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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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THE TEN HOTJRS' FACTORY QUESTION . A SEPOKT ADDRESSED TO THE SHORT-TIME COMMITTEES OF THB 'WBST SIDI 5 G 0 ? T 0 RKSH 1 RE , OF CERTAIN C 0 NFERE 5 CES HELD -W ITH . THB BIGHT HOKOUB . ABLE SIB ROBERT PEEL , BART ., M . P ., AND SEVERAL OF HIS COLLEAGUES , ON THB SUBJECT OF THE TEN HOURS * FACTOUT QUESTION , AHI > OTHER IHPORTAST . MATTERS . Having been deputed by yau . to -wait upan the leading Members of the present Administration , to urge upon their attention the necessity and importance of a . bill for the better regulation of in&nUle and youthful labourIn factories , we beg to present to yon an abstract of our proceedings in the various interviews -with which ¦ we wfere honoured ; aa the best mode of laying before you . the results of our labours in the discharge of the daty eonfided to us .
At i preliminary meeting of your delegates , certain general principles were agreed upon for the guidance of the deputation . It appeared a matter of primary importance to occupy as little as possible of the time ' of the Ministers with whom it was proposed to seek interviews , * nd to lay before them , in the shortest period , clear Tiews of the nature sod extent of the measure to which their attention would be directed . 1 o attain these objects , it was considered that one member of the deputation , who understood the question thoroughly * and the views ef his associates , and was possessed of the-power to explain these clearly , should be appointed to conduct the interviews on their behalf ; the other members giving such assistance by way of suggestion , explanation , or corroboration , as might be necessary . 1 KTERVIEW 'WITH SIR ROBERT PEEL , BART ., FIRST
10 BD OF THE TREASURE , &C . ( SO . 1 . ) The first visit of the deputation was to Sir Robert "P eeL , apbn whom they waited by appointment , on Thursday , the SSth of October , at his official residence , Downing street . Sir Robert received the deputation in the most courteous manner , and after requesting them to be seated , awaited in silence their statement The deputa ti on opened the business by saying , " We have been deputed to wait upon you . Sir Robert , by the short-time committees of the West Riding of Yorkshire ,, in consequence of a letter from Lord Ashley , stating that Sir Robert Peel ' s opinions were not yet matured upon the Factory question . We were in hopes that you would have come , by thiB time , to & satisfactory , conclusion respecting the Ten Hours' Bill ; and we now press upon your attention the necessity which exists for introducing such a bill at an early period of the ensuing Session—a bill for the better regulation of labour in factories . In requesting this interference on the part of
the Government and the . Legislature , we wish to observe , that we have the sanction of precedent , inasmuch as this subject has already been repeatedly before both . , Several acts have been already passed , and as these , owing to various causes , have not-yet produced ; the effects which it is fair to presume the " Legislature had in view in passing them "— : j Sir Robert here interposed and said , " Will you please ' first , to explain the nature of the bill you prcf- j pose ? " The deputation explained that the leading i provisions they wera anxious to see enacted were— , 1 . "A clause declaring that ia future no person between thirteen and twenty-one years of age should be employed more than ten hours . per day in any mill or factory . " The deputation added that ifc was more urgent cow than ever to have a legislative protection for those above thirteen years of age , owing to the immense increase in the proportion of females bow working in factories . _
2 . " That to insure the fulfilment of this clause , no young person sbonld be permitted to stay or be found in the mills between six o ' clock in the evening and six o ' clock in the morning . . The mill-owner or manager infringing the law to be subjected to the penalty of imprisonment- ' "¦ . 3 . " The gradual withdrawal of all females from the factories . . L " The boxing off of all dangerous parts of machinerr , under a heavy penally , with a power of recovering compensation for any injury sustained through neglect of this provision . **
Sir Robert said— " The last point is a mere matter of detail ; bnfc don't yon thick there would be very great hardship in the proposal respecting female labour ? Suppose a widow with two daughters , without any other mesas of support tlian her and their Jabour . Would it not be very unjust to step in between her and * n honest employment , and say , you shall not be i allowed to support yourselves by your own labour ? " j The Imputation— " There axe certainly difficulties : connected with this portion of the subject , and the-one ; so strongly stated by yen , is not the least Such cases , j however , would be the exception , net the rule ; and it j is the latter , not the former , to "which all legislation i 3 j directed . Special cases might be provided for "by j special enactments . We do not believe that any -evils j
which might arise from even a rigorous and entire prohibition of female labour could be compared with those -which spring from the present system . The females employed in factories are generally the offspring of parents "who have been similarly situated . - They get little if any education worthy the name previous to entering the mills , and as soon , as they enter them , { generally at a very early age , in consequence of the connivance of parents , medical men , and factory owners , to evade the pressct law , ) they are surrounded Ay influences of the most vitiaung and debasing nature . They grow up in total ignorance of all the true duties of woman . Home , its cares and its employmentn . is woman * ? t rue sphere , bul these peor things are totally unfitted for attending to the one , or participating in the
other . They neither learn , in the great majority of cases , to make a shirt , dam a stocking , cook a dinner , or clean a house . In short , both in mind and manners , they are altogether unfitted for the occupancy of a domestic position , as i 3 evidenced by the fact , that the wealthy and middle classes Tfjy rarely engage any of this class a 3 servants . Yet thos ; who a * e thus cansidti&d unfit even to fill tha offica of menial . to the rich , are the only parties among whom , ordinai-Iiy , the male factory labourer has a chance of obtaiuin ^ a wife . Tbey are married early . Many are molL .- 'i be / ore twenty . Thriftlessuess and waste even of ' th-ir suiad incomes , and consequent domestic discomfort and unbappines 3 , generally succeed . Titrouga iii-s'i r :. ; - is engendered » vast amount of immorality ar . i v . ii . Tj , and "while such are it 3 results as res .-e •• = dt . v ilia , Uie-op ?
ration of the system is n ,: . m- ^^ : j ; - : n r . naiiouil point of view . It thro * d the bnr . ii .-n o : supporting t ± = > family on the wife and 'the chil i , ; ma c . rBps . ' sib * adaii male , upon whose shoulders tie uu ' v < ju , ht rightfully to fall , to be rtlnchintiy iriie Ii is en inversion of the order of nature asu of Provinces—a return to a state of barbarism , in Thich the wcnirn dors the work , while tha ? nan Ivdk 3 idly on . The cons .- qn . 5 z . ct of throwing loose such a mas 3 of partial } -infermtd fsen in such circumstances , cap . nttf . iil to bs fnmahb with danger to the State . D ^ saff . cuon ana discontent mas : b < s en .-gendered among parties so - situated . If . tUjtfore , such evils , bath private and pnblic , cm te -di < t : nc : iy tracel to this source , we think that it is the irnptratiTo duty of Government and the Iregis ' -arure to step in anl arfts : their operation to the utmost prac'icible txtent "
Sir Robert Peel— " I siul cee great d . i * kuHle 3 in the "Way , admitting ail you hire statei . I believe that female and youthful labour is pre " erred , it cjnstqtienoe of it 3 greater cheapness ; is it n-. t ? A ^ l also , because it is , in some departments , bitter adupled for the purpose in view than adult labour . " The Deputation— ;< Yen are right as respects the cheapness , Sir ; but the other point may auar . t uf doubt . Por instance , it is objected thst adults could not sloop tj the miehinery , to the height of -witch children are perfectly adapted . Bit this objection could easily be obviated by having the maJes raised , and other machinery fixed a little higher from the ground . And aa to dexterity of § ngers , you must be a ^ are that the utmost fineness of touch and quickness of movement may be acquired and retained by constant tract " c =. "
Sir R Peel— " It is eriJent thai the course you propose would have the effect , if adot .-tea , of compelling the employment of a greater number of adults , anci consequently higher pricea labourers ; and the rcsuit of that would be to raise the price of British manufactures , and thus place our manufacturers under greater disadvantages in foreign markets than at present New , the complaint of cur manufacturers is , that the competition in thess markets is already so great that it is wit ' s the utmost difficulty tn-. j can maintain a footing in them . I feel deeply for ths working classes of this country , and I am sure that if any measures could be devised by which the deep distress they now suffer could be alleviated it would be the duty of the Gavern .-mect immediately to cdopt them . Bat w « have not only Vneir case to consider , but also the effect whicb such measures would have upon the employment of capital , and . lhe interests of- those classes who have invested their capital in these
pursuits-TheDeputation . — "Hitherto , Sir Rubert , the interests of the capitalists have bsen attended t ) almost exclusively ; and the couseqeeacs is , that tbe introdact-on of Brlf-acting machinery , * nd machinery requiring the attendance of women and children only , together with intense competition between our own merahaiits , has thrown vast numbers out of work , and « duced fhe wagts of those who are employed to the barest pittance which am support existence . This evil is liieiy to be still further aggravated by the immense increase of machinery abroad . The policy of the late Government had been to allow that it should be freely exported . O * late years machinery has been extensively introduced on the continent Belgium , Saxony , Prussia , and oihfii places iave , instead of taking our goods , sbceeeded in their
primary otject—that of supplying their own markets : in some instances they have gone further , » n " d now compete successfully with us in neutral markets ; and in some articles eren eome into direct competition with us in * ur own markets . Above all , Amer ica is a rival thit threatens ultimately to destroy one of the staple manufactures of this eountry—cotton . It can be shown , that , inconsequence of the American manufacturer possessing the advantage of havingtheraw material almost at his own door , he is enabled , uotwithstand . ing a higher prioe of lab--ur , inferior machinery ^ and less economical processes of management , which jjive aa advantj ^« to the British manufacturerer of 17- per cent , the American is yet enabled , with his waterpower and cheaper raw material , in all fabrics in which quantity is more a matter of consideration than quality to beai as is tba end by a small per cestase . Now , * the
disparity at , present existing between us ss respects machinery , pefwiji labour , aad superior management , . ^ ' ^^ 0 m - - ' ¦ - ' - ¦
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must , in the nature of things , be continually lessening , and a closer approximation take place . The population of the United States of America , by natural increase , aided by immigration , * will lower the cost of labour ; improvements will be daily introduced in the machinery , effecting more with a less expenditure of power , and experience " will improve their " modes of management , until at length they will be on a par with ns in . all these points , while the substantial and ' permanent drawback of having to send to America for our raw material , bring it home , and retranspprt , it for sale in its manufactured state , -will still press upon us . " - ' < Sir Robert PeeL— " Well , but dp you not think that , according to your own admissions , tbe arguments against any interferenca which might " aid the process which you have so clearly and strongly described as now ^ going on , are very much streugthened . "
The "Deputation— " Pardonns , Sir Robert , such is not the case aocprdingjto , the light , in . which we . view tiie subject . It is an axiom in political economy , that price is depeadent upon supply and demand . If an article is scarce in the market , however small the deficiency maybe , the price of all the stock in the market is raised . In like manner , if there be a , surplus , however small that surplus may be , it affects not merely the surplus , but the -whole pf the commodity , which ia thereby reduced in pries . Wow , wo can shsw , T > y statistical facts and irrefutable documents , that since the year 1815 , there has been & constant introduction of self-acting machinery , or machinery which imposed greater labour on the . smaller number of adult operatives retained ; thus cheapening the cost ,. and increasing
the amount of production . And what has been the consequence ? Why , exactly in proportion as this has taken place , the profits of the capitalist and the wages of the labourer have regularly decreased ; until at length , in 1832 , we received no more money for three times the amount of raw material manufactured , than we received in 1815 for the one-third . This result , in our opinion , is clearly traceable to the unregulated use and extensive introduction of machinery , which has either superseded adult labour entirely , or replaced it by the cheaper labour oT women " and children . What is now the consequence ? Throughout the manufacturing districts the mills are nearly closed . Ths capitalists and middle classes are in difficulties—insolvent or bankrupt ; while the operatives are in a state of
destitution which must make every heart bleed , and which arises from causes ever which they themselves have no controuL Now , if this insane course had been checked—if over-productien hai been discouraged by wise laws , and a prudent system of trade pursued , wages and profits would have been better , and employment more permanent and more equally diffused orex the year . We should not have had flushes of prosperity , succeeded by long periods of depression ; a continual recurrence of gluts and panics , each crisis folio wiug the ^> ther at shorter intervalSi and finding us less prepared to bear it than its predecessor . For these reasons . Sir Robert , we believe that the dictates of sound political wisdom coincide with the dictates of humanity , morality , and religion , in calling upon us to retrace our steps , and arrest the progress of a system which is spreading . disease , disorganisation , and disaffection in the factory districts . As a proof that we axe not overstating the facts , we beg to present you , Sir Robert ,
with one illuitration out of many which mfght be offered . It is a printed copy of the report of the Unemployed Operatives' Enumeration Committee of letds , in which a detailed statement of the condition of the operativ < s in the several wards of t ~ iai town , the emporium of the woollen district , is given . The summary of that appalling statement is , that neatly 20 , 000 human beings are now living upon an average weekly income of ll ^ d . per bead . We leave to your own judgment what must be the ultimate end of such a state of things . " Sir Robert , taking the document , said— " I am sorry to say that I have already seen this melancholy statement in manuscript , through the kindness of Sir James Graham , to whom it was presented bj Mr . Beckett . I am deeply grieved by the knowledge of tuch an amount of guff-ring , and sympathise most sincerely with the condition of the people as there described . It is , indeed , Tery distressing , and some efficient remedy i s most desirable . "
The Deputation— " The requirements of humanity imperatively demand it . No system which entaWs upon the great bulk of the community such suffering ought to be permitted to exist : such a baneful influence ought not to go unchecked , whatever reasons , political or economical , m 3 y be adduced in its behalf . We l > eg also to present you with a synopsis of the evidence of Mr , Joseph Henry Green , a medical gentleman of the highest eminence . iThe deputation litre delivered in a paper , for a copy of wnich see note . * ) " This evidence , " said the deputation , " is corroborated by many other witnesses of the highest standing in the medical profession ; and we have also much pleasure in reminding you of the unequivocal opinion of your father , the late
O 1 T iwuerb x ^ , a nuurs . . J . K was conspicuous among the earliest advocates of the regulation of factory labour ; and as one of the most extensive employers in England , and a practical man , his opinions are entitled to the utmost deference . The following were his words : — Such indiscriminate and unlimited employment of the poor , consisting of a great proportion of the inhabitants of trading districts , will be attended with effects to the rising generation so serious and alarming that I cannot contemplate them without dismay ; and thus that great effort of British ingenuity , whereby the machinery of our manufactures has been brought to such perfection , instead of being & ¦ blessing to the nation / will be converted into the bitterest curse . '"
Si / Rooert Peel then directed the conversation to the broad question of machinery , which he said was one deserving of the greatest consideration ^ The deputation said , " We will not attempt to conceal from you , Sir Robert , our opinion that , in « rder to meet the cass fully and fairly , the enactment of other and more comprehensive measures is indispensably necessary . A Ten Hours' Bill ten years ago might and would have produced much more benefit than it can now produce . In the interval a vast amount of automaton power has been called into existence . It appears by the reports of the factory inspectors that between the years 1835 and 1839 the horse power increased at least one-half , while , so far from the new machinery calling new manual labour into exercise , the fact was that the number of
spinners in Manchester required to work the eniarged and increased machinery was not more than one-third of the number previously employed . For sueh a state of things it would be very unwise , and a concealment of tte truth , to say that a Ten Hours" Bill would be a complete and perfect remedy ; but it would , at least , be a step in the right road . It would be an esrneit to the operative classes that the Government sympatises with them , has its attention directed to tht-ir condition , and is anxious to do what lies in its power te ameliorate it The subject , as we hive already stated , is not a new ona The Ten Hours' question ha-s been discussed over and over again in the
Lezistature . Ssveral committees have taken voluminous evidence upon it—evidence which is conclusive of the justice , the humanity , and the sound policy of the mtasure . The qusstion , in those districts where it is hest understood , cas long ceased to be a matt-r of dispute ameng the working classes ; eren the master cbss , who formsriy theught it their interest to oppose it , have been taught by experience of a painful descript i on to abate that opposition , and many of them are now favourable to the enactment which we seek . Public opinion , therefore , will be with the Government , should it res . Ive upon proposing this measure to the ensuing Parliament . But to insure effective relief from thn
dangers and evils by which we are now surrounded bolder and more comprehensive measures most assuredly are requisite , and if you , Sir Robert , will excuse us for stepping bsyond the legitimate boundaries of our mission , we will tell you our opinions as to those measures . We have come to you in the spirit of friendship—net to dictcta or dogmatise—neither have we come to find fault , \ ritbont suggesting such a remedy as appears to us capable of alleviating the evil ; aad we also come free from all party feeling or prejudices . We are Eick of paity nicknames , and party contests , for party purposes' We are sick of the everlasting confoskm and bad feeling arising from these contests , and are prepared to awara our confidence , support , and gratitude , to any Government , or set of men ( no matter
¦ whit their party name may be ) , who will show by their actions that they sympathise with our wrongs and our sufferings , and are honestly desirous of removing them . We approve of the course you have pursued since your accession to power ; and especially ia your resolution to take time for the consideration and maturing of the measures on which you may resolTe . We have had too much of legislation which ean only be fitly characterized as being from " hand to mouth , " and we are therefore willing that you should have all the time which may be requisite to enable you to decide both what measures are necessary , and how they may be most beneficially carried into eff . ct . But , perfectly willing that such time Bhould be accorded to you , wo shall expect , Sir , t jat measures of real substantial justice will be the result , la order to aid this object , we now respectfully contribute our small quota of information and advice .
We venture to recommend , for the reasons laid before you at length , the passing of the Ten Hours' Bill , and to accompany it , either by the total repeal of the New Poor Law , or by such an alteration of it as will render it applicable to the manufacturing districts , in which it is at this moment practically inoperative , and in which we defy any Government ever to enforce it These preliminary measures would give confidence to the working classes and their friends , insure ia the Government the support of the well dispose * and humane of all classes , and clear the way for an equally important , and not less imperative measure—namely , the appointment at an early period of tbe session of a committee of experienced , practical , moderats men of all parties , to inquire into tbe causes of existing distress , and especially into the workings of machinery at home and abroad since the close of the war in 1815 , with a view to the adoption of a comprehensive and efficient remedy .
SirR . Peel , who had been sitting with his haad bent down , in a manner expressive of very deep thought and attention , here raised it , and sewied favourably Impressed with ths suggestion . The Deputation continued , —In order to the enactment of good measures full information is necessary . We have bad inquiries into almost every qa « stion bat this , which we believe lies at the root of all the difficnlties we experience . We deprecate hasty legislation , bat we also earnestly desire to see substantive measures adopted ; and the course we respectfully sizfgett seems to as well calculated to insure immediate satisfaction
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and future permanent relief . If we have been'bout in offering our opinions it is because we feeLihe ^ fenpiirtj anee of tbe position which we are . now perm tied "" to occupy , and fully appreciate the vast influence which your decision will have upon the happineai aad prosperity of our own class , which has its atato in jia * lonal well being e qually with that class who are the lords of vast possessions . You , Sir Robert , are now placed in the most important and commanding position of any individual in Europe ,. perhaps : in the world . At the head of a strong Government , with a powerful majority in the Commons , and an influential portion of
thepopu-Iution thinking with you ; unfettered as you declare yourself to be , save by your own convictions of what is right amd useful ; the resources of an empire on which the son is said never to set—aa empire unparalleled in ita natural and artificial appliances—at your command , and a population whose enterprise , industryi and genius is proverbial , looking np toyou ; a grave , an awful responsibility rests upon you . Sir . Robert ! The meant fox producing national well being * re superabundant ; the population is but limited . Broad and comprehensive views , vigorous and decided action , are all called for by the exigencies of the times , and we earnestly hope that such will mark your course .
- Sir Robert , who seemed to be much affected by this appeal , paused for some moment ? after its conclusion , and then replied— " Well , gentlemen , I have listened with deep interest to your statements , and feel obliged by your waiting on me . I am free to confes * that there is much force in what yon have advanced ; and that the evils you complain of are manifold and great , especially those which press upon the manufacturing' operative . I also fear that an extension of our manufactures will not afford the relief desired ; for past experience , I think , shows that such an extension would only bring into play more machinery , and not employ manual labour in any thing like the rate of the increase in the machine department Of course I cannot pledge myself to any particular line of action ia respect to the measures you advocate—The Reputation . —We do not wish it , we do not wish it . ¦ - . - ¦ ¦ - ; . ¦ ¦ - . " • ' ¦ ; - .. ., ¦ ' - " . ' ¦ ¦
Sir Robert PeeL—But I shall give the subject that full and attentive consideration which its importance and various bearings deserve , and should I come to a different conclusion to that you held , I shall do so with a confident reliance on the intel ligence , moderation , and good feeling you have now displayed , assured that these conclusions and the reasons I may adduce for them will receive a calm and impartial examination . ¦ The deputation repeated , that they had no wish to draw from tha Premier any premature avowals of his policy . Their sole object was to make a true and fall
statement of the condition of those whose interests they represented in the spirit of friendship to all parties . They sought not the injury of any class , but the welfare of all ; and taey believed that the policy and measures they recommended would insure tbit commendation . They wished it to be understood ibat they had no antipathy whatever to the masters—no desire to injure them . They neither accused them of selfishness nor cruelty . It was the system which made them what they were ; and the object the deputation had in view wis to alter the system in as gradual and beneficial a manner for atl parties as possible .
The deputation then rose to take leave , observing that they had some thoughts of waiting upon Sir James Giaham , and asked Sir Robert if it would be advisable or necessary ? . J " o which he replied , "Certainly , I think you had better see Sir James , and also Mr . Gladstone , " Sir Robert immediately wrote notes of introduction to those two gentlemen , and rang for a messenger to accompany the deputation to their respective offices ; after which he most courteously bade the deputation farewell , again expressing the satisfaction the interview had afforded him . The impression left on tbe minds of every one of the deputation on retiring was , that Sir R . Peel is fully aware of the great source of eur evils at the present moment , and that he sincerely sympathizes with the working classes . It is but fair to add , that the emphatic words which dropped from the lips of one of the members of the deputation , - ' after they
withdrew—• ' Well , at all events , it is clear that Sir R . Peel has a heart , " conveyed the nnaaimous feeling of all ; Geouge A . Fleming . Joshua Hobson . John Leech . Mark Crabtree . Titus S . Brooke .
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INTERVIEW WITH SIR JAUfiS GRAHAM , BART . SECRETAET OF STATE FOR THE liOMK DEPARTMENT , ( NO . 2 . ) .: Previous t » waiting upon Sir J . Gaham , which they did the same day , namely , on the 2 & » b . of October , the deputation proceeded to the reaidenoeel Mr . William Beckett , M . P . for Leeds , with whom Ibejr had a very satisfactory interview the day before their coaference with the Premier , and who had the ^ in jUjejjaost frank
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manner , offered his services in any way which the deputation might think best calculated to further thb object in view , either by accompanying them to the different Ministers , or otherwise . TJje deputation were , in the first 'instance , aftpld tbii theo $ ject of their missionrmight be associated wiHi-theidea ^^ d fi party measore , if theyiiccepted this kind offer , and therefore n » spectfolly declined it in 1 fce case of the Interview with the Premier $ but , upon teconsldeiing theyaubjei * they were induced to come , to the conclusion that Mr . Beckett ' s M > mtei ^ promote the object of thqlrmission , and therefote subsequently made an appointment with that gentleman , ; which they riow ; proceeded ' , ' to ^ MflU , Mr . Beckett listened ; with deep interest and evident gratification to tte . « ei ^ t ; . : or ^ Sir Robert Peel , and immediately accompanied them to the Home Office , ' where , after tbe lapse of a : few < minutes ;/ they were introduced to Sir James Graham , who received them most courteously . :,::- ; ,. ;; " ; > ' .,. - . ¦ , ¦ .... ' ¦ ¦ /¦ -:, ' . ¦ : . ¦ ; . \ " . ' ;> .:
The Deputation briefly stated the leading features © f the . measure which they > tere sent to press upon $ h §> attention of-the Government Sir James Graham aaked if they , had considered i what effecta restriction of the labour of all factory workers between the ages of 13 and 21 to ten hours a-day would have upon the manufacturing interests of the country . ; V , Doyou not think , " said he , "thatit would very much aggravate tbe evils and the distress under which that portion of the commoity are now represented to be suffering ?'' The Deputation replied , that if they thought such would be the result rot the ; measure they would be the last persons in the world to press for its adoption ; but it was because , after a mature consideration of the subject in ail . ita bearings , they had come to the conclusion that it would be a benefit rather than an injury , that they now ventured respectfully . ' to \ call the attention of the . Government to the measure ; '
Sir James Graham . — -Well , but I want to know the reasons which induce you to form such an opinion . It will be argued by those opposed to your views that such an interference with the free use of capital and labour Will necessarily place the British manufacturer at a disadvantage iu tke market of the worid , as compared wi'h his rivals , and who are ut fder no such instruction . Now , Twish to knowwhether you hatelooked at the question in this -broad and economical light ; or confined your attention entirely to the effects of the system upon tbe condition of the labourers themselves , and thus exoluded from your calculation the general operation of such a restriction as you advocate ?
The Deputation said they were , in the first place , convinced that they were justified in asking for this measure on the grounds of humanity , jubtice , and morality ; and further , that it was in accordance with the soundest doctrines of political economy . They repudiated the idea of entertaining any hostile feeling towards the employers of capital and labour in the manufacturing departments of industry . They neither accused them of selfishness nor cruelty as a class , but they wished to alter the system which wade it the interest of the employers to act in such a manner as to justify the use of smh terms in relation to the treatment which the working classes received under its iniuenee . The deputation proceeded to show , at considerable length , that the destitute condition of the operatives ,
in manufacturing districts , arose from the neglect of the very first principles of political economy—a neglect which led to an over-supply , a Supply : greatly beyond the substantial demand fo » their productions . Sinoe 1 . 811 there bad been a continual improvement going on in machinery , by ^ 'which three times the amount of goods was now manufactured with less adult manual labour than was required in the previous period for . the smaller quantity . What had been the result ? Why , that they were now actually receiving , for three times the quantity of goods , less than the same amount ef money which they got in 181 i for the one-third . It was not , tborefore , to be wondered at that , coincident with this over production of machine-made goods as compared with a substantial demand , wages and profits had both decreased ; that
the workmen who were still required had to work harder fora smaller remuneration , the capitalist for » lower rate of profit , and that pauperism had kept pace with each successive machanical invention which displaced male adulUabour , substituting in its place either tbe labour of mechanical automatons , or that of women and children . For these and other reasons , of Which an outline only is here presented , the deputation said they were firmly convinced that the measure they advocated was in accordance with the dictates of the soundest political economy , and calculated to lead back again to a greater amount : of national wellbeing than could be anticipated from any of those remedial . measures which contemplated a continuance in the false eourse which bad already entailed such evil on the community , r ,
Sir J . Graham , in reply , urged most of the reasons adduced by the free-trade party . He dwelt with great emphasis upon the possible results of a policy which , by placing our manufacturers in a comparatively worse position than the manufacturers of the Continent and America , might ultimately render the capital- of the former altogether profitless , and thereby induce them to close their mills altogether . He pictured the awful effects which such a course would have upon the thousands thickly congregated in the manufacturing districts , and entirely dependent on tbe continuance of our foreign trade for existence .. He said it would be argued that with such an intense and increasing rivalry on the part of foreigners as the deputation had admitted , it would be impossible to interpose any checks to the production of manufactured goods in the cheapest possible way ; unless indeed we Were determined to pive our rivals the adva . htuge ' . in the market , and thereby put a stop to our foreign trade altogether .
The Deputation said , that the extension of the foreign trade m the manner in which that had of late years been effected appeared to them calculated moat certainly to produce the very results , which Sir James Graham seemed anxious to avoid . /; ! Sir J . Graham here said , " Understand me ; I am not arguing as though I personally participate in these views ; but my object " a to show you what will be said by those ' opposed to your viev ^ s , and to ascertain the ground upon which you claim such a measure as a Ten Hours'restriction . " :
Th 9 Deputation proceeded to say , that according to the arguments presented in favour of the policy of causing the operatives to be dependent on a foreign market for employment , it was admitted that eur ascendancy in those foreign markets could only be kept up by a continuous cheapening of the cost of production . How was that to be effected ? It could not bedone by reducing much lower the wages of the adult operatives . That class of labourers were as near the bare " subsistence level , " when in full employ , as it was possible to
place them . The only way , therefore , to do it was by still further displacing these adult and comparatively high-priced labourers by self-acting machinery , or machinery so contrived that what little attendance it might require would be : that of -women ' and ' children ^ ami as little even of that as possible ; and thus we shall come to the same result The gTeat bulk of the labouring classes would , be thrown idle , whether we extended or restricted our foreign trade under the present direction of machinery . Sir J . Graham . —Yes , but not bo rapidly .
The Deputation . ^ It is a sorry conclusion , Sir James , to think that this perversion of human ingenuity should niake ! the multiplication of means for the increase of national wealth offer us only the alternative of slow or speo . dy ruin . . " Sir J . Graham —Well ! but how is it to be remedied ? I do not see any practical mode of averting it ; do you ? ¦" . ' : .. ' . . ' ' The Deputation . —Yes , we think we do . Sir J Graham . ^ -What would you recommend ? The Deputation . —The adoption of a comprehensive and efficient plan of home colonisation ; for which purpose we would advise the passing , at the expence of the nation , of a General Waste Land Enclosure Bill ,
which should make provision for reasonable compensation to all those interested in these lands . We should then have a Parliamentary grant raised by loan , or by Exchequer Bills , to be applied under a Board of Control to the settling down upon these uncultivated but improvable wastes our now unemployedpopulation ; and if the waste lands were insufficient we would recommend that the Government should have recourse to the Ceowa Lani ~ s for the same purpose , and in the same way .: This would increase real wealth at home , direct the energies of the people , in the first place , to provide feod and shelter for themselves , and the surplus of their labeur would form a fund for defraying the necessary expences , and ultimately repaying the principal advanced . ¦¦' . ¦ -. •'¦¦ ¦
Sir J . Graham . —Ah ! that might do very well if we were beginning de novo , but under present circumstances it seems quite impracticable . , The Deputation .- —Well , Sir James / you have just these alternatives- —either to commence this measure now gradually and peaceablyi and thus avert the evils we have been anticipating , or to let the present system take its course , spreading destitution , pauperism , discon ^ snt , and disaffection , more ant 1 , more widely , until it terminates in general disorganisation aud anarchy , and then to be forced to begin de novo , amid the wrecks of former institutions . ; . .. ' . ; ..,- ' ;¦ - . : X . ¦ ' - ¦ . ¦ ¦' . ; :-. Sir J . Graham . —I hope matters are not likely to end in that way , and that our prospects are not so gloomy as yon appear to think them . . ^ -. ¦'
The Deputation . —We are convinced , Sir James , by long and painful sufferings , which have induced us to search deeply into and ponder of ten « n the working and tendencies : of the present mode of using machinery , that unleae a different direction be given to its mighty capabilities it will become the destrajrer of those who to misuse it ; and not only the destroyer of t ~ Mm , but also of the working classes , whose fate is bow , in a oertaia sense , in their haads . GI « t after glut , panio after panic , has visited us of late years , the period between each progressively lessening , and each finding us still less able to bear it than its predecessor . The
bumble comforts of th » operatives ' cottage ham disappeared . ThB middle classes of tradesmen , who depend upoa the lower classes , are in all but an insolvent state , and trade ia concentrated in the hands of a few overgrown capitalists , in consequenoe of the inability of smaller capitalists to contend with them . Such is the state of oht towns a * toe present moment . We have given you our reasons for believing that the increase of pur foreign trade under the present system would permanently increase neither wages nor profits , nor arrest their downward tendencies ; andW « leave toyou the consideration of tbesereatons .
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Sir J . Graham , who throughout the interview had appeared to take a deep interest , in the subject , said that the views of the deputation were certainly start * ling , and deserving of serious attention and . that one thing waa ' certain , that we must lay-aside the notion that we could ever again become - ^ tte ^ ' worfc . ishop ;' of the ; ¦ w ^ M . ' ;> lu ; : 181 S , ; ' * h 9 * a se !' was different Then we were almost exclusively possassed of machinery ; since then other nations had rapidly ad-T&nced fn this' particular , and were manufacturiog for themselves . For this and other jteasons it was manifestly impossible that we could ever again command the markets of the wprld , as we once had done . '» ' ¦ ¦ : ¦ > ,-,
The deputation then pressed more particularly npon Sit Jamea . Graham the moral aspects of the queationa involved in the passing of a ten hours' bill , th % extent to which the present system produced ignorance , , a want of domestic comfort and economy , a disruption of family ties , and , consequently , both reckless and Vicious conduct The deputation mentioned many particular instances of the ' working' of the system , which strongly confirmed the general premises laid down , to all which Sir James Graham gave an attentive hearing . As , however / those portions of the subject have already been treated of in the report of the interview with Sir Robert Peel , it la unnecessary to go over them again . - ; , v ?; . ';;¦ i ^ :- ~' :.:
v In the course of the Interview the deputation had drawn attention ta the fact that the BeU-actdng machinery and the " double deckers" introduced of late yeara into the cotton districts had thrown out of employ a great number of adult labourers . These altera--tions had been carried to such an extent in Manchester as to reduce | he , numlfer of spinners from 2 , 600 in ^ the year 1830 toi 60 . Q . : in the ; , year ^ 18 U ; in the short space of eleven years , that prodigious alteration had been effected , chiefly by the introduction of eelf-acUhg machinery , and double , . treble * : and quadruple deckers . ' ., . ¦ ,-: } ., ;; S \; : :- ' -y ^ , /; . : ' W ; - . ' . ' .. '¦ . : ¦• 0 ' ^' : ' "¦ Sir jr . Graham sald . ^—Why ^_ you complain of labourers being out of employ , and yet a few . years ago the manufacturers Were advertising for labourers to be sent down into those parts ef the country .
paputation . —True , Sir James ; but that was connected with a contract madja , between th ^ K ^ regs and Ashworths and . the Poor Law Comail 8 Si 6 hers ; the purport of which was to reduce wages in the manufacturing districts . The effect waa twofold . This migration system assisted the commissioners in carrying out the New Poor Law in the agricultural districts , and it enabled the manufacturers to lower and keep down wages . This keeping down of . wages waa so clearly the great object of the manufdctarera in many parts of the country , and the additional hands were' in many placea so utterly ; uncalled for by any rea \ extension of the demand far labour , that it is a fact , and it is one , Sir James , which we are most anxious to press upon your attentiori , that in very many instances , where new families were taken on by the manufacturers , an equal number of the older families and hands were dismissed to make room for them . '¦ ¦ ¦ - - . " ¦ . '¦ : " . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦' - ' ' • ¦¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦ : ¦¦ : '
After a long and very interesting conversation , of which this report will give but an imperfect . idea , Sir James Graham said , —You will not expect that I should give any distinct pledge as to the course which the Government may take on the subject you have brought before us in sneb a temperate spirit , and in sapport 6 t which you have argued-with . equal intelligence and good feeling . All I can say is that , in common -withTny colleaguea , I am most desirous to adopt any measure which may have the effect of introducing and maintaining
prosperity among our ; fellow-countrymen ; and you may rest assured that we will use our beat exertions , and pive our most careful consideration to any measures which seem to us calculated to effect that primary and paramount object I am obliged to you , gentlemen , for your kindness in calling upon me , and for the information and pleasure you have afforded me ; and will only add , that it will always be the duty of the Government to receive such deputations from the working classes , and to listen to their statements attentively , aye , and rcvipestfully .: '¦ . ¦ . '¦¦ . ' .:,.. /¦> ¦ ¦ : '¦' . ' . "¦ . ' ' : " ¦ ¦' . ' :: ¦ ¦ - . ¦ : ¦ ¦ . -: ' , ¦
At the conclusion the deputation pressed upon the attention of Sir James Graham the same ulterior measures which they had suggested to the Premier , and again disavowed all party feeling , their object feeing to unite tbe wise and moderate of all parties , and , through the medium of the constituted . authoritieB , to carry such measures as would tend to promote the welfare of all classes of the community . The deputation then withdrew . , ' ' . ¦ ' ¦ ; . > > - ¦ ,. /¦ ¦ -. /¦ ' .-. ' ?¦ ' ¦ ¦¦ . ¦>¦ '' : ¦ Of the Home Secretiry it may be remarked , that while bis treatment of the deputation was unexceptionable throughout—while there was no want of expressions of politeness and cordiality on bis part , upon the whole the impression produced upon the deputation was less favourable than in the previous case . Sir James
Graham seems to us to have drunk too deeply at the fount of the Malthusian philosophy ( which has inflicted so much evil on this cauntry ) to be able to get rid entirely of its influence ; and though , while putting forward the arguments of that school , he repeatedly cautioned the deputation against supposing that he was uttering his own sentiments , the deputation think that there is reason to apprehend , from the earnestness of manner which he displayed ia arguiug , and the importance he seemed to attach to those opinions , that the dogmas of that school continue to exercise a considerable influence over his mind . . .. ¦¦ . . . - - ..: ¦ ¦ . - '¦' - . . . '¦ .. .. ' ,. ¦ ¦ GEORCrE A . FtEMIJfG . Joshua Hobson . John Leech . Mark CraIjtree . Titus S . Brooke .,
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such a trifling pecaniary penalty aaytoloperate but slightly , if at aU , in deterring the employer , in consequence of the profit which be could reaUse eten Mththedrav ? Baokof mochlarger fines . "•' . Mr . ( Grladstone ; inqair&i whether the depatatiott wished to abolish lnspectorahips ' altogether f To which the depntatiin leplied ; ^ hat- ' they thought , with such a bill aa they proposed , the ^ would not be much neece ^ ty for themiand they a > o thought their abolit ! od ^ nld remore ; ' . 1 greats ^^ Mbr (! e ; , of'irrita . tijja and aniioyance ia respect o'fJhe" ^^ m asters j for it waa
wijkK tlientchMy , apA ^ doint tfithj ; ii ? e operatives . th ^ t ; theinspectors ;; canie ; il lopfltaet . ; In ' faottitney were as a * sdrt'bf •^^ spies , nppn tW \ employ era , which the de > pjitattpn tfioughti knight be dispensed wil& if a bill of the loituTe indicated twrej passed into a Jaw j for ; if tM master or other directing person vreto liable ; like" the poor man , to be committed to the twadmUlfor aninfractionof its provisioiia , and the common informer were restored to / hw , former position , there would ie . vei ^ r few infringements of the , law . ¦ ¦ ; - " ¦ - ; ' -. ' ^"' : ' ;; " •¦ " . ¦¦ ¦ :. ¦ ¦'¦ ¦;¦ : ' ' : ; ' ;\"' :, -- . ¦ ,:. * ¦ ¦ > . ; : ¦ , ¦ - ¦"
-I ^ rf Wharocliffe and l ^ r . G ^^ pressed their deep sympathy with the coaditioa of the mannfaoturingolasses , and in the course of a long and friendly « onversation ; gave utterance to many truly benevolent and enlightened opiuiona . After the Tea Houre ' measure h' ^ d been very fujly canvassed in its various bearings , the deputation took the liberty of laying before Ms / Lordship aidjMr . Gladstone ( aa they hid already done with Sir R . PeelJ their .. views as to . the imperative necessity of I > a 8 sinj ?; it in ^ ^ cdnneciiiin ^ nih an iteration of the Poor Law ^ ii accordance with iljediotates of humaaity . and justice , and as an ¦ instalment of good measures to the working classes ^ ' These were matters about which { he deputation thought there should : ba no delay , as upon them an immense ' mass of
evidence had already been accumulated . -. ¦ But vriule considering " tfiose pbi > ts about whi 6 ^ the Jnind of the Gcfvernineht ought ¦ to be immediately made up , there were other point 3 , as the depatationliad already stated to the Premier and Home Secretary , of vast importance to the prosperity of the country , ; ba which the depulatibn thought that Parliament might coliect valuable information ; and therefore ; though it was going beyond their instructions ,. the deputation took upon themselves -to suggest and press fbr ' the appointment { . ' -ipf a Committee of Inquiry into the causes of the present distress of the country , as , arisiDgfrom sources not likely to be reached by alteratiou 3 in the Poor Law or the Factory Act , tha Committee to consist of moderate and well-informed men of all parties . ; '
Lord Wharttcliflre astced whether the ; niaBters were not gehera | ly : opposed to the views advocated by th , ei depntaiioh in f eferehce to the / Ten Honrs' Bill ! To which : it was replied , that the masters were now in many instances ; becoming convinced ^ by dear-bought experience , ; that these views were correct ; that a ten [ hours' restriction wonldbe the onl y ¦ : means of saving them as well as their workpeople from utter destruction . His Lordship said that he supposed that ; ioight be the . case with the but such
smaller manufacturers , , instances of approval of the Ten Uouta' Bill , he thought , were rare among the more wealthy and extensive capitalists . The deputation stated that as a general rule that might be so , but that many of the large employers were now : comiog round , to the same opinions . In corroboration of that statement the deputy from Huddersfield mentioned the names of several of the most extensive and influential millowners of that district , with whom his Lordship was well acquainted ;; ' / v : ¦ ' . '" -
Mr . Gladstone , at the termination of a most friendly and encouraging interview , expressed himself highly gratified with the conversation , and said that it was impossible to direct the attention of Government to subjects of graver importance that those which the deputation had brought before Lord Wharncliffe and himself . u You may , " said he , " rest ; assured that I will devote my best attention to them , in conjunction with the Cabinet , and with an earnest desire to discover and adopt those ; measures which may be best calculated to put a , atop to the evils yoa have described . Wnere we may happea-to ; differ , I feel a confidence ( opHsidering the candour , moderation , and intelligence which have characterised
your representations ) that our motives and opinions will receive from you a fair and liberal construction . But , indeed , it is not fair tci ; assume that we do or shall differ , for the evils are palpable , demand immediate remedy , and your claims are jiist and reaonable ; The spirit and tendenby of . your views are alike rational and conciliatory . " Lord Wharncliffe , at the request of the deputation j readily , and in the kindest manaer , gave a letter of introduction to his Grace the t ) uke of Buckingham , upon whom the deputation next proposed to Wait . The deputation then took leave , after expressing theirhign sense of the kindness ; and courtesy with which the : Noble Lord and the Right Hon ^ Gentlemen had treated them . ' ' ; ¦;•' . ; . ;
The impression left on the minds of all the members of the deputation by the bearing' of Mr . Gladstone was of the most favourable description , aud gave rise to hopes of a cheering nature as to the ultimate results of their labours , and the intention o £ the Governmenfc , both with reference to the Ten Hours' Bill , and "also to other measures deeply affecting the operative classes . And of Lord Wharncliffa the deputation have to report that he rendered them very valuable assistance by " -, corroborating several of their strongest statements from his own personal knowledge of the manufacturing districts . . George A . Fleming . Joshua Hobson . John Leech . Titus Si Brooke . Mark Crabtree . ( To be Continued , )
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„ A FEW WORDS ABOUT TEXAS . N . D , Maillard , Es ^ ., having resided nine month * in Texas , during part of which time he was editor ot a newspaper published In that Republic , has recently published a volume , from -which We extract the following : — ' ; ' : :: ¦ ¦/;¦[' . :: - ' : /¦ - ¦ ' . ¦¦' : /¦ ' :... : " ¦;¦ . , ' '¦ . - ' ,- . " Gharacxer of the Tbxans . —Texas , a country filled with habitual liars , drunkards , blasphemers , and slanderers ; sanguinary gamesters and- cold-blooded fi ssassins , with idleness and aluggish indolence , with pride engendered by ignorance , and supported by fraud .
The loafers are by far the most numerous class , and go . about from one dram-shop to another for the purpose ef gaming and spunging on their friends , and not uhfrequently on strangers ; but this latter practice ifl by far too common in Texas to be confined or strictly applied to any one branch in the community . * * * The Ttixans , either separately , or en masse , exhibit all the features of a ruffianiaed European mob , to whom , however , they are greatly inferior in social refinement ! and . much less formidable in a military point of view . *' - ' - - ;• - ¦ ••¦' ¦ •¦ ' ¦ ¦ - . ¦¦ ¦ " ¦ ' ; ¦ - . ¦¦ ' - ' ¦ :: '¦" : ' - ; '' > v . !¦ ' ¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦ . ' - '• ¦ :.
This character of the Texans , of course , is meant to apply , in the aggregate , to both sexes . But Mr . Maillard , whose notions of gallantry are somewhat peculiar , proceeds to specify the graces of the softer sex in Texas . The picture , as painted by him is ao little flattering , that we shall not expose ourselves to the odium of being regarded as libellers by describing it-Here is the original , as touched off by his own coarse pencil : — . ' ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦¦' - ' ' ¦ ¦' - ' ' . . ' ¦ - ¦ ¦ - - - ¦ /; ¦ - . ;; . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ; - ;; . ¦ . ¦ ¦¦ . •¦> "Texan IiADies-rThe Texan Indies seldom show themselves to strangers , and , like those of the United States , they useeither the pipe or the swab . The swab is a :-piece of soft wood , about threa inches long , which they chew at one end until it forms a brush , then
dipping it into a small bottle of brown rappee , snuff , which they carry about for " the purpose of cleaning their teeth ; this operation being performed , ; the swab is placed in one side of the mouth , while the pipe sometimes takes the other . They have little neatness or cleanliness of person to atttict the eye . Their figures are scarcely to be described : coarse from neglect , or emaciated from sdj-indulgence , their skins have borrowed from the sun the exact hue of the lemon ; and if the countenance be an index to the mind , I doubt nofc that their dispositions have somewhat of the peculiar flavour of that sour bullet of the tropics ; but yet to those who admire silence above everything else in Woman , permit me to introduce the ladies of Texas per excellence as mutes . " C
According to Mr . Maillard the climate of Texas is not a jot more inviting than its inhabitants . The prair rjles he describes as swamps , covered with water for several months in the year , and hardly habitable from the ' bites of insects during the dry season , Ttiecity of Sabine , he says ; is ¦ very unhealthy , ' the city of Cralveston , ? extremely unhealthy and insalubrious , ' tbe Iowa of Talasco . r very unhealthy / ajidtne city of Matagorda , most unhealthy . ' \ ; Even religious toleration , Mr . Maillard contends , does not exist in TexaSj which he endeavours to prove . The great ; drawback , however , is alavery ^ -the accursed traffic in human blood . - ¦ ' /;¦
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: The Marquis of Wateiford had several of his houndspoisoned in the covert of Dangan . Distress in Barwabd Castle . —The carp « tweaversand others , amounting to upwards of 120 families in this town , are reduced . to extreme distress , owing to the wan * of employ , most of the manufactories being at the stand still . The town has been divided into districts , and the habitations of the poor visited to ascertain the nature of each case of distress , and it appears that for the last eiz or seven weeks the average incomes of the above
families bare been at the rate of la . 2 id . per head per week i but now it will not be more than , on an average , 12 d . per head per weeki for many have no employment whatever . A sabscriptiori is now making amongst the neighbouring gentry and the inhabitants of the town , and it is < ietermined . as far as it is practicable , to give employment to those able to work , in improving foot-paths ^ roads , Ac in and about the town , and also to afford some relief by corn at a reduced price , in those urgent cases where the parties cannot be . employ *" at out-door work . —Sunderland Herald ,
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• A Synopsis op the Evidence which was given before the select committee of the House of Commons on the 4 th of August , 1832 , bt Mr . Joseph Green , F . R . S ^ Surgeon of St . Thomas ' s Hospital , Professor of Surgery at Kikgs College , axd clinical Lecturer at St . Thomas ' s hospital . The period of growth is one of weakness ; the purposes of growth necessarily rt quire a more than ordinary supply of nutriment ; children tt quire not only a large supply of food , but that it Bhould be nutritive , and given frequently . Assi / nilation cannot be perfectly formed ¦ without air and exercise . Children should be allowed long m » , in the horizontal position , and
sufficient sleep ; eight or nine hours at least ; under many circumstance , twelve hours . Children are extremely susceptible of vicissitudes of temperature . The muscles have not acquired that tone which enables them to perform actions which require strength and persistency of action . Their exercise should be varied , not longcontinued nor disproportioned to their strength . Their bones and joints are soft and Bpongy in their texture . Children are not fitted by nature for laborious or stationary occupation , Sub "» ctiug them to business or woik which requires sirong exertion , or which , even being comparatively light , demands uniform , long-continued , and therefore wearisome exercise , must ultimately have an injurious effect upon their health . But if , in addition , tht-ir food is scanty , supplied only at
long intervals , their occupation is not alternated with amusement and exercise in tbe open air , and their clothing is not warm , disease must be the inevitable consequence of this violent counteraction of all that nature suggests and demands . If you were to subject the healthiest child to the causes which have enumerated , it is impossible that it should not become vreak ' y , emaciated , stunted in its growth , dull , sluggish , and diseased . I fear that this country will have much to answer far in permitting the growth of that system of employing children in factories , which tends directly to the creation of nil those circumstances which inevitably lead to iiise » se . I am quite sure that the results will be , in regard to the health , most destructive , snd , I think I may
venture to add , in regard to morals most injurious , and thst the consequence of this culpable inattention to the physical and moral welfare of the manufacturing class will be , a population weak and diseased in body , feeble and degraded in mind , and vicions and dangerous in conduct . Children were nut designed for labour ; but if some labour must be permitted both our conscience aud aur feelings equally demand that the labour of children shuuld bs under such restrictions as will insure them azainit their being made the victims of avarice and disease , and as will render it compatible with iheir physics 1 and moral welfare ; twelve hours ' labour , including the . time for meals , is the" utmost average pei iod of labour for the full-grown , strong , and healthy man . I am of opinion that the
deterioration in tht human frame caused by this system will become hereditary , and even increase from eeneration to generation , if tho . causes are to be continued . I should suppose that such , results of the sho \ toning of human life , as are bh- > wn to be the case in the factory districts by tie official documents before the committee , would be the results of such a system . Manufactories and machinery , so long as they procure employment for the labouring poor , render the necessaries and comforts of life cheap and easy of acquirement , and aro thei means of tbe poor bfcttering their condition , and must , be regarded as blessiugs , and in every way conducive both to the physical and moral "welfare of the people . In order to obtiin this desirable object , it is , however , necessary that the labourer shuuld participate ' . ¦ in
the advantages and benefits arising from the employment of machinery ; and in diminishing human labour fey its use , the only legitimate purpose must be admitted to be , that of substituting a machine for thu performance of that labour which would reduce man to a mere mechanism , to the end that he may devote the time and leisure acquited thereby to his moral cultivation . It is indispensable , I say , in regulating a manufacturing system , that the labourers employed should never be considered as merely the means to its success , but that their condition , moral and physical , should constitute an essential object of the system ; and its success , as the source of wealth , and power ,, be subordinate thereto . But if , instead of this , legitimate object , and this wholesome restraint , ruled by the
insatiable avarice of gaia , the manufacturing syatem is without check , and has no bound but the possible means of creating wealth , and of making the rich richer ; and wages be lowered , till it be simply calculated upon how little life and the motion of a pair of hands can be supported ; if we find that these human beings ( the factory workers ) are only regarded as parts of the machinery which they set in motion , and with * s little attention to their moral welfare ; if w © find tbat these , even at the tenderest age , and without respect to the distinction of sex , and without regard to decency , are crowded together under all the circumstances thai
contribute to disease and vice , and all this to add to the wealth of their employers , to minister to the luxuries of the rich , and to mate overgrown capitalists still score vafct and oppressive , whilst the labourers themselves are degraded into the mere negro slaves of Europe ; then , I say , that these and all the physical evils incident to such a state require no medical opinion , bat demand unsparing moral correction , or they await the punishment due to depriving man of the birthright of his humanity , of degrading him into the class of means and things to be used ; instead of recognising , as the ead , his happiness and dignity as a moral aad responsible agent .
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INTERVIEWS WITH LORD WHARNCLIFFE , LORD PKESli ) ENT OF THE COUNCIL , AND MR . W . E . GLADSTONE , VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF TRADE- ' : •¦ ' . ' ¦ • ¦ ' , ¦ ¦ - ;( No ;; 3 . )\ . : •/¦; ,, , ' v On leaving the Home-office , the deputation , accompanied by Mr . WiJJiam Beckett , proceeded to the office of the Board of Trade , for the purpose of waiting upon the Right Hon . W . E . Gladstone , its Vice-President . The gentleman was unable to grant an interview that day , but appointed the following dayj at three o ' clock . Mr . Beckett promised to meet the deputationat that hour .: . ; . . ' : V ¦ .. ' : ¦ ¦ .
On the following morning application was made to Lord Wharnciiffe , President of the Council , to kttow when it would please him to grant an interview ; and he , learning that we were to see Mr . Gladstone in the afternoon , kindly agreed to meet : us at the same time . Accordingly j at the hour stated , the deputation had an interview with Lord Wharncliffe and Mr . Gladstone . ' Aa in former cases , the deputation proceeded to eJtplain the nature of the measure which they advocated , and the economical and moral reasons upon which they based their claim .
Lord Wharncliffa testified , from his own knowledge , to the fact that thefctatements thus presented as to the physical , the domestic , and the mental and moral condition of the factory workers , were not in the slightest degree exaggerated . His Lordship expressed his deep sympathy with i fee manufacturing population , and his desire for an amelioration of their condition . Mr . Gladstone appeared to take an earnest and absorbing interest in those portions of our statement which had reference to the educational , the domestio , and the moral and religious statistics of the subject , and paid particular attention to the proposed restrictioni of which Sir Robert Peel seemed to doubt the praoticabili ' y---namely , that which
would l imit the employment of female labour . Mr . Gladstone treated this subject in a very able and practical manner . Agreeing in all the deputation stated as to the evil effects , both on individual chatacter and on the domestic condition of fa , milies , which resulted from the present mode of substituting female for -adult male labour , he asked , " What practical measures would you suggest to make such a clause as you propose generally operative V The deputation , in their replies to this question , were rather aided ^ by Mr . Giadstone than otherwise ; arid it was ultimately suggested that the object might be effected by means of three regulations . First , by fixing a higher age for the commencement of infant male-labour in factories ,
Secondly , by limiting % e number of females in proportion to the number of males In any factory . Thirdly , by forbidding a female to work in a factory after marriage , and during the lifetime of her husband . It will be seen that these suggestions meet the case put by Sir Robert Peel , and at the same time obviate the objections taken . The working of the present Factory Act was also very fully canvassed , and the unwieldy and impracticable nature of its provisions illustrated by facts well known to all conversant with the subject . The deputation , while on this part of the subject , stated , in the first place , that the short-time committeee , and the friends of the factory labourer , had been no parties to that measure ( the Act of 1833 ); that
they had seen from the beginnisg that it would not work , and they were thoroughly convinced that it had been adopted more as a means of evading , than satisfying the : demand for the due regulation of the labour in factories . With respect to the education for which it professes to make provision , it was notorious that in most cases its provision had either been entirely evaded , or that what instruction had been given had been imparted under circumstances which made it a mookery both as to quality and quantity ; and oae instance in particular was adduced , in which the stoker of a steam-engine had been constituted the schoolmaster , and the fire-hole had been made the school-room . The inducements the Act held out to parents to allege that then-children were of
the full age required , when they knew that the facts were otherwise , and also to medical men to certify that the ehildren appeared tc be so , were also pointed oat , and humerous instances were brought forward to show thai this was very eommonly the case . With respect to the inspectors , the deputation stated that it appeared to them that they would be unnecessary with Bueh a bill as that proposed ; and that experience had shown ibey were , in the majority of instances , rather a meat's of enabling the masters to evade the provisions of the bill than otherwise , by giving the idea of an efficivint superintentfeace , when in consequence of the many' motives which operated to make the inspectors take . ^ he side » f the capitalist rather than that of the labo ^ erj infringements of the law were frequent , the xi 'h offenders either escaping with entire impunity , « . " * being punished ky
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 8, 1842, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1143/page/6/
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