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33an^ru3?tj3, &t.
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COMMUNICATIONS OMITTED IN OUR LAST FOR WANT OF ROOM .
CHARTIST HONOURS . TO IHB EDITOR OP IHE KORTHEBJf STAR . Sib —H . D . Griffiths does not approve of the Chartists wearing the O'Connor medal appended to a ribbon . I think him over sensitive on the score of » leadership " and " badge of voluntary slaT&ry . " He has a right to feji opinion ; lrat J am not so easUy alarmed . In the Star the ar ticle mi beaded " Chartist Medal » ad Ribbon , " and « a such I still consider it When any Individual has done ss mnch for the Charter as O'Connor , then . let him be equally reverenced . We wanot otthe O'Connors and O Bneni Nature denies BOmVof us , and honesty of inclination interposes a * trong bar to parent the success of many now straggling in the battle-field for eminence .
_ _ _ ___ , _ -She medal bears the Chartist motto , "Universal gnffo L » ad No Surr ender ; " and if the head of Satan vssen one side , and a facsimile of P&ndemoninuv on the other I » ° nld wear it on my breast , while the IboTB motto was our war-cry , in pride and triumph At any rate , there can b » no danger in wearing the Chartist ribbon ; at least the good people of Bannockburn are of my opinion , as they hare just started the OConjjor tart&n I Bannockburn is , by the bye , an awful name in Scotland . ... . 1
I fe&r there is mnch paltry jealousy respecting Feargas . It will not aid our cause ; and as the aristocrats and millocrsts cannot beat us in ftii figLt , they seek to divide us , and gold will not be spared for such a worthy purpose . There are some who assume to " go the whole hog , ' * bat 1 fear it is without bristle * , or they ire of such a soft and silky texture that ft pruatical ¦ w orkman can do nought with them . The britllts or the hog of a thorough Chartist are &s stiff as . " qaiils on a porcupine , " and present ac " armed front" everywhere . For theloTe of « ur cause drop these petty jealousies , and needless and groundless alarms , and go to work on the 2 s ititoal Pcution ia good earnest . 1 haTe aeen man y coble sentiments in the Star signed " H . D . GriSths , " and I shall trast to see more ; and depend that , to all who it may concern , I am not at all disposed to become a " voluntary slave" to any class or individual
whsUiVtr . A Wooi / wich Cadet . Chichester , Jan . 17 th . 1 $ * 2 .
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BORTON REFORM ASSOCIATION . TO THE EDIT&fi OF TH £ SOBTHEKf SIAB . ¦ 3 15 ^ Tie following address has been agreed to by the Reform Association of Hoiton , and they request tbu to insert it in yoer next Star , Yours , fcc . J . Bsook . JLddress of the Horiwi Reform Association to their brother Reformers of the United Kingdom , Pello-w-Coitstk ?* en , —In addressing you in the language of brotherhood , we would humbly , but earnestly direct your attention to the important signs of the times in which we lire .
It is now nearly Sen years since the jassing of the Reform Bill—that measure which the people were then -told , and were led to'fcelieve , would be the forerunner of greater reforms ; which would tend to secure the rights interests , comforts , sad happiness of the whole community . We presume , Brethfrs . that we need not remind you , that tha fair premises and expectations which were then held out to the people , have ended in utter disappointment ; so that now at the end of almost tan years of a so-called Reform Government , instead of fceing in a better , we actually find ourselves in a much worse situation tbxc we were ia before its commencement .
If we look aroaad amongst the labouring -classes , what do we behold- ? Householders retiring into lodgings—able-bodied labourers , willing , anrious 4 © work , tut totally unable to find employment , thronging the streets day after day in rass , and with counteaaces so pale , and frames so emaciated , that even to behold them is enough to > inake humanity shudder , whilst thousands who hava only partial employment , are barely able to keep -op a wretched union -betwixt soul and body . If we iosk V ) the middle eisssee . how do we : find them ? Tbe nMarafactuxers on the verge-of bankruptcy , snd the shopkeeper with an emp ^ -UH , beariing fficquestionable -evidence of the inability of the working classes to purchase even the common Hneeessa-•_ rles of life ; ana if we look to the higher classes , how -do w&find them ? Gtrtainly , iu possession ef wealth ., - 'bat -unable to enjoy-it , in consequence of the everyday increasing in » ecarity of life and property , brougLt -en by *¦*"» Tmnatnral—this horrible state of things .
iBretbren , there is oanatural cause why thing * should % e as they are . Providesce has not withheld its bounties , -ear labourers are proverbial throughout tie -dvjlisfcd ¦ world for their williajqiess to toil—our soil is . goodthe bowels of our vacQo . yitld eTery thing that is necessary for trade and ^ manufactures ; and our , geographkaJ position is snch&s to command the commerce of tba ^ worid . Being thus situated we can conceire of no ¦ cause s& £ kiently blighting to produce the sad state of things -we see around us , except-one , and that one u -class legislation .
The next question that naturally arises is , how can this i cause be the most speedily and efiscSially resoled ? Our answer isihis—by at once granting the people a fall a measure of justice . Without this we feel assured that nothisg which is worth a struggle can be = accompli » hed . Even , for instance , if we -c * nid compel the Government to irepeal the Corn Laws tomorrow , they might , in tisdve month's time , so irise their l ^ i alative powers so as- to make our condition as bad ** it is at present . But we feel certain that tibs great mass of the work ing clsss&s can never again fee induced to join is eny agitation -except that which ssmanda for them a fair share of political power . Thsae , then , fellow conntarymen , areiJSie cf the convictions which have prompied us to take tbe iBiport 3 ut step tks have taken ; that is , to make ibe foiowing the fesrlamenta ! principles -of our ^ ssoet&tMO .
l ^ i . UtaT «« al Suffrage—that is , that every male Inhabitant » f < thesa realms , cf twaaty-one years of age , of sound mind , and unconvicied of felony , and who has resided witbin any given electoral district for six months prevk » tt 3 to tbe list of yqters bting revised , shall be entitled ta Tote for liie elsciion of a member of Parliament . 2 nd . TotebyEafiot . 3 rd . Annual PirJiaments . * di- Equal TatiRg Districts—that is , ttat each voting district shall contain , as nearly as possibly , an equal number of inhabitacts . 5 Jl Ko Property -Qulification for 34 embers of Par-Mas : ent , and 6 'i . Payment of Members . Brother Reformers , be sot startled at ihosa principles ; tb > se are the principles which Whigs of by-gone days have advocated .
Io 1780 , Charles James Foe , the leader of the Whigs , wsi ehabican of a oommiit ^ e for the carrying out o ' those principles . In the same jear , tbe Doke of Richmond introduced a bill into tfce House of Lords , for tbe purpose of establishing Artfin&l Parliaments , and giTing tfce right of voting to every man not contaminated by crime , nor incapacitated for waat of reason . About the years 1795 , and 17 S « , Charies Grey , Esq . Snow Earl Greyj advocated similar principles . Thta be act needlessly alarmed , but come out ol once Hke men , sxd like polriots , for tbe above m entioned p . TJnciples , and we xhsll soon be able to form such an "inion oi principle and of action , that no Government * i ll thick it prudent to turn a deaf ear to oar prayers .
Sincerely hoping that you will at once consider and tioj-ttiie above principles , We remain , Brotter Reformers , In the bonds of fellowship , Yours truly , THE ilEMBBKS OF THE H 0 KT 0 > " REP 0 BM ASSOCIATION . [ We need not , of course , say that we are anxious to lee these principles universally adopted by the people , tod to see all their followers active in their dissemination . We thitk , however , that much valuable conctnbated energy will be lest to tbe people by thia mode of esrtabiiifcing isolated lueal associations , instead of eappsrting the great national body . Why cannot the Horton Reformers at ecce call upon thtJr / rieuds to join the SalioKfd Charier Association 1—Ed . 1
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IO THE READERS OF THE NORTHERN STAR iiEX OP IHE Hobth , —We of London have bten ODg accustomed to hear o your distresses , but we have n * t heeded them . We have read that hundreds upon bim < treds of jour artisans and labourers are compelled io starve in the midst of the abuntJarce that sjecks tludr saflering . "We have inown that ycur wives and tfcldren have been destitute of food and raiment—that Jtur homes have been desolate , am ) your vtry existence » ccrse All this , I * ay , we iave known , and we have also k&own that stch a state of thinss ooiild not , ought
not to continue . That society so corutituted must sooner or later prey upon its own elements . Yet what have w e of London done towards obtaining a chaBge for Ttra ? Why , in the enjoyment of our superfluities we have slej-t oTer the remembrance of " your privations . We have not equally suffered the pangs of hunger or the ravages of despair , and we have created tot description of your realities as " class" fictions . Yes , " we , " of tbe m : ddle ciass , have laughed at jour miseries and mocked at your distresses , little dreaming that the day yronii arrive when the avenger wouid direct the shaft of retribution into tbe Vttry heari of the twpirel
W « have linefeed ! nay , we still laugh ! Our palaces teho again with the strains cf revelry , and the wail of Biisery is unheard . Th « arrow of 4 es' . ructioa is ovtr the walls of Bclsbiszar—tut the hand-writbg on the Wall is unh > eded ! In the sttuets of London , this day , are thousands of its population perishing with cold and hunger , whiie tbe Ruier « f the State a :: d her "King Consort , " that is to be , are eEshriced like divinities Inthtir super-human elevation and outrageous luxury ; this day , whiie the Etretts 4-f the metropolis are fcrcnged with idle * ools , who Ioliow court pageants
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as crows follow carrion—fools who pander to the contemptible assumption of superiority which some of the ¦ worms ^ f cr eation claim OTer their fallow *; fools , who in safety can mimic thunder , and in danger are but squeaking mice ! Such things , I s * y , are crowding the streets of London , this day , to offer by their presence * show of adulation to the husband of the Qaeen , and the contemptible poltroons of Englishmen , who for the sake of Court favour have got up a mountebank affair at the New Exchange for his gratification . We shall read tomorrow , in the wretched press of London , of " His Royal HignessV graciouB this and condescending that , and the Lord Mayor of London will have bended and bowed , an 4 cringed , and kissed His Royal Highness ' s anything for the tremendous ' honour conferred upon her Majesty ' s good City of London , by his gracious presence . " Faugh ! £ 30 . 000 a year is tolerable hire for his highness-ship without the further indulgence of such mummery for his amusement .
Bat the beauty of tbo thing Is , tbat amidst all the preparations for this day ' s foolery for the gratification of the high . class revellers , the work of justice has been silently and slowly , bnt surely , progressing among the low-class spectators . The work of retribution has commenced in the stronghold of despotism / selfishness , and claw extravagance . Parties oJ weary , hungry , and destitute men , having been refused relief by the Unions and redress by the magistrates , have viBited t > ur bakers ' shops , and helped thenisfclvts and their famishing companioBs to tbe food they are not allowed to e * rn by tfcyir honest labour , that they might nol absolutely starve in tbe face of day ; and some sixteen in one case , and ten in another , have been committed fer trial for violating the laws !
But what laws have these men violated ? Not the laws of God ; for He , " who gave life , gave also the means by which life is to be sustained j not the laws of nature , for nature has amply provided for all her children j but the laws of man—the class laws of the stronger inposeti upon the weaker j laws made by a class for the protection and enrichment of a class , and by tbe umnatural and anti-social operations of which , every other class of society is gre « ud to tha earth , and trampled upon by a parcel of daws who have assumed the ftatbera of domination scattered in their way by a careless and now justly . puniabed people , and affect fco be grievously ill-osttd whea tbey complain of the wrong .
Well , then , the game of starvation is beginning to be piayed out in London ; fcst there are not enough of us Kt the table to do ao witfcany effect . We have not , fcXCuvt in some two or three districts of the metropolis , anything like the congregated mass of wretchedness that is to be found in the northern districts . We have certainly a few ijufcalfieids weaken who now and then precisely die of hunger -sad cold , and occasionally a poor wretch is found exhausted in tae streets , -eod the t > rnch of the SUiron-hansa becomes the bed of -death -.
but these cases are of too isolated a charactt * to be of importance in the-eyes of the dashing , trickinji , "thr . ving Londoner , who is bo scmstomed to deception , that he believes nothing to be-real until his own noee ^ a brought to the grindstone , and will bear insult l&e a very spaniel . ' In Act , we - * t London have never believed in your distress , or cared for your patient < endurance ; and now that tse Bter « reality is rusbing towards our bakers' shops sad-provision stores , the question is , how our newly-awakened faith can be turned to a useful purpose .
As I hays before observed , the misery ^ of London is not scfBeientty- **! * tc&x to be thought important by the setni-diviniues who govern us , and even if it was so , we are in London so dkosited and selfish , that we should quarrel amoegtt ourselves for the right of being starved rather than cot quarrel at all , if the Coctt required it ; and yet what with bad food , insufficient food , and no food at alii atolerafele proportion of the . poor of London are in the directread to the pauper hol « 3 of the Establishment . But do some of your men oftthe north help us to spieak the truth for once ? come to our aid in tbeir o ^ n forccdrdarch with death ? The law compels both yon and ca to starve : we , like yonraelyes , can
neither obtain lebour for our skill or"food for our industry , but we have one advantage over you . We can stand shivering witk cold and hunger in the streets and get occasional peeps at raree shows , and watch tbe birds of fine feather as they flit backward and forward after tbe Queen ' s husband , and the -Cu ll fed , fat , and haughty mmioas of his train . -Coaie and share our felicity come thousands of . -j ~ eu . At least , come and help > os to die with decency at the palace gates—let' the stench , of our cucaees &seend to the perfumed-chambers of royalty . & > et the Queen inhale the frsgnnce of our putridity , -said then see if she will Tead lbs hand-writing upon tie walL
Men of tbe 2 forth!—Factory slaves of Englandmiserable Tietuns to infernal laws—* you are without friends , except among your own class : —you are without hope , ekcep . from your own pndence , and your own energy ! The court betds you not , except as creatures for ite use . Tbe aristacracy , dn the plenitude of its ergoyments , does not dream--of your actual sufferings—the middle classes know your sufferings , and add weights to jour burdens . vL& they despise you for enderiug them , and contrive to grow rich upon your ruin . Be ) p yourselves ! The tirao approaches for action—Parliament , such as it is , will shortly assemble . How standsyoar petition ? Of this fee convinced , the Charter is your only barrier against wide spreading , universal destruction . Ask for it!—insist upon having it— cease tot -until you have secured it , that if peacs ana good government be denied to you , it mmy at least become the iDheritaaee of your children .
And which of -the London press wiil you take to your bosoms * s a friend ? I shall not ad »« rtise papers by naming them here , but which amongst them can you look to for support ? Ui it amongst the Wf-atha-cock Whig-Radical babblers about the Corn Lawa , and sham patriot defenders -of unlimited and surtaxed steam pow * r production , that tbe hungry milliaas thrown out of wt > rk by it 3 giant progress are to Jook with confidence for the advocacy of rtiieir interests ? Is it among the wholesale canters far one relieion , or tbe pot-house brawlers against all religions that you ace to seek assistance BDd advicei No ; I say trust only to yourselves , and your owa or . an . Tuink , act , woik . triumph for yourselves . ' and 1 st th « Charter be the grand reward of your exertions . You are starving . bow ; you can but starve if yooiail ; and tbe chances are that ¦ wh en you take tbe gauie of legislation int « jour own hands , you will not starve at all . 3 ? ACT . London , Jan . 17 th , 16 « . 2 .
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ADDRESS OF THE FEMALE NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION OF UPPER HONLEY AKD SitALLTHORN . FSLXO-W-COrXTRT-WOMEii i > D COEMRTJJSN , — That the present time is one of great distress , privation , asd sorrow no one can deny , for never in our nation ' s hut-ory was ever such deep aa £ universal deatitufoa as at ptaseht . To semedy these evils is the duty of all and everyone , both Jsale and female ; no one ought to be backward in striving to pnt an cud to the sofisriDgs of the workiug classes , atid yet whal apathy , what criminal indifference is tt > ere manifested by far tbe majority of tbe mem and women , -who bear the heaviest part of the burden , and have to endure the greatest amount of sorrow .
Men , { ve appeal to you , j should this be so ? you who pride yourselTe s on your superior intellect , strength and courage ; etould you be spathetic ; you with all your boasted advantages , shonld you be indifferent to the suffering privations and destitution of your wives , your children , and yourselves ? Surely not It cannot be , tbat the father of a family can endure to ste the wife of his bc-som , the children of his love , pine and die for want ,-when a remedy lies open before bis eyes , a remedy easy to be obtained and only wanting the unitsd energies at labonrs sous , to obtain that which ¦ Bvuld at once and for &ver arrest the downward march of labour ' s chiloren . and put an end to all these evils now so severely fe . t by all .
We featlt £ s . y teil you , that all evils of a natioca ] nature centre in class-legislation , and we esy that unless ^ the monster be scotched , more and greater eviis , deeper and mora pungtnt sorrows await you ; and as sum ss you bow suffer year pres * ut load so sure wLl you have to suffer deeper arjd more heartfelt sorrow . We tell you tbat unless c ' . ais-lt gelation is destroyed , you can have po hope of being any better , or of obtaining any real benefit for yourseiVes , your wives , or your children . We therefore ictreat you no longer io be apathetic , indifferent , cr careltes , but at once set about the work of juur own , your wives , and jaur children ' s redemption , snd itt one determined , one united effort pat an eud to elass-jegi-slstiua . and on the ruins of party , plant the tree of liberty—the People ' s Charter .
Wonitn , (* e appeal to you , ; has not the cold iron of poverty eitered deep enough into your souls , but jou Bust by your apa'hy invite heavier strokes and deeper wounds ? Tou who h ; ve teen the order of nature inverted , the female driven to the factory tolabour far her offspring , and her husband unwillingly idle at home , dtpendaDt alike onftraale and infau tile labour for his own existence ; wiil you , can you Jorger be in love -witha base cruel system that mak' . syou arjd your infants slaves , that factory lords may amass more gold than would purchase the .. whole land ? Can yon , mothers , bear lcriger the soul- degrading burden ; must you still be the aethers of nic » e slaves ? You , who possess the finest sympathies cf our nature , wiil you rtfuse your aid , when the object sought is yGnr ' s and your children ' s ha , piness , and the complete emancipation of your country ? No / no ; we will uot insnlt you by supposing that you are so besottedly in love with the present soul-grinding body-starring system , as longer to wish its continuance .
Come then , men , WGmen ; come all ; unite , unite , ard by one determined tffort , abolish class-legislfction , and again W 8 say en its nuns plant universal justice and equality , bsitti on the ~ People ' a Charter . In behalf of tbe Association , Sarah Price , Chairwoman .
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Power and I > flt : ekcb cf Frikjtdship . — The cnltivauoB oi well-placed friendship i& attended with most beneficial effects ; for , if the feeling be mmuali y strong , ana a'Iske sincere , no fault will p » -s without correction—iiO weakiicss will escape a generous censorship ; wbiJe the aaTantajte of & comforter in our hffl : c ; ions > and a par ;! cippior in cur enjovments , cannot be doubled ^ Farleys Pen *)/ Library ,
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WAYS AND MEANS . ; to THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAB . Sib , —I am very sorry , and much amused , that Mr . Finder ' s blacking has not met with tbat prompt attention and adoption it deserves . I did expect , by this time , that every Chartist in Great Britain would have it ia his possession ; instead of which , I dan say there is scarcely a Chartist in London who has yet seen it Where are those who are generally so forward in voting money out of the funds of tbe Associations for various purposes connected with Chartism ? Why dont they bring forward the above plan , to serve a good man , and our good cause ? Where are those who lament the apathy of those working men who do not understand politics 1 Did Sir John say Chartism was dead ? In this instance it shews little life .
It must be a source of gratif cation to oar opponents to see us almost neglect one of our own body , and % brilliant opportunity of realising funds for carrying on the agitation . There are many who are acquainted with small shopkeepers who might be induced to vend it . Members and others could supply their friends and neighbours . Working men could sell it among shopmates . Many a poor fellow might earn a Sunday ' s dinner for himself and family , by hawking it in publicbouses , &c , on Saturday nights ; but all most hare a place near at hand to buy it . I reside in Bethnal Green , and the nearest place to get it is Lambeth or Knightsbridge , a distance of several miles ; instead of which , it ought to be sold in every Association Room at least , and by every one who could make it convenient
I beg to suggest the propriety of the Councils calling meetings of members to empower the various Secretaries to send for a certain quantity of blacking , and to have , twe memorandum-books , one to insert the receipts by retail , and the other by wholesale ; always allowing any person to have sixpenny-worth by wholesale , if required ( the profit being , I think , one half ) , to enable as many as possible to sell it . I hope the members of the National Charter Association will see to it It boasts of 300 localities . We should then see a lift of buyers as loog as my arm , instead of , as at present , a paltry half dozen or so . A Working Man . Friar ' s Mount .
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— ? TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —In a letter received by me , inclosing an order for five shillings , and which I have remitted to you for the O'Brien Press Fund , from the Charter Association , meeting ia Ramsay-buildings , Hamilton , Scotland , there is a paragraph which runs thus"Sir , you have probably heard that the Sosttisk Patriot wxlead . What a field is now open for that noble of nature , James Brontewe O'Brien ; he weald be tnttraaiattically received , sad well supported in Glasgow . "
Through you , Sir , I would « aggest to the O'Brien Committee and to Mr O'Brien , and to my brother democnrte generally , the propriety of taking up this suggestion , and act upon it Thus might s Scottish Star be established , * nd co-operate heart and hand with-eur Northern luminary—give an impetss to the goodveauae in which we ar « « ngaeed—and bring us to the < cal of our ambition , ( the Charter , at a railroad pace . And I am sure all true democrats will agree with me 3 . hat nothing is more -essential than tbe -establishing honest Chartist newspapers in England , Ireland , Scetiand , and Wales . Yours , truly , . . in the good cause , Edmund Sia-ti / wood .
lYft knew not how this-letter came to be omitted last week ; it was fully-intended for inserti « n ; and we supposed that we had given it into the printer ' s hands . He , however , says that he has no recollection of it We Und on reference to the paper , that tbe five shillings named in this letter for the O'Brien Press Faad , and remitted by Mr . Stallwood , was erroneously stated in oar lost to have been received from < jlasgow , instead of from Rim-Bey ' s-buildirjgs , Hamilton . —Ed . N . fi / 1
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" TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE SHE LORD MAYOR OF DUBLIN . 3 It Lord , —In my . first letter to your Lordship , I presumed to point-out the fact of your Xordship ' a possessing ( as chief Magistrate of the City of Dublin , ) " the opportunity to ecamine , and the power to punish , should you find any illegal or physical-force Chartists within yeur jurisdiction . " . . tN ' ow , as your Lordship has net , since your instalment into office , had any-euch parties brought before your tribunal , it must follow that either there are no such illegal parties in Dublin , or that yt » ur Lordship has been negligent in performing your magisterial da ties . That
there are numbers of < Chartists in the city your Lordship cannot deny , andihat you have attached a violent and illegal character to their proceedings , 4 a -equally as ttae ; therefore , let cie . Ask , if your assertions are facta , ' » cd it is to be hoped . your Lordship would not voluntarily be guilty of falsehood , ) why do yoa -not arraign them before tbe "jury" you are bo anxious to sit amongst , and have tnem dealt with as wicked ami seditious characters ? / or with open , honest candour , acknowledge that tbe . y are not to be found , or that you have been deceived by false reports ? This woul . l be a more honourable way -of proceeding than that which your Lordship is pursuing .
1 on wish to keep the . people of Ireland iioffl joining the -Chartists , and , for . that purpose , you assail with unblushing recklessness , th character of a scan whom yon . have already , by your influence , robbed of every thing he possessed . Why not ( if it is the people ' s interest to stand aloof from the Chartists ) explain to them the reasons why they should do so , and show , if jou -am , that they would be injured by tbe connection ? If liberty , if " Justice to I reland , " be your motto , 1
fc-11 you , my Lord , it is net by throwing dust in the eyes of . your countrymen , or frightening them by ycur overdrawn influence , thatpau are to btaia it The people . have waited on year " ulterior measure" long enough . Yen knew they are impatient for justice , and tired of jour Whig truckling system , which they now gee is not likely to produce t&s-adv&ntages which they were led to hope for ; the spirit of inquiry is amoogst t ;? em , and your political visian is so acuta that you know you trill be likely to lose your adherents , unless yoa terrify £ hem into fcubmissioc .
Now , I fearlessly challenge your Lordship , or any of your " young blood of Ireland , " to prove that illegal oaths are administered amongst the Chartist * , or any act which « Kdd constitute an illegal assembly . Oh , no , my Lord , we " register no vows . " 1 also tell your Lordship that at » less you do prove your assertion , your veracity will in future be looked upon with suspicion , ana that if you < io prove that such oaths have betn , or are administered , you deserve to be-disrobed of your tinsel trappings , for neglectiBg to bring the offenders to justice .
Here , my Lord , is a dilemma in which you have placed yourself , you must either make your case out , or henceforth suffer tiie penalty of being suspected of falsehood ; or , what Is worse , if yos > muke it out , you will deserve to be eezuured by tbe authorities , and nAjhnp be deprived of your office . It would be wiser if your Lordship would ^ candidly own that tbe Charter contains nothing that is illegal , and at the eame time tell ihe people you were one of the leading partit-s to draw up its principles . . Act honourably , my Lord , wiih the people , who have ever acted honourably with
you . Do Dot j ; ive them cause to suspect you of tardiness , for the Irish are capable of resenting au insult Permit them to inquire for themselves , and you will f-oon find that they have perception sufficient to guide them in their choice of political principles . But - wby do J ask you t » permit them ? Are they who have struggled amir . Bt the " battle and the bret 2 s , " and grappled with adversity and persecution—they whose consistency has placed your Lordehip in your present political position to be denied the right of exercising their judgment on matters of such interest to their country 1
No , my Lord . I am an Irishman , and I claim as aright that I shonlii think for myself , and not pay blind obedience to tbe dictates of any man whatever , or be terrified by the lowering frowns of coercive influence , -which rules with despotic sway the opinions of your party . Let my countrymen look to my last letter to the " People of Ireland , " and they will there see who are their friends . I have there proved that neither the Tories , or the Whigs , or the abettors of either party deserve that title ; and I now repeat that he who would advocate the right of either party to govern the people is an enemy to his country , and a traitor to the cause of liberty . Governments were framed for and by the people , and not for any particular class ; and the people , as being the majority , should be also the law uiakers .
Your Lordship does not deny this , but you quibble abeut trifles , because , forsooth , to use your Lordship ' B own words , " every body knows Paddy O'Higgins . " Yes ! ' and poor Paddy O'Higgins knows your Lordship ; and it is because he knows you so well tbat he is denounced as a seditious character , and branded in perspective with the name of an informer ! 1 Such language would be an insult to the hateful memory of an O'Brien ; but to such a man as Mr . O Higgias it is too base for comment . The name of O Biggins does not sound well as a leader of a party in a city in which O Connell it the chief magistrate ; and which may be called the head quarters of his irfloenee . Oh ! no , there must be no "O" but the one great Acd migbty "O" in Ireland , nor must the people be
permitted to come within the circle of their acquaintance . How unfortunate it is , my Lerd . Who ever beard of such a thing ? such a number of , as the quack says , spurious iniitationB ? There is O'Connor , O'Higgins , O'Toole , O ' Connell ( not Dan ) intruding themselves into notice , as if everybody , my Lord , was not aware that you were the greatest " O" in the kingdom ! I but how long your Lordship will continue to be so I leave you to suppose , for the ptople of Ireland have an old regard for the family of the "O ' s" in particular . And now that bo many of them are banded together in the cause of liberty , ten chances to one if one or other of them ( perhaps O'Higgiu ? , or very likely O'Connor ? may not soon bec » m « the Star of the West , as well as the "Star of the North . " I have only to hope th \ yova Lordship -will take a hint from the spirit of t" *" itimes ; and Relieve that I
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would rather see you ia your proper place , namely , at the head of the pedple , leading thejn on to yictbry , instead of lingering by the way , or causing division in thecamp whewunity ahould reign ; v Remember , my Lord , the peppt » have certain rjghta o obtain ; and that until those right * are obtained , your country will be involved in misery , therefore do not despise the efforts of any msn who alms to obtain those righto , if be does not bear the same political name as yonr Lordship , or does not possess bo mighty an influence , he may still be a sincere friend to his country . And such I belieTe to be the man whomyour Lordship has malignedj injured , and insulted . I confess I would be sorry that any man calling himself a Chartist , should possess your Lordshi
p ' s political character , for I dp assure your Lordship , tbat consistency is the most essential requisite in a public man . And hencei I will be bo tree as to tell you , if you hid been'ii . consistent to the people as the people have been to you ; y » u might Indeed be proud of your leadership ; but no ; the magic spell which binds your adherents together is nothing more than the blind enthusiasm of the people , and youruncharitable attacks on all who have the moral courage to oppose your worse tham useless measures . What would your Lordship say to the man who , if be saw his friend in a drowning condition in the Liffeyy would content himself by pulling him by little and little by the heels , out of the river , and at the sains time tell him " not to be alarmed , he would have him dutby andbye ? ' or if your Lwdahlp
should ever have the misfortune ( which heaven avert ) to swing from the place where Paddy O'Higgins is ; ( according to . your Lordship ' s prophetic soul ) to send his dapes , what would you think of your "dear Fiy , " should he say , Easy , Dan , don't kick so hard ; I'll cut you down by and bye ? " Would ypur Lordship not call him a knave , if you had breath ? And do you not think this is a true picture of Ireland ? She is in a drowning , sinking condition , and you tell her you will pull her out by and bye . Oh , yes , good Samaritan ; but why not pull her out nt once ? The reason is evident , my Lord ; although she is sinking under oppress , sion , you are sklmruing lightly on the surface , and although the torrent rolls in its might over the devoted heads-of the people , your Bails are filled with zephyrs , and your lockers stored with the luxuries of life : but did you feel the pressure aa the poor feel it , you would be as loud in your appeals for relief as they are . Did
you feel yourself sinking , like the many thousands of your countrymen , you would be thankful for . a helping band to draw yo * out of the flood ; * nd so should the Irish be grateful tor the exertions of the gallant band of O ' s" in Dublin , for they are ine matter whatyoar Lordship may think er say to the « entrary , ) determined to save their country from ruin , and raise her to her proper position in the scale of nations . Yes , this my Lord , is their object ; and I say to them , in the name of the Chartists of Great Britain , Proceed ; " more power to yom , p'Higglns , " andMiay you never cease ; to agitate for tae Charter until « very " 0 " from " lyeragh " to " DoDeghadee" become a convert to your principles . And that your Lordship may have an opportunity of witnessing so essential a < 3 hange ia the sincere and fervent hope of , My Lord , Yosr Lordship ' s most obedient humble « ervant , W . H . CtlFXON . ^^ — .
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^ . , TO THE WORKING MEN OF SCOTLAND . Bbllow CoUNTRywsN , —I have addressed to you two letters on the subject of the National Petition , and my-object has been to meet the objections-urged against it , therefore it canuot watter little whether I am right or « wrong as to the fact of the rejection-of the Petition as ' the subsequent adoption of It ; there « re still objections urged and still V 76 have objectors . The Cora law question has txcited opposition to onr Hue of policy , ami tns most frequent -question -which will be put is—Why ^ o y ou not petitionfor theremoval of the Corn Laws' ? I shall endeavour to answer the auestion , at the same time premising my remarks : with the observation that I cannot be expected in a ktterlo do more than meTeiy-sketch over such tn extensive subject , and promising at the same tirae , ^ that on a future occasion , 1 shall address a small pamphlet to you on the broad merit * of the-ouejtion . '
In touching ¦ the question at all , -you must bear in mind first , that we have mentioned > the provision laws la the National ifetition , and in tbeir proper place as grievances ; secondly , that I would not argue the queatiou , if I was an advocate of the middle class or the capitalists . I will approach the anettion only as an advocate of the rights of labour , who puts to himself the following questions ;—Will tn » abolition of the Corn Laws benefit % he working men « o considerably A 3 to authorise them to renounce the agitation for the suffrages ; or ought the Corn Laws to receive the precedence in our agitation , and be made the most prominent rrievanco : ? ;¦¦ ¦ . X ::
If I was a Htiddle-class advocate , I would answer thus . Tbe agitation for the abolition of the Corn Laws U so important-bo the people , that the question of the suffrage should not have the precedence , but be , made a secondary question . Why ? Because the middle class have the suffrage already ; they have a vote ; and the Charter wiii not give them ' twos consequently , they would say , in reply to my second self-applied question , that the Oom Lavr question should have the preference , and , aa a grievance , the tax on food should be held high above other questions which do affect only the unwashed and-unshorn rabble . : Tbe interest of the middle class , aa well as their sufferings , urge-men to strike at the provision laws as the most prominent evil to them . Let us see whethsr we can make tbe question of the suffrage one equally interestiog to the working class , and still more deserving of confidence with them .
We all admit that class legislation aa a monster cause has given rise to the Corn Laws . We proclaim it in the Petition j ' -. and we promise , having the suffrage , to rescind them from the statute book . We do not , however , conceive the Corn Laws to be the monster result of tbe ayntem , and that the National Debt , the army and n » vy , * u overgrown Church establiabment , the Poor Law , tbe excise and custom duties , and a variety of ovber effects , are to be pointed out as not arising from that prali fie yet deadly root—class legislation . Working men feel all these evils , and are
conscious they cannot mitigate or remove the pressure of one of them ; nevertheless , they are fully sensible that the lopping off" of one branch would signify nothing if the vitality of the root could throw out in its place a hundred small and hungry offsaoots . The Corn Laws once gone , the cause remains behind , and the wise men who offer this Bacred plaster to the wounded side , quite forget to take out of the remedy the thorns en . cosed , or , in other words , with the Corn Laws thrown overboard , the laws of primogeniture and entail ,, which uphold the monopoly of land , aad which preceded the Corn Laws . :
What quackery would it be to abolish the Corn Laws , and hold sacred the very monopoly which originated them , which is the twin monopoly of our present clasa legislation , and which living must exist , and existing must ( Jive into the vitals of the poor and lay the foundation of its : fallacies on the ruined cottages and the miseries of its wretched inmates . ¦ •' : What do the middle class mean by their class legislation ?—the presence of a majority at Tories in the House of Commons . They had a hand in that aa a class aid ; if all the House of Commons consisted of Whigs , would tbat lessen the load of class legislation to tbe labourer ? No , no ; no ! It was class legislation when the landlords had sole power , it would still be class legislation if the capitalista joined taem . It is
cla-vs legislation even now , when tbe middle class have the fanchise ; and it will be class legislation until every man has a vote , who is of a sane mind , and twenty ¦ one years of age . Leave that plague-spot behind ; and although you , my oppressed couutrymen , may toil for a thousand years , ye would still labour to' begin anew ; strike at the root : and mind , strike fur yourselves , without heeding who may say , strike higher , that hurts me . Aye , but you eay , a cheep loaf is a cheap loaf stilJ . Bo it : is , if you have sufficient wages ; but will tbe Corn Laws bring you a cheap loaf with tte same wages ? If , I answer it may ; still , it will be like cheap letters under the New Postage Act You will have a shifting of the burden from one shoulder to the other , but the load
will nut be one jot the less . Had you not a Whig boon in penny letters ? That was a . benefit . Did Hot dear tea , coffee , sugar , and spirits follow ? Most certainly . Then your burden was Bbifted , and mark my word it will be shifted again , must b 9 , or the finances of the country are exactly the same as those of Fiance , previous to her great revolution . How would cheap , bread , dear tea , sugar , coffee , and ho suffiage look ? How woulri Vnirtrsal Suffrage , low taxes , and no monopoly louk ? The middle ciass say you cannot get tho ** la tter . I answer by a question can they abolish the Corn Laws ? No , but they have the suffrage and if they eannot abolish one evil , having the power wbieh we have not ,
I maintain that it is an unanswerable argument in favour of the extension of the Suffr * ge , at once and for ever to every man of twenty-one years of age , and of a sane mind . Their power Js top weak they say ; then why not make it greater by giving : you the same power , because , the question is not whether you ; are t 6 be benefited , but how they are to profit by your aid . it your public opinion is solicited , surely , if you are capable of giving an opinion as to the injurious nature of the Corn Laws , you are also equally capable of giving a vote for their removal , and the man who : would ask the former and deny the latter ,-is either a . senseless simpleton , or a cunning rogue . . ' ¦ .-. ' ¦ , /• . ¦ ¦ . •• " .. ' ¦ . : ¦
Hemember the weakness of the anti-Corn Law * dvo 7 catt- » is admitted , wbea ttiey solicit the support of the non-electors , and their knavery niwst be apparent aa well as their folly , in courting the Suffrages of working men in public meetings , on one question , whilst they refuse the same liberty on > U questions . Who are the tyrants then * we who legitimately intist upon our right cf reason on all public questions , or they who ^ ill only tolerate it ou one ? ; . ¦ '¦ ¦ ¦ . ; - . . ¦ ' . ¦ ' .- ¦' : ' : . ¦ - . - . v ; ¦ . - "¦'¦ ¦ > . ;¦ • . ¦ . ' ' . - ... ; FfHow coontrjmen , I wish you saw the cloven foot as plainly as I do , you would then , revertiug to the btruggles of the hand-loom weavers , and the bloody field of Peterloo ,: believe that necessity alone has at length compelled your masters to require the abolition of the Corn Laws wfaen that monopoly has done its worst for the labourers , which rolling over tbe famished body ef the weaver , and bis mouldering loom , now carries distress to the houses of the middle Class , and arouses fcyujpatby only whe ^ eelf is concerned .
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' . ] . JThe question la twenty years too late in being agitated , and we are a century In advance of its advocates . Labour can no loBger receive benefit from the repeal of the Com Laws , and the time is gone when manual labour can compete with steam , unless universal power will remove universal "wrong ; , and bring cheap government , low taxes , a reduced national debt , no sineourei , at the same time that you have cheap bread , plenty to do , and high wages . \ : ; God knows I cannot laugh at . not despise , the poor , when they are led away by the seducing cry of a cheap loaf ana plenty of work ; but I will endeavour to reason with them , and therefore having answered my two questions , and given you the reason why the Corn Law question is to take the precedence , I will now briefly lay the real question at issue before yott . ^ ; -vV-. \ ' ; - ' ¦¦ :- ' :: ' ' - - - ' ;¦/ ¦ Y ' - - ' ' " ' . ¦ " '¦' .: ¦ :
- . . .. . It is not , feHowcbuntryTneB . afairwayof adyocating the question of free trade by simply pntting one question to the people , and asking them if they , would have a big and a cheip loaf , because every man would say yes ; and then proceed to satisfy hia reason that he could have it , and decide upon the readiest and the best mode of keeping it free from the grinding masters and texgatheters reductions . The landlords created the provision laws at the end of the war , on the ground that if we could eat British grown bread it would be : to the profit of ; the country to do bo rather than employ and pay foreign labonrers for that which British worktnen could create , and if we conld produce aa much or more grain than the people of this country could consume , it would be wiseand judicious to
employ our own labour in preference to foreign industry . The landlords discover their present advantage in the war price of farms and of food ; and although :. thtsy cian . they will not grow as much grain as the land eoalrf produce ; and the customs of the country appropriate much land for grain to be malted , and for potatoes , and other esculants which acres might be more advaftr tageoualy used . The great reason for the Corn Laws was , that Britl » h labour should be employed in the flelda ratfaer than foreign labour , that British bread was betterttian Russian , even if a higher price is paid for the former . Now observe what follows . This resolution t > n the part of the landlords , brought them into
coattslon with the manufacturing interests , and th « y said to the legislature our taxes are increasing , and we must pay bur workmen more wages in consequence of th « pressure ef public burdens , therefore on the same principle tbat you protect British com and exclude foreign grain ,, we insist upon protecting British vnanufactured goods , and shutting out foreign manufactured goods , that is to say , we shall have import duties npbn shoes , hats , and stockings , besides glass bottles and a host of other articles manufactured by distinct , useful , and important trades in their country , but which articles foreign workmen who are untaxed can produce cheaper than we can , and therefore in the end would undersell us in our own market .
To tkis the landlords consented ; and hence , if it is true that tfee landlords pocket the difference of the price of corn , as it is sold in London anfi Dinizic , it i s also true that the manufactsrers pocket the difference between the price ef shoes and hats in London and Paris , and of woollen stockings in the Midland Counties and Saxony . " Which of the two pocket the most I cannot Bay , but of this much I can assure the taboiiKir that hia interests aria exueiflod between the twb <> . ¦ - " . ' ¦' ¦ ' ¦ ' - .. ¦ ¦ ¦•¦ - , ¦ ¦ .. ¦¦ ' . ¦ ¦'
. N « w , mark again the effect of the abolition of The Corn Laws . The manufacturer dtmands the abolition of the Corn Laws , not to give them the chance " of exporting more bats , shoes , stockings , gloves , clocks and watches , gloves , Bilks , and a host of other British manufactured goods , thereby . employing- ' more workme : i in these trades , and paying them better . Oh , no . The market for such goods on the Continent must be closed ; otherwise we would not chest out Paris .-. bats and shoes for the London markets by import duties , ranging from 30 to 35 percent .
Foreigners bent as in these goods , and the abolition of twenty Corn Laws would hot enable our trade to compete with foreigners unless you struck off the National Debt , and reduced the taxes to tan millions a year . The only artitlea we can export arecertain cotton goods , ' and some few woollen articled . , Working Mea * take notice here that one market is nearly closed ia regard to some of the manufactured cottoria and woollens , becduae whilst we export jei 7 j 694 , 303 of woven cotton goods we export at the same time £ 0 278 , 099 of cotton twisty for foreigners to weave into cloth . We even now- export woollen yam for the foreign weavera . There . is competition for you ( and what is Free Trade but a widely extended competition ? Ami what would it be to you with a widely extended taxation . . ' .- •¦ ' . .. . ' . ¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦ ' ' ' ' '•'¦' . . ¦ ¦
Fellow Countrymen , before you runaraco strip off the clogs , and take Nature's shoes ; and before you diverge into a natural course of trade destroy the trammels of artifice . How ? in what manner ? you ask . Simply by the suffrage . Seek power first ; then bid defiance to the tax-master and the poor man ' s plunderer . - ' ' . :-, ¦ ' - ¦ ¦ ¦ . ' ¦ ' ¦¦ ' . ¦'¦ : ¦ ¦ ¦' - V ' ' , ¦ ¦ ¦' . '¦ ¦ - I will avoid the single question of the Corn Lawn , and leave you to read my friend Campbells sma ll book , full of statistics valuable and convincing on the question . ' : ' . '' . " ¦ ¦ •" " .: ¦• • '¦ ' - ;' ,. ; - \ . . '• You have now : learned the relative position of landlords and capitalists . It is for labour and its friends to watch and explain their individual movements , and report injury or benefit to us . I fear tbe latter will not overburden many messengers between the palace and tbe cottage .
Fellow Countrymen , the question for you to consider is , will , the taxes collected from tbe Corn Laws be collected from . other articles after ttheir abolition ? The difficulties of the Government afford an answer—they must ; and from some quarter the one million and a half must be levied . Let it be impressed on the yonng Prince ' s forthcoming beard , and you will be the payniastera . Can you resist , object , or abolish taxes ? You have , then , working mtn , another alternative . If the Corn Laws are abolished to benefit the manufacturing interest-, other import duties runst be aVoliebed to compensate
( mark that ) the landed interest . In one word , it iuanufacturers must have cheap bread , agriculturists -will have cheap hats , shoes , stockings , and otber manufactured articles , because the same reason applies to these manufactured goods as to corn ; the same reason caused and the same arguments apply for or against both . If it is wrong for manufacturers to pay a protecting dnty on corn , you may depend upon it landlords will not be slow in objecting to the right of mar . ufactururs putting a tax upon bats , shoes , and stockings , and compelling them , for the benefit of trade , to pay moie for them than they do in France .
The result will be , if any injury arises to the agricultural labourers , they must be thrown as a bone into the mouth of the manufacturer , and if any loss or ruin arise from foreigners being allowed to undetaeU us in our own market , that must not be attended to because the landlords demand it , and have the power lo take it , if refused . Working men must be sacrificefl either way , unless the suffrage is present to protect an < l benefit all , to give undue advantage or undeserved misery to none . You have the question now before you , and to make it clearer , I will give you an extract from the evidence on the Import Duties in proof of ruy position . Question put by Mr ; Williams , M-P . ; — ¦
" Would you say that the principle was a correct one , to admit the importation of stockings manufactured in Saxony into this country free of duty , which would , aa a matter of course , superseae the trade entirely at Leicester , Nottingham , and other parts of England where stockings are made ?" Answer given by Mr . M'Cfregor : —¦ " Icertainly would ' admit ( hem at an equitable duly , not exceeding ten per cent , whether thai u- * uld destroy the trade at Leicester and Nottingham o )• n ? t , but oven if it did I should say that it would be bettor for the whole country to subscribei sufficient to support all these people at home who are now being employed in that manufacture , than to continue a tax in perpetuity upon this country . It would be humanity towards the mahufacturera themselves . "
So it would Mr . McGregor , bat at the same time ruin , starvation , and no bread at all to the weavers ; as for the public BubscriptioHs they are as slippery as eels , and with the New Poor Law befcre our ayes , the moat unchristian hopeless prospect for the poor . ¦ '• ' . . . ¦ . I have placed the question in a just light before yen , and I ask without hesitation , what labourer would tivt the Suffrage the go by , and the Corn Liw repeal thtpreference ? I cannot at tii > time enlarge upon the subject , bnt 1 will answer another argument assumed by tfee free traders to be a good one under the present state of the Goyenment in this country . We are told that an extension of trade would benefit , but before we can maintain our present position we must cheapen our gooda That cheapening of goods has beeu our curse , or in other language , competition has been oar rum .
I will , for the sake of argument , assume that a master employs a hundred men as weavera , ( makes shoes , lists , or any thing , ) and that in one day of ten hour ' s work , a weaver can produce ten yards ef cloth , for which : ho receiveH half-a-crown . The master will then manufacture 1000 yards per day , which he : will carry to tbe market and sell for £ 500 . Half-a-crown is paid to the weaver , the cloth Bells wholesale at ten shillings per yard . Competition arises at home or abroad , machinery comes into play , or any cause reduces the price of tht
yard of cloth to five shillioga inate&d « f ten ; whf 4 mutt the master dot and bow will the workman stand affected ? The matter to retain bis position , and only secure his former profit must produce for sale and sell 2 , 000 | yards which will only bring the old £ 500 , and the workmen to retain his wage and earn no more , must either contrive to weave twenty yards :. in ten hours for tbe 2 s . 6 d ., or work two daysfor one day's wage , or stand behind a machine which in one-half of tbe time will weave twice aa many yards as he could do . ¦ ¦ ' . ' V ; .. V
In either case , the workman is the looser , hiB pieee is made longer so are his hours of work , -whilst his wages are made less , for let him work long hours or at work with amacbint , he or his fellows must be the sufferers . ' - ¦ ¦"¦ ¦ ¦ ' ¦ . , ' ¦ ¦¦ ¦ ¦ . ¦ . ' : r '' - ¦"¦ ' ¦ ¦' ¦ ' . . -: ' . ' ; ¦ . ; . ' - . ' : Mind you this , tLe master has social aad political power to shift his burden , and let your trade be ever so far exteaded and your goods cheapened , I tell you that yo » must be eitberihe victkns of double fcours ,
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the machine slave ?; receiving low wages and the yttima f a refined crualty and a civilised bondage , which yo » have no power to av « rt or destroy . Fenow-countrymen , I mnst conclude ; and my eoncluAing request is , that you will reason upon the qoos . tion at iBsue , one started by ( Jesfgn , and depending upon ignorance or treachery for its exiatance , but still he which has had its proper ptece in the . pttition amongst other grievances , and which , I feel ' . confidbBt , you will estimate for what it is worth andnoraora
I thank those who have opened their eye 3 to th * juggle of one party and the reason of another ; and if I am not too troublesome to the readers of the Sl-yr , I shall address to you one mere letter next week on tb > course which ought to be pursued in presenting the next petition , which I hope to see yet placed io the Commons as the largest national prayer ever laid al toe footstool of injustice . " ; " : _^ jP FeUow-Countrsmen , ' - ' 4 nT . '' : ' . I remain , your sincere frfenrl , ¦' ¦ ¦ - ' P . M . M'pOUALt
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MOCK CHARITY . The people of Trowbrlrlge being informed of obt generous government seeding dowi \ fow fcunrtred ptAinds to be distributed amongst the poor of this place , c ? Hed a public meeting of the inhabitants of the town , at H . pe Chapel . James Ames Marclinnt , secretary to tbe Killstreet Chartists , was unanimously called to the chair . After an excellent address from Mr . Rawling * , tbe following memorial was proposed by Mr . W . Port ? r and seconded by Mr . W . Harford , and carri «« urianimmiMlf Tothe Right HonoraVe Sir Mobert Peel , Premier to her Ma j esty t ExetutiwOitwirmnmt .
Honoured Sir , — -We , the work ing classes of the to wn and vicinity of Trowbridge in public meeting assembled , having been informed of ywur generous charity awarded as a temporary relief to our starving fnniilie * take this opportunity to apprise her Majesty ' s Government that weV as Engltihmen , do not desire charity so much as justice ; for we are convinced that the unprecedented state of poverty , degradation , and misery , which many of ua are now aufferlna , arises , not from the visitation of God , in Bickness , famine , pestilwiee , or sword , but ftom the avaricious spirit of rich tyrants who are tolerated ! to oppress by the aecursed system of class legislation ; and under our present feeling we do not hesitate to say that if her ; Msjesty ' d GoveTnment continue to maintain and support an unjust system ; we
should deem it more charity from them in sending down a troop of human ; butcbere to dispatch a thousand of us , than- keep us lingering out a useless life by starvation . At the same time , we would desire to apprise bet MnjeBty'B ( Javernnient that in th « land of Britain , - where God has abundantly poured forth the bounties of his goodness , there is enough for every human being to . ; be well clad and well fed , so that they might be happy and comfortable in their station , and become useful members of society . Then , if justice waB gfaoted ua , there would be n » need of emigration , transpurtatioh , MalthusianiBm , er wholesale murder , to thin popu » lation ; nor the paltry charity of the rich to keep ng alive in starvr » tion ; but peace , happiness , and tranquillity wouli ; joament the whole community ; and the labouring classes , instead of becoming useless , and being a dead ; weight upon society would become the bulwark and strength of our national prosperity . To accomplish
this , we humbly implore her Majesty ' s Government to take int > their serious consideration the present deplora-. bla oomlition of the labouring poor , and to devi »« a more noble way to display their charitable benevolencA than a paltry shilliBg for a temporary relief . If they desire to do good in their day and generation ; if they , wish the fame of honour to descend to their posterity ; if they are anxious to inimortaUas their names bo that future generations ahall call thenv blessed , then let them listen t * the prayer of the working mUiions Bel forth in the National Petition , and make the PtfopJe ' a Charter a Cabinet meajure , and by their influence and power cause it to be made the law of this land ; thea will the caase' of poverty be removed ; then will in-Uustry be rewarded , peace and plenty to all the community , and England will be free . Grant us thia one noble and charitable exalting favour , and your Memorialists will eyet
• T pray . ' ¦ - . - .. - ¦ : .- , Signed on behalf of the meeting , James Ames Merchant , Chairman
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From Pie London Gazette of Friday , Jan . 21 , - ¦ ¦ ¦' ¦' ¦/ ¦ ' ' ¦¦¦; - ' BANKRtPTS . '¦ ¦ ' .. John Maidlaw , Fetter-Hne , buildeT , to surrerideJ Jan ; ' : ¦ % % , March i , at half-past eleven , at the Couitof Bankfuptoy , BasinghaU-street Solicitors , Messns , Rhodes , Buyor ,, and Lane , Chancery-lane ; official assignee , Mr . WhitmipriB , Basingball-Btreet . ¦ Joseph Scott and Henry Coker , W » od-Btreet , Cheapside , woollen "Warehousemoh , Ftb 4 , at one . Mari : h i , at twelve , at the Court of Bankrxiptcy ,. Basjnghallstreet . Solicitors , Messrs- Turner and Hensman , Basingfan « , CneapsWe ; official assignee , Mr . Whitmore , Basinghall-street . " . . ¦ ' } Charles Samuel Evan , Cornbill , master-mariner , Jan > 28 . at eleven , March 4 ; at twelve , at the Court of B ^ iikraptcy , Basinghali'Street . Solicitors , Messrs . LawraRce and Backburne , Bucblersbury ; ofiiioial assignee , Mr . ¦ e nrfl .-:: ' ' -: ; - •¦ ' '¦" ¦ ' : ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ' , ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦ ; ¦ - ¦¦ ' . ;; . •¦/•
Charles Did and Henry Berit , Riches-court , Limestreet , ship-brokers , Jan / 26 , f& two , March 4 at eleven at the Court of Bankruptcy , B- 'singhall-street Solicitor , Air , Toune ,, William-street , fBelgrave-eqaare ; official assignee , Mr . Johnsop , BaaiDghail-atreet . ; : - William Young , Godalming , Surrey , nurseryman , Feb . 2 , at one , March 4 , at twelve , at the Court of Bankruptoy , Basinghall-Btreet . Solicitors , Messrs . Bolton and Merriman , Austin-friars ; official absignee , Mr . Lackington , Coleman-street-bailriiBgs . Mark Fpthergill and Michael Fothergiil , Upper Thames-street , drysalters , Ffibv 5 . at hatf-past one , March 6 , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , ; Businghajl . 8 treet . Solicitor , Mr , Cattlin , Ely-place ; efflcial assignee , Mr . Edward ' s Frederick's-place . Oid Jewry .
Richard Nursey , Whitehall-place , Kentish Town , TaUow-cbandler , Jan . 29 , at two . March 4 , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Basirighall-street . Solicitor , Mr . Starling , LeiccBter-tquare ofncial assignee , Mr . Groom , Abchurch-lone , Louibard-street , Joseph Smi th Needham , Uiiesthorpe , Leicestershire , banker , Feb : 11 , March 4 , at twelve , at the Castle of Leicester . SoiicitOTs , Mr . Graham , Ironmonger-lane ; and Mr . Kem Jarvis , Hinckley . Peter Leicester ,. Longaight , Lancashire , Blate-mercbant , Jan . 31 , March 4 , at one ^ at the Clar endon Rooms , Liverpool . Solicitors , Mr . Cptterill , Throgmorton'Btreet ; and Messrs . Fletcher and Hull , Liverpool . , . . . ¦;¦¦ ¦ ' ; ¦ . - . : ¦ ¦ ' :.:- ¦ - . ¦ . ¦ ¦ / .:. ¦ ¦"¦' . ¦ ¦' .. ¦ ¦; ¦/ George Ogden - Brown , Shtffield , timW-merchant , Feb . 2 , at twelve , March 4 , at two , at the Town . Hall , Sh ' tfflHld . ; ¦ •¦ ¦ S . plicit : > fs , Messra Atkinson and Pilgrim , Church-court , Lothbury ; and Messra . Smith , and Hinde , Shefflald . ' ^ . - '¦' - ¦¦\ : ;• : \ - ¦¦ ..- •¦ ¦¦ . " .: ; ..: ; ' - ;; - ¦ ¦ ..
Charles Sanderson . Sheffield , fi-e-rnanufecturer , Feb . 4 y / March 4 , at . twelve , at the Town Hall , Sheffield . Solicitors , Mr . Rodgers , King-street , Cheapside ; and Mess 3 rs . Tickers and Jervis , Sbeffisldi
PiRTNEBSHIPS DISSOLVED . F . M . Gilianders , T . Ogilvy , . Cr . ' C . Arbuthnot ; , J . Jackson , P . Ewart , and E Lyon , Liverpool ; as far as regards F . M . Glllanders . F . M . Gilianders . T . O ^ iivy , G . C . Arnuthnot . J , Jackson , G Gillsnders . and A . S . Giadstorie , Livfirpcol ; as far as re <; arilsF . M . Gillan-( lers . J . Phillips and j . Dannis , Leeds , brass-fouiickrs . j Nickson , W . NickflOB , and T . Nickson , Haydock , Lancashire , gardeners . K . S . Moir and W . Conke , Sh . ffifcid , drysaltery I . Etiis and W . Lnwe , Mifldlesbrough , York 8 iiire , common brewere . J Ashton and J . Wright , Mancbester , bftt-nianufdcturers . J . H . Stanway and J . S , Jackson , Manchester accountants . E . Ingall , T . Eiliii , jun ., W . Ellin , and J . Ellin , Sh « f 5 eid , nierchacts ; as faraaregards E . Ingall . T . Morris ami T . G ^ r tdtB , Wigan , Lancashire , solicitors . ^ F . Bury and G . Robwtson , Liverpool , coppersrnitbs , J . Ly « n , jud ., and J . Lyon . -. gen . - , Liverpool , painters . G . A . Holt and J . Arrowsmith , LiyerpooL C , Potter aad W . R « sj , Manchester , calico-printers
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From the Oazitte of Tuesday , Jan . 25 . BANKRUPTS . S ? mnel E . ldlpstone Welldoh , butcher , Camlridge , Ftib . 4 , and Alarch 1 , at eleven , at the Hoop Hotel , Cambridge . Mr . Eaden , official e&signee . Cj-nibwdge . Solicitors , MeBsis . Clark and Ddvidspn , Ebsex-streeti Strand , London . - - . Eilward Thomas Murray , Ieather-ssller , Great Gaorgeatreet , Bfrrmondsvy , Feb . 1 , at half-past ohu . aiid March S , at twelve , at the Court , of Banicruptcy . Mr . B lcher , t fticial assignee . ^ Saiicitor , Mr . Loughborounb , Austin ' - friars . . ¦ ¦;• ' .: ¦; " ¦ / " ' . . ¦ ' - ; '" . - . > - . ' ¦ ¦¦ . ¦ : [ - . '¦ - _ : ¦ " ' . Alfred Webb , carpet seller , Liverpool , Feb . 9 , and March 8 , at two , at the Couimi 83 ioner * sroonis , Manchester . Messra . Johnson , Son , aud . Weatherall Ttraple , Londou . Solicitors , Mesara . Higgins and « on ! ¦ M anchester . " . - ¦ - ¦ . : ' - ¦ •¦; . ¦ ¦' : '¦¦ ¦ ,. ¦ . ¦' . - ¦ ¦ - .. ¦ -: '
William Wilcocks , saddler and harness maker Braeknell , Berks , Feb . 1 , and March $ . at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy ; Mr . Qraham , efflcial assignee Basingball-atreet . Solicitor »> Messrs . Bridger and Co Finsbury-circus . . ' . ; ¦ . - ¦ : .. ' •; '¦¦'¦ . - '• . ¦ :. : ¦ ¦ -: ¦ •'• :. - ¦ ¦'¦ James Laycock ; tallow-chanrller , Coltie , Lancashire Feb . 2 , and March 8 , at eleven , at the King ' s Head Inn Colne . Messrs . Wigleswotth , Ridsdale , and Cr * ddock ' Gwy ' s Inn , Solicitor , Mr . Hardacre . CblBe . ' Willianr Christie , bookbinder , Red Llon ^ quire . Feb . ; 3 .. at eleven , Mareh 8 , at twelve , at the Court of Bankruptcy . Mr , Green , official assignee , Alutiniaiibury . Solicitor , Mr , Starling , Leicester square . George Ogilvy Speare , laceman , Fleet- » trt « t , Feb . 7 , at one , March 8 at twelve , at the Court of BaEkroptcy . Mr . Graham , official assignee , Basinghall-stieet . Solicitor , Mr . Sole , Aldermanbury .
Bor ^ rt Johnson , Sharp ; victualier , Liyerpool , Feb . 6 and March 8 / atorie ; aftheCiarcndonrooma , LiverpooL Messrs . Vincent aid Bherwoud , official assigness , ? ing ' s-bench-vfalk , ; temple , Louddn . Solicitor , Mr . Jones , Liverpool . -- - / . v > . ; . ¦ ¦ ' ; ¦ ; . - ¦ ¦ ¦; . ' - ., ¦ ... . ; . ' . ; ..:.::. Charles Ohristelow , woollen-draper , York . Feb If , and March 8 , at eleven j at the Guild ' hail ,- York . Messrs Wiiliainson and Hill , Veruljiiu-buildings , Gray ' s Inn , London . Solicitors , aiessw . Blanchard aud Ricbardson , York . ¦ *
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THE NORTHERN STAR .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 29, 1842, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1146/page/7/
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