , To insure -which sly trick Tho' long since be be dead And all law foik to nick , And from Stock Exchange The whole hog they wonld sped go To crave the full discount With defunct Ricardo :
On his final account ; For though not in their line For he to directors , To drive bargains in swine , Our wealthy protectors , Such blades have at com-Left a notable scheme mand Their flash notes to redeem , The choice fat of the land , And bar ont the rabble And whenever they hie From making a sqaubble , To the Threadneedle sty And from d raining theBank Never get , it is clear , Of its gold ( a-fine prank ); The . wroDg low by the ear . Wben the gold , it is clear , Thus the men of the bar Bankers make it appear Shewthemselvesabovepar , All belongs to rich men Than dwarf serpents more Who grow fat by the pen— -wise ,
That is , who are thriving They appear to our eyes ' By rapid quill driving To shine as the victors ! And stock speculation Of boa-constrictors . , In this and that nation ; Btsamtes . i " I like the Bank of England to be the head Bank , to ' have all the specie under their care , and all the issues , and to be as liberal of money as they can . It is these little people that drain the country banks , and take goid from the Bank of England . "—Evidence of N . if . Rothschild to Pdrliamerdary Committee , 2 ith June , 1832 . " The talent of that gentleman ( the late David Ri-¦ cardoi was of the highest order , and bis loss greatly to be regretted . Perhaps there never was an idea more , deserving of consideration , than his plan for a circnla-¦ tion of notes convertible into ingots of gold or silver , and it would have been well for the country , had the government-of his day given the subject mature consij deration , prior to the issue of gold coin , and forming ! that metal as our standard of value . "—J . H . Palmer , Esq : a Bank Director , 1837 .
i i | ! ! ' i , ! ; Mr . J . H . Palmer seems to think as little of the ex-¦ ceeding villany and terrific consequences of adopting ; the sixty ounce bar plan of the defunct Stock Exchange I speculator , as a fox-hunting joint stock banker does of ! the risk to his own neck in leaping a five-barred gate . ! In fact , the bar scheme is a Jacobinical conspiracy to ¦ swell out bank dividends , to banish the gold coin , bear' ing the effigy of our Kings and Queens from the realm , : to rob the Queen and her ' successors of the right of eoin-| ing money of ascertained weight and fineness , and to 1 substitute a barefaced permanent assignat syBtem of paper currency . Such a plot concocted by a class of men who are continually vaunting their own superior wealth and wisdom , ought to be crushed at once by a
prosecution j > n the part of the Attorney- General ,- for what more insidious plot , than one which would uproot all the ancient monetary regulations of the country , and that too after the Parliament had congratulated the people on their return to the ancient metallic . money , and had waned them against tampering with the wise institutions of their forefathers" ? If a Chartist or Socialist , er any political party , the designation of which ends in ist or ism , had propounded such a scheme , the country -would have resounded with the phrases , " deep laid plot for the subversion of property , " " insidious bio * aimed at the prerogative of the Crewn , " " daring attempt to involve the community in anarchy and confosion . " &c ; and it
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is more than probable that even the patriot banker , Daniel GConnell , Esq ., forgetting his'ow ^ partiality ' for high inflated paper prices , which Ire recorded in a letter to the people of Ireland , wonld have offered to aid her Majesty with a hundred thousand of his " rint " paying oody guard , to crush in the bad such a monstrous invasion of her rights , and those of her subjects . Perhaps , however , the Attorney General maybe shy in taking any hostile steps against the conspirators in the back parlour , as he may be a bank-stock proprietor himself ; bat if he forbear , it will only furnish one more to the many proofs we have , that , in this country , " one man may steal a horse , while another dare not look over a hedge . "
N . B . —Any wealthy person , with £ 233 12 s . « d . * in bank notes , might , under the plan in question , demand from the bank 60 ounces in bar gold , so that the honest scheme would effectually prevent the great Dons of the paper debt market from being elbowed by "these little people that drain the country banks , and take gold from the Bank of England . " Will the Pipyriats try the efficacy of their plan ? If they do , ( and they are powerful in the Legislature , ) it will ultimately strengthen the cause of the Chartists ; and the writer , for one , would rather live under the domination of the latter , than under the ruthless sway of a tribe of false money manufacturers . ? Sixty times £ 3 17 s . 10 R Nottingham , 15 th May , 184 L .
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MR . PETER HOEY . TO THE GENEROUS CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . An imperative duty demands that we call upon yon to render assistance to our tried friend Mr . Hoey , who , we feel bound to say , deserve * your utmost aid at this moment We firmly believe that it is only necessary to make public the distressing particulars of his caBe , to cause you to rush , as one man , to furnish the means required for his present emergency . You are too well aware that it was for advocating your rights , a « well as his own , that he drew down upon his devoted bead the united vengeance of both the plundering factions of this town , who obtained for him a place in the Whig hell-hole at WakeSeld . The treatment which our
beloved Mend received from hva torturers has brought him to a very ruinous state of bodily health , besides a very bad leg , which dreadful state of bodily affliction was , no doubt , the principal reason of the base and bloody brutals ( as OConnell says ) liberating their victim before he was Claytonized . Ever sinoe he was liberated from the mad-house , he has been under a course of medicine , with little or no success . His medical attendants have advised that our friend Hoey should go to his native town ( Drogheda , in Ireland ) to make trial of bis native air , and to drink the salt waters . Unless that course is taken , great fears are entertained that amputation of the sufferer ' B leg will be necessary to preserve to him hiB life .
Brother Chartists , —We call upon yon , then , to come forward with your mites at once , to enable the Barnsley Committee to send our victimized brother to Drogheda for two months , to make trial of the doctor ' s advice , where no doubt he will be as serviceable in the cause of democracy as ever he was wont to be in this country . We are , Your Brothers in the cause of Chartism , Frank Mirfield , George Uttley , William Norton , John Valance , John Field , James Uttley , John Shaw , David Leech , John Frethwell .
All persons wishing to contribute will oblige ns by remitting it to the Star offien . Johk Field , Secretary . Barnsley , May 16 th , 1841 .
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SHALL THERE BE AN " ENGLISH CHARTIST CIRCULAR ?" " And a voice was heard , saying ' Paul , Paul , why persecutest then me ?" We earnestly entreat the attention of our readers to the following : — To the Editor of the English Chartist Circular . Sir , —In consequence of a difference ( not a division ) which now exists in the Chartist ranks relative to Lovett ' s plan of organisation and the Manchester plan , many persons foolishly threaten the English ChcirtUt Circular with annihilation ! Now , Sir , this proves that men are objects of perscution merely because there happens to be a difference of opinion as to the best
mode of obtaining the Charter . I contend that such a difference ought not to be the cause of a malicious persecution of a work similar to the Chartist Circular got up as every one must know at an enormous expence , continued at a weekly loss , and sold at one halfpenny only ! for the purpose of disseminating the principles of Chartism more widely . Such a work requires at least a weekly circulation of 20 or 30 , 00 » before it can pay its own way ; and if from foolish motives it is invidiously attacked , the cm eolation must fall off , and ultimately become extinct . wnich ~ , instead orbecomTng a triumph to the persecutors , it would be a glorious triumph to the enemy , who dislike the spread of cheap democratic knowledge among the people .
I hope the silly idea of crushing tho English Chartist Circular will be abandoned by those who diffxr with Lovett and others . And here let it be observed that Lovett is not the editor as many suppose . I will give it or any other publication of the same nature my warmest support Where is the use of my acquiring political information , if I have not the facilities such as you afford me of giving the world the benefit of roy studies and researches ? Sir , so long as you continue to publish , will I contribute articles to your columns , trusting to your judgment for their insertion . Though the stamp laws prohibit political remarks upon passing events , and justly-merited censures upon some of our M . P . 's'and ofiicers of Etate , black bottles , Sunday flogging , and such like articles found in newspapers , from being inserted in your columns , yet an article written with care I have no doubt meets a ready admission in your Circular . I remain , Your obedient servant ,
R , J . Richardson . Salford , near Manchester , Apr il 28 , 1841 . [ Thanks to Air . Richardson for his very friendly no > tification—thanks for the assurance that "so long as we continue to pnblish , will he contribute articles to our columns . " We had thought that to contend against the prtjudicesof declared antagonists of " Equal rights and equal laws , " and to infuse something like animation into lukewarm friends , now cradled in ignurant supineness , was difficulty enough for ns to
conquerbut when to this is added the misconceptions of a portion ot those who are " bone of our bone , and flesh of our flesh , " we are in very truth eppressed with exceeding great sorrow . What have we done to deserve the enmity—what to call for our " annihilation" at the hands of Chartists ? We dare affirm—nothing ! Point us an article , —nay , but a s « litajy passage , in any one number of the Circular , that the most enthusiastic Democrat need be angered at ? We reitirate that we are unconscious of , —nor do we ftaT that tbe most microscopic vision can discern any such passages !
Whence originates then the dissatisfaction so bitterly bewailed by us ? Doubtless from , we must say , the no less strange than erroneous supposition on the part of the brother Democrats alluded to by Mr . Richardson , that , 1 . The Circular i » but the organ of a section of the Chartist army ; and 2 . That it is conducted as such by Mr . Lovett Now , as regards the first , we have in a previous number disclaimed all connection -with either sections ot individuals . We seek but to promote the happiness , and humbly to diffuse a knowledge of those eternal principles of justice , by whose triumph alone can we
hope to win a glorious freedom for all . It is painful to feel necessitated ia repeat our most solemn asseveration that it has ever been our studious anxiety to keep aloof from every topic that would seem to savor of controversy , or engender personalities . The name of Chartist has always beta a sure passport to our regard . On no occasion have we deviated from this fraternal feeling in deciding upon the many communications with which we have heretofore , and hope again , to be favoured . Was the article transmitted such as our judgment believed weuld strve the " good cause "—if so , its insertion was at once decided , without question as to whether its writer was a member of this or that associatian .
We must also declare that Mr . Lovett kas n « t , and never had any further connection with the English Chartist Circular , than that of Correspondent . The communications of Mr . L . depended as much as those ot any other correspondent upon the acceptation or rejection of the de / ado Editor . What is thejname borne by the actual Editor cannot surely be of tbe slightest import , so that he perform well his duty to the publication entrusted to Mb care . That is his sole ambition , and , despising the " bubble reputation" he looks for his best reward in the secure
establishment of the Circular itself . But let no man imagine that he is a mere hireling scribe . No , this is to him " a labour of love , " of devotion to the sacred cause of the world ' s redemption from the hell-born powers of darkness and despotism . He would fain believe that those who have known him personally , can witness that he has been no idler , that he has cheerfully made some few sacrifices , and endured not a little without quailing . If a William Lovett have grasped his hand , so also has a Bronterre O'Brien " many a time and oft" proclaimed him—friend .
Thus much for the English Chartist Circular , its true objects , and its Editor . Less we could not say , nor do we feel inclined to add more than that we ask not favour from any man , but justice from all who boast the title of Chartist It is for them to decide whether after an enormous * um has been sunk upon the Circular , it shall now perish . Let them , however , we entreat , take good heed that they , the advocates of troth and demanders of justice , do not countenance falsehood and injustice to ns . Let them judge the Circular according
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to its owiLjiierijMoc demerits , and not denounce it for " differences , " . Irhieh its Editor deplores , and with whickbeis in no otherwise connected . If a truly honest and adverse verdict is returned , we will anbmit without reproach ,-bat if we fall si victim to passion and Misrepresentation , we shall bare good cause of complaint Now , brother democrats , what toy you ? ••• hairtherebe an English Chartist Circular V—Ed . Engluh Chartist Circular . !
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TO CABINET-MAKERS EXTRAORDINARY . Wanted immediately , some skilful hands to put in erder a yory curious cabinet , the workmanship of which has been in a disabled and rieketty state for aomemonths past It ia . not Tery ancient , haying been put together only about five years ago , Bince whieh period it has experienced many changes in several of its most important departments , no alteration having been productive of the slightest permanent benefit This cabinet is composed ot fourteen important parts , termed by the craft , "Ministers , " which are so contrived as to fit very closely together , and made to go in and out by a secret and influential spring , whenever it is applied for that purpose .
It is also adorned with an abundance of little wooden figures resembling men of different ages , habited in the costume of tbe present day . Ail these automata are new within a few years , and have been manufactured at a vast expence . These figures , by a secret touch of the main spring , are so contrived as to utter and emit sounds like the speech of human creatures , and may be made t « change their notes , and sing in quite a different key merely by shifting their places . The loading the puppet with coin will also occasion it to move any way it may be directed . It is worthy of remark that the main spring of the wh » le cabinet is so exquisitely contrived that the slightest touch even of a child or a female is sufficient to put it in motion and direct all its movements .
Owing to recent unlooked for accidents this cabinet has lost many of its customary supporters , and has been thrown into confusion , and consequently has become unable to perform its movements and functions . Several cabinet-makers have been consulted as to its repair , but on account of its complicated machinery none have yet been able to agree in what is necessary to be done . The most eminent , however , are of opinion that it ought to be completely taken to pieces and a new cabinet formed . Whosoever will undertake to put the same into complete repair without taking it to piects , or looking at tbe works by whieh the secret spring is regulated , and which must on no account be touched , may apply at the office of the proprietor . Miss VICTORIA GUELPH , Queen's Buildings , Buckingham Palace . —Satirist .
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» ¦ WHAT IS COMING . There are some persons among us who have persuaded themselves , or seek to persuade ethers , that the Reform Bill constitution can only be worked by its inventors . This is but a poor compliment to it . The use of a constitution is to place the nation less at the mercy of the individual characters of rulers—to establish so strongly certain forms of conducting business , that the most reckless and ambitious men shall feel themselves hampered if they seek to use for their own selfish purposes the power Intrusted to them for the public good . A constitution which can only work well in the hands of one party , is as good as no constitution at all . To say , as some do not scruple to say , that out liberties are in danger as soon as the Tories come into power , is to confess that the Reform Act gave us only a sham constitution .
Without exaggerating the merits of that piece of legislation , it is not quite so bad as some of its admirers par excellence would make it The old borougnmbngering constitution which grew up subsequent to the Revolution was bad enough—especially iu its latter days ; but it was better than the constitution or no-constitution which preceded it Under it , men enjoyed in eeurity what they were allowed to earn , and went to their favouriu churches without impediment Some qualified praise of the eaiuo kind will be bestowed a couple of generations hence on our Reform Bill constitution , even after the Conservatives have tried tbeir hands at giving it a finish to their own taste . Catholics cannot be again subjected to political disqualification ; tho Test Act cannot be again made law ; the principles of Adam Smith must be carried into more extended operation ; more attention must be paid than formerly to keeping the national expenditure as moderate as possible , and collecting the revenue in the manner least severely felt .
New principles of action must be avowed , and to a certain extent acted upon , by any set at men who shall obtain and hold power under the Constitution of 1832 . It does not follow that because the son of the Anti-Reform-Bill Conservative will call himself by the same political designation as his father , that his principles will net have been modified by the different framework of society , to the influences of which he Is exposed . The fathers of Marshall Macdonald and General Wingfield Scott were obliged to leave this country on account of their devotion to the divine hereditary right of the Stuarts ; yet the one has made a very respectable Revolutionary General in France , and the other an equally respectable Republican General in America . Most men's principles or opinions are a mere
supplement to their existence—certain forms of speech , by which they reconcile themselves to any disagreeable feelings occasioned by their reflections on their own conduct and circumstances . The principles and opinions of a party are the same thing on a larger scale : they are not so much rules of action as apologies for belonging to the party . Tbe political creed of the Conservatives under the Reform Bill , if they ever obtain a lease of power of any continuance , must be worded in such a manner that the recruits they have picked up among tbe disappointed promoters of that measure can use them without being constantly reminded of their inconsistency . And the danger to be incurred by too glaring a contradiction between words and actions , will make their political creed to a certain extent influential in controlling their conduct .
When Harley and St John got bold of the reins of Government in Queen Anne ' s time , the task of inventing a political confession of faith devolved principally on St . John and Dean Swift A very dexterous piece of patchwork it was ; retaining just as much of Tory principles as would not prevent its professors from working a Revolution Government—just as much of philosophical morals as served to expose tbe rottenness of the Whigs , without tying down their rivals to be " absolute Josephs . " Harley and St . John were driven from power , but the Tory party formed under their auspices , as contradistinguished from the . Jacobite party , gained strength every year , till , under George the
Third , it was installed in office , and held it with a high hand till the advent of Canning . When Sir Robert Peel comes into power—as there is at this moment every prospect of his doing—some clever fellows will lick the discordant popular professions of his supporters inte shape , and the Reform Bill Conservatives will obtain a code of political principles . A nice medley they will be , to suit tbe heterogeneous assortment of Colonial monopolists , : inti-slavers , Presbyterian Non-intrusionj- "ts , Pusejues or semi-Puseyites , anti-Poor Law enthusiasts , and bread-taxers , out of which a party must be organised . But they will be , like the spetch of Chaucer's student , " souningin moral vertue , " and will serve their purpose for a time .
That tivue , however , "will most probably be brief . Thure is an element at work in society , the character and extent of -whose power is yet too undeveloped , too little known , to allow of our estimating its influence , it doesexist , however ; and the manner in which all parties * alternately rail at and fawn upon it shews that they hate it with the hatred of fear . Its name is Chartism . —Spectator . .
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HOUSE OF LORDS . —Friday , May H . Lord WharnCLIFFE presented several petitions from Liverpool , Manchester , Norwich , and other places , complaining of tbe present state of the marriage law with respect to marriages with the sister of a deceased wife . T-txe Noble Lord believed that such marriages tended topromote morality and domestic happiness , as no woman was more likely to superintend a family of young orphans with care &Dd affection than the sister of their deceased mother . The Bishop of London pronounced himself strongly against any alteration of the law in this respect Lord Melbourne presented several petitions praying for the abolition of Church Rates . The House adjourned .
Monday , May 17 . toT The Exchequer Bills Bill , the Excise Collectiojfl | g Management Bill , and the Banking Co-partnaEJBf Bill , were severally read a third time and pasaed !^^^ Several petitions were presented for and against any alteration in the Corn Laws . A number of petitions against any alteration , presented by tbe Duke of Rutland , led to some discussion upon the policy , as well as upon the results consequential upon the enactment of those laws , in which Earl Fitzwilliam , the Earl of Ripon , tbe Duke of Rutland , the Earl of Stradbroke , the Duke of Wellington , the Earl of Radnor , Lord EUenborough , and Lord Ashburton took part The latter Noble Lord , in the course of bis speech , attacked the Government for having taken measures , by means of their officers , to excite agitation throughout the country upon the subject of the Corn Laws .
The Earl of Clarendon rose to give the most unqualified contradiction which the forms of the House would admit of , to the charge made by the N « ble Lord , that they bad excited agitation against tbe Corn Laws . ' . ¦ ' "' . . ' ' . - "¦ .. ' ... ¦ Some reflections pronounced by the Earl of Wicklow on the conduct of Viscount Melbourne , who bad left tbe Houbg , produced a -warm rejoinder from the Marquis of Normanby , in the course of which he stated that every item of the Government plan respecting the import duties vras decided upon long before Easter , and was not the result of anything which had since occurred . Some petitions against tbe Corn Laws were presented by Eaxl Fitzwilliam , and their Lordships adjourned .
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HOSUE OF COMMONS . — Friday , May 14 . After the presentation of some petitions , and tbe transaction of some general business , the House proceeded , with the adjourned debate on the Sugar Duties . ' ; . - . ; ¦ , v ' •;• . ' ' . ¦ ¦ '¦ '¦ ¦ ' .. . ¦ . ¦ : Mr . P . Howard contended for the admission of slavegrown sugar , on the ground that the supply of oar own colonies was likely to be insufficient . He approved of the principles of the Budget , and gave credit to Ministers for a lofty disregard of the emoluments of office , and he moreover announced his conviction that , on an appeal to the country , the people would respond to the views of the Government . He believed that the opposition , if they succeeded to office , would adopt tbe very project they now resisted ; but he wished to see it carried out by Reformers , not by Conformera , and he trusted , at all events , that Ministers would not resign without a dissolution .
Mr . Alderman Copeland bore testimony to the general feeling ot mercantile men against this Budget , as deeply injurious to the commerce of the country . SirH . Vivian observed , that people who professed their general belief in tbe principles of free trade were often found to desire an exception for their own case . He commented upon the evils of the existing Corn Laws ; and illustrated them by quoting an opinion expressed by the gunmakers of Birmingham , that they could not compete with those of Belgium while the Corn Laws continued to keep up tbe price of bread , which was the standard of wages . He was as zealous as any man in bis hatred of slavery ; but he did not consider himself inconsistent in endeavouring to increase the general consumption of sugar . There would be no colonial sugar displaced , if , as be expected would happen , consumption would be increased so far as to absorb a quantity of Brazilian sugar in addition to the colonial .
Sir C . Douglas , after an elaborate attack on the Imports Committee , said , he claimed for the " great Tory party" the merit of having been at all times opposed to slavery . To prove ibis , he read extracts from letters from Lord Castlereash , written about the time of the Congress of Vienna , in wbicb bis Lordship urged that the Great Powers should exclude from their matketa the produce of those countries which , after a reasonable time , refused to abolish the slave-trade . Sir H . Parnell defended the conduct of the Imports Committee . He next reviewed the working of the Corn Laws , which he described as a burdensome tax , that brought nothing into the Exchequer . With regard to the subject more immediately under discussion , he said that tbe West India oeionies , when relieved from tbe commercial restrictions under which they bad themselves laboured , would be perfectly able to compete with other sugar-growing countries .
Sir Eardley WlLMOT would not take one step to serve tbe West India interests ; but he should oppose the proposals of Government , because he thought them calculated to promote the slave trade . Mr . H . F . Berkeley thought it was yet too soon to expose free labour in tbe West Indies to the competition of slave labonr . Of the general principles on wbicb the Budget was based he approved ; and at no very distant time he believed the colonies would be equal to any competition to "which they might be exposed .
Mr . J . Parker said he stood in that House as tbe representative of the non-elective part of the population , as well as his own constituents , and he was determined to do every thing in bis power to obtain for them cheap bread , cheap sugar , and all tbe other necessaries of life , as cheap as they could be had consistently with the exigencies of the revenue . Alluding to the attempts to get up a cry of humanity on the question of the sugar duties , Mr . Parker expressed a conviction that an opinion was rapidly gaining ground among the public that the real humanity of the case was entirely on the side of the Government Several of tbe provincial Associations for the Abolition of Slavery bad already protested against the conduct of the London Committee , and on that very day be had beard that a spirit of insubordination bad manifested itself even in Exeter Hall . He regretted to see an anti-commercial spirit so strong among tbe Hon . Gentlemen opposite .
Mr . D'Israeli endeavoured to show that the value of the commerce of Brazil had been much overrated , and made it matter of complaint that more attention had not been paid to Mexico and the other ex-colonies of Spain , where slavery no longer existed . The complaints now made of commercial decline were only the continuation of Snoa * which bad always been put forward , from the time of W » ipole to the present day . His own belief was that our cominexeial greatness , so far from being on the wane , bad not yet attaluoa ita meridian splendour- - Sir H . Verney spoke in support of the Budget , and looked to the proposals of Government , if agreed to , for new openings to British commerce .
Mr . Kemble maintained that to lower the duties on foreign sugar would be to undo all that bad been done by the Emancipation Act The proposals of the Government were in themselves ill-timed , aad presented a most unfavourable account of the financial administration of tbe party who had now been in power for eleven
years . The Chancellor of the Exchequer pointed out the inconsistency of those who ffered so strenuous an opposition to the reduction of the Sugar Duties . They insisted , on the one hand , that he would derive n » revenue from foreign sugar , and , on the other band , that the country would be inundated by an overwhelming importation of sugar grown by slave labour . One of these positions must be wrong . If there was a large importation there must be a corresponding revenue ; whereas , if no revenue were obtained there could be no importation , and , consequently , no injury to the colonial growers . But the fact was , that he gave to the Colonists a protection of 60 per cent , which would secure them from injury by leaving them a fair and
remunerating price . To tbe consumer , at the same time , he secured a supply in case of an extravagant rise in the price of colonial sugar . The Right Hon . Gentleman contended that tbe arguments of bis opponents , that his proposal was ill-timed , were disproved by their own statements , when they said that the supply from our Colonies was likely to be so abundant as to render the proposed measure a dead letter . He expressed a conviction that some degree of competition would be beneficial to the cause of free labour , to which the same principle might be agplied as to every other branch of trade . Nothing could be more injurious , as had been well observed by Mr . Huskisson , than to bolster up any species of trade or induatry by prohibition . The Chancellor of the Exchequer ridiculed tbe
pretensions to humanity by which hia proposals bad been met To object to receive Brazil sugar , lest by doing so encouragement be given to the Slave Trade , was futile , so long as we sold our manufactures to the Brazilians , and took their sugar in return . We did not ourselves consume that sugar , but while we took it , and sold it in foreign markets , wo encouraged slavery just as much as if we consumed it at home . Viewing the question in a financial point of view , tbe Right Hon . Gentleman said be bad proposed a scheme by which he believed the difficulties of the country would be obviated , without imposing fresh burdens on the people . If he was wrong , let those opposed to
him point out the means by which the crisis should be mot Such had been invariably tbe conduct of Mr . Huskissan , of Lord Spencer , and Lord Ashburton , when in opposition . The debate had now lasted a week , and he would defy friend or foe to say on what principles the Opposition would shape their course when they came iuto power . This was , no doubt , politic , if the only object was to keep together tbe great party by whom he was opposed ; but it was not tha good old practice . The Kighfc Hon . Gentleman concluded by expressing a belief that the policy now recommended by the Government must be eventually adopted , whatever party might be in power . The debate was then again adjourned till Monday .
Monday , May 17 . The adjourned debate on tbe sugar duties wa resumed by Sir C . Grey , who supported the Government propositions , and was followed by Mr . Ainsworth , Mr . Hodges , ( who took exception to the fixed duty on Corn , ) Mr . Trotter , Mr . W . Roche , Mr . Tufnell , Mr . G . H . Cavendish , Mr . Strutt , Mr . M . Philips , Mr . Barron , Mr . W . Williams , Mr . T . Duncombe , ( who made an excellent speech , ) and Mr . Briscoe , Mr . Smythe , Mr . Matthew , and Sir B . Hall , spoke in opposition . Mr . Munxz said tbe really honest course would be to lay on a property tax , both on land and money , and to repeal a proportionate quantity of the indirect taxation wbich presses heavily on the poor . Mr . Shiel movod the adjournment of the debate until Tuesday .
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* | SIWETHWICK . —TheTriumphof Troth . —Corn Law Repealers Defeated . —A public meeting was felled at the Talbot Inn , at this village , on Monday git , for the purpose of petitioning Parliament for ¦ wRepeal of toe Corn Laws , when a deputation from West Bromwioh attended to speechify upon them , and amongst them the Rev . W . Stokes . As soon as it became Known that the obeap bread criers were going to hold a meeting , two working-men came over to Birmingham to procure help , and if possible to prevent the people from being deceived by 6 uch hum-> ugs , when Mr . T . P . Green , and Mr . W . Dean Taylor , were appointed to go , to give battle to the ^ Repealers ; prior to the imeeting commen cing , Mr . 'Barratt lighted the candles on the rostrum , and while there took occasion to turn the portrait of the Queen , which hung over the mantel-piece , face to
the wall ; immediately upon the arrival of his Reverence and friends , they proceeded to move a Mr . Downing as chairman , when the Chartists moved as an amendment , that Mr . Seagrare take thechair . The amendment was fearried by a gTeat majority , after which i he Rov . Mr . W . Stokes got up to move the first resolution , which was as follows : —; " That all laws which interfere with the importation of the necessaries of life are opposed alike to sound policy and national prosperity , because they afford an undue protection to the landowners , to the manufacturing portion of the community , and whilst they sacrifice the commercial interests of the country , they afford no real protection to the agriculturists . " "That the Corn Laws are opposed to the eacred principles of religion and morality , by preventing that intercourse between nations . which Providence , by beetowiag upon one country whatsit has denied to ano-
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ther , evidently intended should be tho means of promoting . ' Peace on earth and good will to men /" " That the Corn Laws are peculiarly oppressive to the working portion of society , for whilst Holy Writ declares ¦ * That the labourerer is worthy of his hire , * these restrictive laws have a direct tendency to prevent the fair remuneration of labour by raisin ? the price of provisions , whilst they choke up the springs of industry . " Now , this'was originally three separate resolutions , bat finding the Chartists prepared to shew fight , ( hey determined to move . them as one . The old hackneyed arguments of repealers , -which have been a thousand times told , were retailed here , but with great abilitv and considerable tact , and , as usual , pity for the workers , was the moving cause
of the appearance of his Reverence that evening . He spent considerable time in shewing his ability to make black appear white ; and , in so doing , stumbled upon the confession that he was an advocate for universal right and Universal Suffrage . Mr . Jones seconded the resolution who did anything but aid the cause he had espoused ; but , as far as personalities and ill temper could do so , he was mighty valiant in its defence . A plain labouring Derbyshire man then moved an amendment as follows : — "That this meeting considers the Whig scheme af a partial repeal of the Corn Law duty as one of trick and fraud , for the purpose of keeping themselves in office to perpetuate national plunder ; and this meeting will not acknowledge the House of Commons as
at present constituted to be the veritable representative of the population of this country ; nor the House of Lords any thing else than a house of territorial aristocrats ; and further ,- this meeting considers it folly and madness to expect any redress of the grievances of the industrious classes , until the People ' s Charter be the permanent basis of the constitution of this country . " He remarked , that he thought it was woadrous fine to talk about repealing the Corn Laws , but what would be the condition of the farmers , unless their high rents were repealed also I He also clearly pointed oat the manner in which it would drive the agricultural labourers into the manufacturing towns ; and concluded by giving them a broadsider upon their inconsistency amidst the laughter and cheers of the people . —
Mr . W . Dean Taylor , Chartist lecturer , then got up to second the amendment . He appeared there not as a lover of Corn Laws . He did not believe they were either holy , just , or gooi ; but , though he was convinced that any tax upon food was in itself wicked and base , yet he was also well assured that the Corn Laws could not be repealed without a decided change in Government . Mr . Stokes had said we must first know the disease before we conld know the cure ; he ,-therefore , contended that tile cause of the miseries of the people had not b « ea shown . The question was , whether the passing of the Corn Law had produced all the misery and want of this country . If it had , then , its repeal would , of course , take it away . But if
the passing of the Corn Law had not produced the whole of the evil , then its repeal would not remove it , or impart permanent peace or prosperity to the country —( hear )—on the contrary , he was prepared to show that its repeal at present , and by itself , would not only fail to give domestic peace or national prosperity , but that it would produce real evil and greater distress . It had been stated , that before the passing of the Corn Laws the people could purchase food at remarkably low prices ; when it was a fact that , in 1803 , the quartern loaf was ltd ., and in 1812 , 20 d . was paid , and that these two periods were both prior to the passing of this iniquitous law ; while it was well known that iu 1841 the same quantity could be purchased for 74 d , aad
this while the Corn Law was in existence . Much had been said about the great orders that wonld come to this country , and make the labour market prosperous . But he wished to ask , what would be the effect if machinery was introduced to perform it instead of human . labour f Numerous authorities could be brought to show , from among the Repealers themselves , to ' show , without doubt , that they were well satisfied that nothing but improved machinery could ever enable them to maintain their position in the market , tho meaning of which was , that there must be less hand labour , and consequently the labour market more glutted than it was . He would also ask if this tremendous power of invention was to go on so as only to require mere overlookers .
how it would be possible to keep u ? our wages' , when our wages depend on the scarcity of our numbers , and when the population is continually increasing . He clearly pointed out the impossibility otcompeting with foreigners who manufacture to a fir 6 ** ^ fcwUj w ^ ° S ? " 0 w their own material , Who are not burdened witb , taxea as we are , without we also come down to thejr Jwtjrages , which a repeal of the Corn Laws by them 8 eIve *« iwMild speedily bring about . He then referred to the" trxpoxiation of machinery , that the coun ' tHes ' e xp ^ oted ^ toTfh ^ ngL corn for goods , had the first and best machinery , English mechanics and workmen—in fact , whatever was superior in British manufactures and machinery , they had them ; besides could any man in his senses
expect those countries to throw away their machinery , buildings , and capital , for the sake of ploughing , sowing , reaping , &c , to please the manufacturers of this country—u was monstrous to suppose it . They were told the Corn Laws were injurious to the manufacturing interests ; but they must always understand that to mean the interests of the masters , not the workmen . It was not a Corn Law Repeal that was wanted , but a labour repeal ,, and an increase of wages . Englishmen worked ' too" r mucli already ; in fact they had worked for the world , and a few had reaped the benefit ; and now the masters had eaten up all the produce of the manufacturing operatives , they were resolved to gormandize and gulp down their ungodly throats the
land and its produce too . It was well known that a cotton spinner , thirty years ago , would earn three times as much with two hundred and fifty or three hundred spindles , as ho can now produce with one thousand , or from that to two thousand two hundred spindles '; it was also known that the increase in speed was such , that . where some spindles only revolved fifty times per minute , that they perform from four thousand to five thousand revolutions in the same period of time . How , then , can the labour-market ever . be made prosperous again by the repeal of the corn , or in fact , by the repeal of any other laws , until we labour for onrselves only and turn our attention to the cultivation of our country . Mr . Taylor then informed them that
there were 30 , 060 , 000 of acres of land in th ; 3 country comparatively waste , and yet we wanting corn from others . Of all kinds of insanity , this appeared the worst ; he laid before the Repealers such a number of facts and with such a power of argument that they appeared completely chop fallen , and concluded by showing the Charter must be the law of the land . Mr . T . P . Green then got up to support the amendment , when he very clearly pointed out the part the clergy had taken in the ma $ Ur , and that if they had wanted a repeal they wonfd have got it , and if they wanted the Charter they could also have got it ; he gave the black slugs as he termed them a r > gular drubbing . He sat down and Mr . Benjamin Hill arose also to support the
amendment , in doing which he showed that bread was as dear long before the war without Corn Laws as it was now . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) He also explained in a vei y able manner the expense of freightage for corn to this country , the damages it was liable to , and that it could uot possibly be brought to this country , leaving profit out of the question , without being as dear or dearer than we can produce it at home ; he supported the amendment because he was resolved that the enemy should not slip through our fingers by cunningly keeping auother resolution back , and thereby slide us out of the field , and publish it as having passed . He did his work like a true Chartist , he stood to his post . Now Mr . Hill is a member of the Christian Chartist Church , and in supporting this amendment , ho was opposing Mr . O Neil , his Pastor , who would not go for the amendment , but for the original motion , and
this , a professed leader of Chartists . Mr . Hill , however , would not be juggled out of the victory , nor give an inch to the repealers , but opposed Mr . O'Neil to his face . Mr . O'Neil then said'he thought the original resolution ought to be carried , and an amendment attached to it to make it perfect , thus giving the repealers a victory over Chartism . He a ! eo stated that as we would not de this , he would vote for both ; others could please themselves . The amendment , of course , wasput and carried by an overwhelming majority . The resolution was also put , when about fourteen hands were held up in its favour , by Corn Law repealers , amongst whom was Mr . O'Neill . Three cheers were then given for O'Connor and the Star > three for the exiles and prisoners , and three for the Charter ; concluding , as all meetings should do , having had a good dose ot Chartism that night . Down with the repeal , and up with the Charter !
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Sudden Death of Mr . T . Barber Bkaomoht .- — On Saturday afternoon Mr . T . Barber Beaumont , a county magistrate , and resident director of the County Fire-office , expired suddenly , at his residence in Regent-street . He was sitting in his parlour alone , and upon one ' of his family entering the room he was observed reclining in his chair as if asleep , but it was soon discovered that the vital spark had fled for ever . Mr . Beaumont was a fine healthy looking man , apparently about sixty years of age . A few months since he had a severe attack of illness , but overcame it , and from that period to his death he enjoyed very good health . About eight months since the deceased gentleman erected , &t a Vast expense , a large building in Beaumont-square , Mileeud , and which is used for literary and scientific purposes , and which he has endowed for ever with the sum of £ 400 annually . Mr . Beaumont had extensive property in Mile-end .
Intelligence arrived at the different insuT&noe offices in the metropolis , on Saturday , J ^* JflBri fire having occurred on the morning offlfeffle ^ HP week , in the quiet village of Stoke ^ yyfijjjnflpp few miles from Exeter , and wMch / eflujMSOMI total destruction of fifteen houses , tw , 9 w 9 ^ H 5 sfl forty-six poor labouring families , f ~ l $ l 3 $ H& £
— Original Correspondence. _ ^
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: _^ _ THE NORTHERN STAR . 7
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 22, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1110/page/7/
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