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THE 50ETHERN STAE. SATURDAY, MARCH 16, 1844.
HOW TO HAKE 1 HE CHARTER "A CABINET MEASURE . " TO THE EDITOR OB THE XOB . THEB . Ji STAB . Deab . Sir , —There was & mistake made in copying the list of a series of resolutions which were adopted at a meeting of the IriBhTJnivertal Snffrsjre Association , on Sunday , the 3 rd inst . The resolution -wants the concluding ¦ words A Cabisei Measure , " "without -which It is not only H 9 nsense , b * t utterly valueless . " I now send you a correct copy , and h » pe that yon uiil pnhliah it once a month till it is carried lntocomplete tffect , ^ rhichlhave reason to expect -will be much soontT than some people iKincine .
I Have great faith in the tfficacy of this resolution , and 1 shall tell yon the reason -why . You , as -well as every man hi the empire , -who fcave paid any attention to politics , are aware , that dining the straggle for Catholic Emancipation , there-were many Bhamrananclpaters , like some of the present sham Repealers , and aham Radicals , who supported Catholic Emancipation for the sake ^ jf popularity , while at the same time they supported the minister , the opponent of Emancipation , in all its measures against public liberty , save and except the pet question \ Emancipation ) , which was theix sole political stock-in-trade *
Well , when O'Cocnell was honest , nr at least appeared to me to have been honest , ho drew up a resolution yaTmUy in snhat&nce to that which I now sand to you . His object was t * get rid of the fast and loose Members of Parliament . The resolution hadlhe desired tfiecU Emancip&tien soon followed . It Btripped delusion of all its high-sounding cant . I was present when Mr . CTConnell wrote it ; and , I believe , the first that seadit after it was written . The reW . ntion was written on the 28 th day of January , 1828- There was an aggregate meeting of the Catholics of Ireland held on that day in Clarendon-street Chapel Sir Thomas Esmonde was in the chair . Mr . OConnell handed the resolution to thelate Conasellor , John Dillon , * sd requested him to move it at the meeting ; Mr . O'Oonnell nndertaJnng to second it . The resolHtion was carried by acclamation , none present concurring in it mow heartily than myself .
Some time af ler this , Mr . Tesey Fitzjerald , who was always a Catholic emancipator , sad M . P . "for the County Clare , look office under the Dnke of Wellington , and in violation cf this resolution . Had the resolution not been passed , there would have been no just grounds for opposing Mr . Fitzgerald ; but the Catholic Association was < bliged , by its own resolution , to oppose him . Mr . Fitzjerald was popular . It was fliffi ^ nit to get any one to oppose him . At length , ©' Gorman Mahon moved that Daniel O / Coanell should be-aet up against him . O'Connell refused , &sd did not consent to be put in nomination till seven o ' clock in the evening ; and not even then , till that consent was forced from him by O © orman Hahon holding him fast by the collar , and two others holding his wrists . Thus pumed up- against the wall , hi the Committee Boom of the Catholic Association , he was foreed to give a xelnctent consent to carry into practical efiect his own resolution .
It was at the Clare election , in June , 1825 , that the renowned Tom Steele made his first appearance in politics . He was Mr . O'Connell ' a seconder upon the occasion , and O'Gorman ilsbon his proposer . At the City of Dublin election , hi 1837 , 1 refused to ¦ vote for Mr . O'Gonnell , without a pledge to oppose any administration but one that would make TJaiversal Suffrage , Tote by Ballot , and Annual Parliaments , a Cabinet measare- This he refn * ed , and loot Dublin . In 1841 , I modified the demand to some extent , by subttitutiBi ; the word " support" fct " oppose . " Upon this occasion , Mr . O'Connell cfiWred a pledge to support those propositions , with the sedition of abolition of the Property Qualification , Equal Electoral Districts , and Paymect of Members - , bot refused to withhold bis support from the iliaistry - ; sad , consequently , lost las seat for Dnblin .
Having now given a brief history of this cherished lEsoJntion , I hape that yon will Seep it before the public tiil every t » m » in the empire appreciates its power . PaTBICE O'HlCGIJfS . Dnblin , March 11 , 1844 . THE I 0 LL 0 W 15 G IS THE RESOLUTION : — " That the six points of the People ' s Charter , are , 1 st , Universal Su&age , 2 nd , Tote by Ballot , Sii , Annual Parliament * , 4 tb , Abolition cf the Property Qualification , 5 th . Equal Electoral Districts ; and , 6 tb ,
Payment of Hbmbera . That in order to insure the ipeedy achieTement of these jast and righteans propositions , it is resolved that we shall * ot only consider any member of Parliament , or any candidate for a seat in Parliament , as enemies to the "trotting classes , and consequently enemies to * h » peace , happiness , and prosperity of this empire , who shall decline or refrise to give a pledge in writing , that they will support no administration but one that will make the People ' s Charier a cabinet measure ; and that we hereby pledge ourselves to Tote for no candidate but one that will give xu the foregoing pledge . "
^ MIDDLE-CLASS SYMPATHY FOB IRELAND . TO THE XDITOE CT THB NORTHERN STAB . Si 2 , —For several days past the walls of the Tower Hamlets were plenteonsly posttd with large placards , announdi : ? that a public meeting of -the electors of the ¦ borough would be keld in the Conrt-houre , Oifccrnestreet , en the 17 thinsL , to passresolntjonB founded upon the eoEduct of the Government towards Ireland , and to take ipto consideration Sir B . Peel ' s declaration , relat iva to the maintenance of the present Corn Laws The bills farther announced that Mr . Gtorge Offor would tsie the chair , precisely at two o ' clock . Excited by a feeling of curiosity , 2 attended tbe meeting . The Court House , which is capable of holding about 600 persons , was not more than half fnfl a . any period during the procetdings . AmoBg the worthies on the platform were Calonel Fox and Sir WEliam Clay , tbe members Tor the borrazb .
The Chairman , in opening the xmnnere , declared himself favourable to the principles of Repeal ; he did not however , consider the wan , of a domestic legislature to be s grievance , if justice were done ths people . He considered the Established Church to be Ireland ' s crying grievance , and the operation of tbe existing Corn La'srs the only evil of which the people of "England conld reasonably complain . Three resolutions were then brought forward ; the pnrport of the principal one being , that Ireland bad loDg been the victim of oppression , and that nnl&& 3 a more enlightened course of policy was pursmed towards her , the" ? ery existence of the union would bs endangered . The oratory in support of the resolutions was the most contemptible trash it has ever been my Jot to hear
inflicted upon tfce patience of a public meeting . Ftx and Clay apoke to the resolutions ; and , ye Sods ' what speeches they ware ! "What tnblime conceptions ! What Demosthenic fire ! Not a single cheer could these learned senatorial * pj 2 tfrs elicit . When tbe infliction "had ceased , 1 heard it remarked in more than one part of the meeting : »• Well , we have heard our senibera to-day , and what have we learned ? " Poor Colonel Fdx appeared as if ifflicted with delirium tremens . It was most fortunate that he took the precaution of bringins his -speech in hiB pocket , to which he made frequent reference , amid tee jeers and Janghter of a great portion of the meeting . I know not what may be Colonel Fox ' s prowess upon the embattled plain , or whether he has ever distinguished himself by military
exploit ; but this I know , that the electors of the Town Hamlets in making him a member of Parliament have placed him in a position which nature never destined Mm to occupy . Not one grievance conld they dircvvej in Ireland but the Church ; and if that wtre reformed , agitation weald cease , and the people would be satisfied 1 What will O'Cennell ray to this ? Will he be Eatiifiad with this species of sympathy ? He tells the people of Ireland that the ¦ virtuous middle classes are favourable to the redress of Irish grievances ; but that the great body o ? working men j&e Chartists ) are as determinedly hostile to the removal of Ireland's wrongs as are the trncnlent Torits . This is ono of the most ¦ mri ) ivn * Tit falsehood * ever proj » gstec 5 by its libellous fameue of the slanderer . Where are the prosfs of
middle-class sympathy ? Have they held -a single meeting in furtherance of the great came upon "which tbe bests and minds of tbe people of Ireland have bees concentrated , that cause upon the success-of which depends the political and social salvation of eight millions cf human beings ? 2 tct one . Will tkey repeal the Union ? No ; tbty are to a man the most strenusss opponents of that measure . When Ctey was asked at the meetisg by a Chartist whelber be would Tote for Bspeal , his answer was simply " 1 ¦ wifl not ; " for which he was cheered by O'Connell-a BympathiBsrj , hat was heartily hissed by ft » w Charusu "whose eirenmatances permitted to be present . And yet we are unKushingly told , that the enemies of Bepe&l are Ireland ' s friends , while the supporters of that measure are lustily denounced as her enemies > la
tbe Repeal of the Union a just measure ? decidedly yea ; every nation has an indisputable right to the management of its own affair * . Is not Repeal indispensable to the Equitable government of Ireland ? Certainly so . Then I paraphrase Mr . O'Connell ' a own words and exclaim , tbe man who is not a Repealer is a fool , upon whom facts and arguments make 3 » o Sasprtsakn , ut a knave who profita . by the existence of injustice . 30 r , CConnell can hang the Bympfttbyaing middle . classw « pon which ever horn of the dilemma he thinks prop-j , The Chartists are to a man Bepealers , not from expefiieacy , but from principlej they were tbe first is England to proclaim the justice of the object of ths &eaz Bepeal movement ; they passed resolutions con . demnatory of the odious system of misrule , upon which the & 3 verziiBBnt of Irelandhas hitherto been Bondncted ;
tbey advocated a Bepeal of the Union and a- domeetu Jegiilature , in which the spirit , virtue and patriot . ina of the people should be repreeented , ai the only means . whereby Ireland ' s multitudioow wrrags co-old be tfiectuaUy removed . And yek In the jrary face at these glaring facts , O'Connell , with thai aitchless fcf&ontery , with that otter disregard of truth , ^ ritii that malignity of , coal which char ^ ctensti fcfa every a * £ in reference to Cbartism , heralds foitJb tiia Tile catomny that the " unhappy genius of Chartism Is azt « y « d in deadly hostility to the conce&don of j ostict tsireland . " . Will the people of Ireland again ptrnut liieaselTES to be impoaed on by the mendacious xeprejecta&Bia of this incorrigible slanderer 7 Tte grand biect t » the realisfltion of which are directed all tLe tf-StBtM ottEeivtfn . ttodg « s , i « i-to ^^ force the Toxit * froni the # » ttsfcj of * fioeyifc * t th « y mayle lnxnriitea upoa b > tfcs
execrable Whig factton , Cheapreligion"foi Ireland and " cheap bread" for England are tbeTftepping-rtonesfcy which the peculating crew h « pe to reach tbe Treasury Benches . The proposal to try the Whigs again has been significantly hinted at by John O'Corrnel ] in Conciliation Hall , but has been indignantly reacted by the people , Dan , before this letter appears in print , will have returned to Ireland with an tumppfe cargo of Whig sympathy . Let not Irishmen be deceived by the vile trumpery . Let them remind O'Connell of the bloody atrocitiu perpetrated at Newtown Barry , Monchtin . Carrickahock , and Rath ? cormac , during the sway of Whiggery , to uphold that very church about the referm of which they now
profess so much solicitude ; remind him of the Whig i refusal of justice to the repeated petitions of the Proj cursor Society ; remind him of the consolidation of the i Irish police establishment ; remind hits of the infernal ; bastiles erected to punish the -victims of that poverty I caused by tht rampant iniquity of class nisrule : but I above all let them fail not to remind him of that calumniating act of Whig perfidy towards Ireland—the Coercion Bill Let them ask him—let tbem ask themselves —whether the detestable perpetrators of these enormities are entitled to a nati « n ' s confldenoe ? Let their response he dictated by reason and common sense , and thBir conduct mnst eventuate in the discomfiture of the " dodgers , " and the ultimate triumph of the cause of i Repeal . Vindex
The 50ethern Stae. Saturday, March 16, 1844.
THE 50 ETHERN STAE . SATURDAY , MARCH 16 , 1844 .
THE O'COKNELL COVENT GARDEN DINNER . ENGLISH XTPPKB AND MIDDLE-CLASS DKHUMCIAT 10 N OP 1 E 1 SH PEBSECUTIOIf . M as you uould be done bg . *' A pobtmght since , the Nation newspaper , under compulsion of existing doubts and jealousies , found it necessary to appease and satisfy the suspicions of Irishmen , bj an assurance that their fe&xB and apprehensions of the anticipated " compromise " with Ireland ' s olden enemies were groundless . We consider it our duty to deal with the question of
English ** compromise" before donbta or jealousies should arise , lest it may be supposed that we were holding back for a ** lurch . " The Tory press , ever anxious to inflict a wound upon the cause of Chartism , would infer from the fact of Mr . Doncombe presiding over the dinner given to Mr . O'Coxnell on Tuesday last , thai Chartists and Dissenters had embraced and formed a nnion . Nothing could be more natural than that the man , the only man , v ? ho had stood np in the House of Commons to arraign the impetuosity of English Judges—the partiality of English Juries—tbe evidence of English spies—the suppressors of English opinion , and the persecutors of the Enclisb
people , should be selected to preside over an assembly convened for the purpose of exposing similar acts of injustice when practised in Ireland . Hence it was that Mr . Duncombe , the Chartist , was requested to preside at a dinner given to an Irish victim . Bat , so far from his position as Chairman justifying the presumption that a coalition had been formed between the Chartists and any other political body , we tell the Tory press that if every Chartist leader throughout England had attended that dinner , and had they , one and all , acquiesced in any such " tompromise" it would neither have strengthened the enemy , nor weakened the ranks of Chartism by one more than the mere number of deserters .
As to the dinner , it was quite right that it should take place . It was got up for the purpose of expressing English disgust at the foul and manifold acts of fraud , treachery , and deceit by which the Government obtained the conviction of Mr . O'CowjVEix and the other Irish traversers . It was not anticipated that tbe guests or tbe Chairman should perform any other part than that of sympathising with those who were uDJustly oppressed ; much Ie 83 did it follow that the whole , or any one , of the assembly had , by their attendance , pledged themselTesito Repeal , to Chartism , to Dissent , or to Free Trade .
So far we hare acqniesed in the propriety of the entertainment , in tbe judicious selection of the Chairman , and in tbe intended object . And now we turn to a consideration of portions of tbe several speeches . Mr . Duscombe , in the course of bis opening speech spoke as follows : — w Was he not justified in stating to Mr . O'Connell , that he mnsi not jndge of the whole feeling of this country by that which had been testified upon the present occasion : he must not believe that with this evening ' s proceedings the enthusiasm would end ! No , be might depend upon it they would not remain tongne-tied— ( hear)—while they eaw this prosecution pursuing its accursed way , and not make any attempt to rescue from its fangs that man in
whom were centred tbe hopes and affections of the Irish people—( cheers ) , li there was no stronger inducement than tbeir attachment to the impartial administration of justice , he was sure the attempt would be made—( near ); bat lei him remind tbem , that that which was Ireland's fate to-day might be England ' s to-morrow if they quietly looked on—( cries of *• No" ) - If they saw juries packed—if they allowed judges to become Ministerial partisans—if they allowed the right of petition to be abrogated by such proceedings—if tbey allowed ic to be proclaimed that tbe sword and tbe bayonet were tbo just remedies , they might depend upon it that tbe struggles of their ancestors for freedom would have been in rain , if their descendants acted with such pusillanimity . "
In tbe commencement of the above extract , we find Mr . Duncoxbe reiterating bis bold assertion made in the House of Commons , that in case Mr . O'Cossbll was imprisoned , tli 6 love of justice of tbe English people , and tbeir hatred of persecution , conveyed through their petitions to that House calling for Ms release , would compel his liberation . In this opinion we entirely concur . It was expressed with reference to the Irish travereers , and without any reference whatever to their policy . In the latter part of tbe extract , howeYer , we do not at all concur .
It would have been more to tbe point if Mr . Duncombs had said : " When I stood alone contending against the injustice of similar practices in England , if all irAo now join me in sympathising with the Irish victims of oppression , Tiad then assisted me in resisting the establishment of the pkecedeio : in England , IT NEVEB WOCXD HAVE BEEN A 3 THHPTED IN the sisTEB couNXBT j but I was left to straggle alone , when my clients were weak and defenceless . Through their sides , a bbtc has been now struck at more distinguished individuals , whose cau&e I equally espouse , upon the same principle of justice , but
WHOSE srTPEBlKGS » T » Tg WBOIAT A COHSIO . UENCE OP THEIX OWN TBBACHEBT TO THB ENGLISH PEOPLE . " We do cot say that in Buch an assembly , and convened for Euch a purpQse , Mr . Duncombs would have been jus / 'ied in administering snoh a rebuke to those whose cause he espoused ; bnt we do feel ourselves called upon to correct the error into which be fell , lest ii may be supposed that tbe English Chartist Yictims had received a full measure of legal justice , or were otherwise , than as haters of persecution and lovers of fair play , bound in any acknow . ledements to Mr . G'Cokneli . There is no man on
earth who gave so much strength to the prosecuting Whigs in their onslaught upon Chartism , a * Mr . O'Connell himself . There was no man who less sympathised with them when . in trosble , and no parts icho mocked and reviled them in triltdalion , with half the atperity , meanness and brutality exhibited by the Irish Liberal Members . One voib would HAVE HELEASED 500 TICTnu FROM THE 13 DUNGEONS J and when the balance was t » the Speaker's hands , r . either Mr . O'Connell nor one of his faction then
lisped a sentence , or gave a vote , in favour of justice to Englishmen ; while Mr . Picoi , the Whig Catholic Attorney-General , and several other Irish Liberal Members voted against the liberation of innocent , unprotected English working men 1 Not only then was the hrecedeht established in England , but the very practice of the Law Officers of the two countries was similar ; the very eeunt moat cojaaplained of in ihe indictment against Mr . O'Conhetl being copied , word for word , fr » m the usual indictment upon which tbe English Chartists were arraigned .
So far , theu , we repudiate the notion that & new pbeckdest has been established in Ireland ; and cuutena thAt bad Mr . Dwcoomsb received that Buppor ^ frcm Ireland which he is how affording to her viotimp , the yxtCEDEHT under which they are suffcriEg would never have been established .
Mr . O'GoioffiLL appears to have fallen very cheerfully into that " trap , ^ hicb , thongh not intended , was laid for him in that portion of Mr . Duncombe ' s 8 peeoh to- which we have referred . He was the first speaker , and we shall here select a few passages from hia speech for the purpose of comment . Mr . ( PConneli . said : —• ' What is fact to-day , Judges call precedent to-morrow ; and if this question be allowed to repoBe , if this precedent be once established , Englishmen , there is not one of you whose case it may not be to-morrow . " Here it appears that the honourable gentleman had
wholly forgotten hia invitations to the English Attorney General to prosecute the Chartists , who he declared were guilty of Higk Treason . We have before observed , that the guests had not by their presence pledged themselves to an approval of a Repeal of the Union , or to any partic « lar line of policy . Not so , however , with regard to Mr . O'Connell . He was pledged to tbe throat to a particular line of policy ; to the policy of Repeal as the only means by which justice could be done to Ireland . He was pledged that " Ireland should be for the Irish . " He was pledged to a restoration of the confiscated estates . He
pledged himself to the Orange Landholders of the North , that tbey were not bound to pay rents for tbeir land to English Companies . He was pledged that 1843 should be the Rbpeal year ; but from that we are willing to absolve him ; while we are not willing to allow that Mr . Dcncombe or the English Chartists were in any way or manner parties to those terms upon which Mr . O'Connell in his Bpeechat Covent Garden offered to COMPROMISE the question of Repeal , and once more to prostrate his unhappy country at the ^ shrine of Whig , gery . The Honourable Gentleman Bhall speak for himself . He said : —
M I will tell you why I have held these meetings , and I will abide by your disinterested judgment . They say there is a union between the two countries . I utterly deny it . There is a parchment enactment —( cheers)—bat ther « is no real union —( oheers ) . What is tbe meaning of a real union ! A perfect identification between the two countries—( cheers)—that there should be no difference between Englishmen and Irishmen , except a little in the accent—( a laugh)—that Englishmen and Irishmen should possess the same rights , the same privileges , and the same franchises—( cheers)—that there should b « no difference between the men of Kent and the men of Cork—( eheers)—between the men of Mayo and the men of Lancashire —( renewed cheers ) . That
England and Ireland should be one nation , possessed precisely of tbe same rights , the same franchises , and the same privileges . Is not that the real meaning ^ of a union !—( cheers ) . I appealed to the Imperial Parliament to make the union what I have described it , but I appealed ia vain . " * * " Tbe Irish nation , to be properly represented , ought to have 160 Members at tho least ; and that is less even than her right . We would takk less fou a COMPROMISE : they will give us none , but set us at defiance , and indict us for a conspiracy for endeavouring to obtain them —( cheers ) . Are you aware that the Corporate Reform Bill given to Ireland is moBt miserably defective in every respect !" * * ** Let them send me to my dungeon ; let them Dreclade me from intercourse with the
people—tbe consequences will be awful . They wait in the expectation that something will yet be done for them . They have learned from me that something may be done for them , and I have told them that he who commits a crime strengthens the enemy —that the only node of obtaining justice is by being peaceable and quiet . " * " I shall always be with you in giving the protection of the Vote by Ballot , and for the shortening of tbe duration of Parliaments , recollecting that short accounts make long friends . " * ? "We don't want to check or curb England . What we want is , that the laws , to be obeyed in Ireland , should be made in Ireland . It was so before the Union ; it will be so again when wise and good men understand the question as I do . And , in the mean time , I ask ALL TO AS ? IST PS IN GETTING JUSTICE FOR IRELAND S
and THEY WILL DRAW AWAY THE REPEALING FROM ME . Let us have equal franchises , equal representation , equal corporate reform , equal freedom of conscience from a church to which we do not belong . " * ? "These are the real conspirators ; and let all those of both countries who wish for rational freedom , those who look for free trade and an unshackled commerce , cheap law , and a relief from tho intolerable burden of debt , —let those who desiro economical , practical reforms join with old Ireland —( cheers ) . They will be sure of meeting grateful hearts . We will have no separation , but a perpetual friendship . Tbe Unien wonld then , indeed , be rendered valuable by a domestic legislature , and by a camplete combination of a loyal , contented , and happy people . "
Now , we ask the reader to peruse those several extracts , and then to compare them with the promises held our to Ireland , and the amount paid in anticipation of their fulfilment , in 1843 ! and say whether or no a grosser , or more fraudulent attempt at the surrender of the great national question of Ireland , can be imagined by the mind of mau 1—an attempt which , if successful , would paralyse the energy , and daunt the spirit of Irishmen , for generations yet to come ! Is it wonderful , then , that with " COMPROMISE" on his lips , and fraud in his heart , that Mr . O'Connell should praise the aristocracy and middle classes in England , which he did to loathing ! and that he still continues to heap slander and vituperation upon the " no-compromise " Chartists . ' Henceforth we shall receive his bitterest
scorn as a compliment to our sincerity—our dignity , and our power . He has been led away , as we anticipated , by the false lights of fashion . He has fallen into that trap which in Ireland be laid for himself . In 1836 he sold Ireland in England ; and it is some compliment to the English people , but little flattering to the Irish , that he has again attempted to effect the same purpose in Saxon land . Why talk of Repeal at all at that dinner ? Why not content himself with an exposure of that injustice in which all would have joined ! He gave the tone to the meeting upon the question of COMPROMISE ; and we find tbe Earl of Shrewsbury thus greedily snatching at the bait- He said : —
" We were comparatively happy and prosperous ; they were doomed to poverty and misery ; and so it would continue until the people of Ireland enjoyed equal rights and privileges with ourselves . ( Hear , hear . ) But Ireland must no longer be allowed to fight her battle for justice single-handed . The people of England must come in as a generous or even a 3 an interested auxiliary . " And the Noble Earl concludes thus : — " May O'Connell live to see Ireland rise from poverty and oppression ; and as the reward of his own untiring energy , may he live to see her enjoy the proper frnifc of freedom—fair and equal justice , and fair and equal rights with tbe people of England . " Was not that a nibble at the "justice" bait from the patron of tbe heir of the elder Bourbons !
The Noble Earl has doubtless entitled himself to the thanks of the Irish people by his desire to place them in that situation in which Mr . Cobden describes the agricultural labourers to be , and in which the "Feudalists" describe , and we know , the factory slaves to be . Such however is the " justice " with which it appears Mr . O'Coknell and his new followers , are henceforth to be sathfied in behalf of the Irish people !
The Hon . H . F . Berkeley spoke as follows : — " The Hon . H . F . Bebkelet , M . P ., then came forward to propose " Justice to Ireland . " He could not , however , flatter the meetiDg with the hope that "justice" would come soon , while there was tbe present overwhelming majority in the two Houses of Parliament . ( Hear , hear . ) Nor could he eay he believed that another election would re store tbe power to the people . ( No . ) Nothing
woald effect that but an extension of the franchise , which was now a mere mockery . There would be no good done until the House of Lords bad Iobs to do with the House of Commons—( hear , hear , ) and until the House of Commons had less power over the constituents ; until such a day arrived , he despaired of seeing the people of England wishing to assist the people of Ireland in the way which tbeir hearts and feelings would prompt them . ( Hear , hear . )
Will not Irishmen , will not the iVotion , aak if Mr . O'Connell was present when such a toaat was proposed ! ' : v - . . ¦ " Th ^ eeting nob bein g called for the purpose of considering the qsestien of Repeal , Mr . Dukcombk is riof chargeable with any offer of " compromise " made upon the subject ; neither / are . we aware that he ia , favourable to the measure . We have now separately discussed ihe several heads . We acquit the assembly , whose organs held out the bait or "justice " . We justify the position and tho course of the Chairman ; bnt we denounce the venality and
•• OUR INDIAN EMPIRE . " CAPTURE QF GWALIOR . At the commencement of Lord Ellenborouqh ' s Administration of Indian affairs , he began by ostentatiously proclaiming hia wish for peace , and talked in magniloquent terms of " the natural boundaries of our Indian Empire ;" which were , according to hia Lordship , even then defined . He followed up this by the second invasion of Afghanistan , where the English army played the part of very fiends , by enaoting all the horrors of pillage , murder , ' and
arson . Entire cities and whole tracts of country were given over to ravage and destrnction : tbe "hired bravos" sparing neither tbe temple , the mart , nor the private dwelling ; but ruthlessly destroyed the fruits of the earth , which heaven had given for man ' s sustenance , but which these " heros ' ' considered their noblest exploit to destroy . Where they found plenty and beauty , they left a howling waste : and this they called " glery" ! "They made a wilderness , and called it peace . '" But even these " triumphs , " which had enabled Lord
Ellenborough to play the part of a second Sampson in carrying off the " Gales o f Somnauth , " failed to satisfy hia thirst for " glory . " . Forgetting tbe " natural boundaries" of "our Indian Empire , " Scinde was next invaded . The " glorious victories" of Meanaee and Hyderabad were won ; the Amoers carried into captivity ; and the country taken possession of . One of the first acts of tbe present Session was the awarding of the thanks of both Houses to Sir Charles Napier and his army , the victors of Meanaee and Hyderabad . Noth
withstanding the worse than bushel of chaff in which the grain of truth was con cealed , it was very evident that in tho affair of Scinde tho English were all through the piece the aggressors ; first obtaining from the Sci adian ohiefs their assent to certain treaties ! whioh bound both parties to " eternal amity , " pledging each to hold ^ as " sacred" the possessions of the other ; then using the power so acquired for the invention of alleged breaches of these treaties on tho part of the Ameers , to afford to the English a colourable pretext for violating thoir own solemn engagements . And Sir Robert Peel ' s precious excuse for these disgraceful acts of fraud , murder , and
spoliation , is , that " barbarism must ever crumb le before the enoroaohing tide of civilisation" 1 That there is a great " principle" in operation , which perforco renders it necosswy that " tbe Europe an should assail tbo Asiatic , and the Asiatic yield to the European" 1 A most convenient theory this for us , —we happening to be tLie assailants ; but a mos t "damnable doctrine" for the subjugated Indian , " doomed , " as Sir R . Peel will have it , to fa 11 before the advancing march of Saxon " civilisation . " Scarcely had tho " vote of thanks" to the " heroes " of Scinde been passed , when lo , wo were stuunod with the news of more " Victories . "
Gwalior , after having been captured by Captain Popham , was oeded to Sindia in the final peace with the Mahratta Chief . Doulat Rao Sindie died in 1826 , leaving a revenue of a million sterling . He was succeeded by Junkojee , a son by adoption , who reigned till the month of February , 1843 , but with a Government so imbecile and dissipated tha t his soldiers were fourteen or fifteen months in arrear of pay , and some of his officers double that period in arrear . The consequence was continued mutiny and disorder , which extended to and disturbed our own
adjoining province of Buldelkund . Junkojee left no child , but his widow , a girl of twelve years old , adopted a distant relative of the age of nine . Such were the personages with whom Lord Ellenborough has had to negotiate for the removal of the Khasgie Walla , or Prime Minister , who had embezzled tho revenues and left the troops in privation and turbulence . His removal though effacted , failed to restore order ; and under plea of this " necessity" the British troops were marohed on the capita 1 , which was taken after tha fighting of two battles with a loss to the British army the most severe which has occurred in Indian warfare since the
battle of Assaye ; the newly vanquished tribes fighting with a " frantic desperation" which tells too plainly of the spirit smouldering beneath our rule . The excuse for this interference is that Gwalior ia within our boundaries ; and that to permit of anything like hostility or anarchy in our neighbourhood would be fatal to our rule . Tho states between the GangeB and the Indus muBt be loyal and peaceable or be " annexed . " Gwalior ie , however , not at present to be annexed . The farce of another treaty is gone through , by whioh tho Gwalior chief becomes completely the dependant of the English , to end some day , of course , in final annexation .
We do not dispute but that the real people of Gwalior may be gainers rather than losers by this change . The regular despotism of the British is certainly preferable to the hideous anaroby and ferocious licentiousness in whioh , not the people ( against whom these charges we usually preferred ) , but the government and soldiery of that state for Some time past appear to have revelled . But it is not on this ground that our interference can be defended . If it were so , there are states nearer home with whom we might long since have
interfered , with great advantage to the inhabitants : Poland and Italy for instance ; wbero the purest and the fairest portions of this earth have long groaned under a bloody and lioentious despotism . The only safe ground on which this interference can be defended , is that before named ; the " necssity " of having peace within our borders ; to prevent tbe contagion of resistance spreading , and S 3 keep in quiet submission the mighty population subjected to our sway . To fully examine this alleged 11 necessity" would be to review the whole history
of our Indian conquests ; That we have not space to attempt now . At come future time , circumstances permitting , we will endeavour to place before our readers , fairly and faithfully the true history of these gigantic aggressions . Suffice tft to say , that our Indian rule commencing in fraud , and since maintained by force , is necessarily regarded by the natives witk about as much , love as the subjugated European and African states must have entertained towards that triumphant spoliator of the world , "imperial Rome . " "Our Indian Empire" is n » t
! as yet strongly and permanently based . Our defeats in Affghaniatian wall likelihood incited the subsequent Tesi&tance of Scinde and Gwalior . A successful lasurrection , or defiance of our power vriftin our borders , or . ' the immediate neighbourhood thereof -would be the signal for the uprising of a hundred millions of Asiatics , to crash our supremacy and drive us into the . sea . This ia admitted on all hands . -Being ¦ so . -rrif * our Indian Empire" jb worth maintaiiiilng ; if it he really advantageous to the " progress of oiyiliaition" tb £ t jV ' should bo maintained ; how guard againBt the sudden annihilation
of our fragile power t There are two ways . The one chosen by our short-sighted rulers is that whioh has been the ruin of all states that has preceded this , who acted on the same principle , —that of conquering more to maintain that already won . ' This waa Napoleon ' s plea . He must extend French supremacy to the Rhine ; and that achieved , he must battle through , and with , all Europe to
maintain that supremacy . What followed all men know . A few years saw France at the feet of those whom she had only a short time previously trampled on . Instead of her eagles on tbe Rhine , the gates of her capital were opened to the invader ; and he for whom the world seemed too small , perished miserably , on a miserable rock , because he knew not tho lesson of the Italian mason , "to be happy TOD MUST REMAIN AT HOME . "
There is , however , another mode of dealing with India , one that we are persuaded would bind that country t » this ; the policy , not of terror and conguest , but of protection and justice . For ages-has that paradise of the earth been subjected to the blight of priestly and despotic rule beyond any other nation or nations throughout the globe . Priestcraft there reigned all triumphant , achieving a power whioh in no other part of the world have the jugglers of superstition ever obtained . Its native despots were perhaps aslfinishcd monsters as the
imagination of man ever [ conceived . Then came the Mahommedan conquerors , who parcelled out faiths and forms of Government by the sword , and reigned by virtue of successful brutality . Lastly , came the English dispensers of " civilisation" and Christianity , shedding rivers ! of blood , and extorting plunder from the hapless natives to an extent never previously imagined , but in the wildest creations of fiction . Millions have died by famine and . plague produced under our Christian rule ; and Sir Robert Peel has the hardihood to describe these national
crimes as the " necessary consequences" of the advance of a " great principle" ! Is there any wonder that we are hated , and that tribes hitherto i unsubjugated resist our invasions with " frantic desperation" % What India wants , and what tbe true interests of England demand , is , not Auckxands and Ellenbohoughs to imitate the blood-stained careers , and follow in the wakes of Clive and Hastings : but governors who shall attend to the interests of the mass of the community , with laws to execute whioh shall protect
the humblest in the state . The annihilation of Government monopolies , and the total ending of the power of the Princes of Lea denhall-street ; means to be taken for the universal instruction of the people —instead of the ! Betting up of additional superstitions to rival those previously flourishing , pitting a Bishop of Calcutta against the High Priest of Juggernaut ; tbejreduction of taxes , and every en . oouragement afforded for the proper cultivation of the rich fertility of the country , whioh might be the granary of the world ; breaking the fe tters of caste .
and giving to each and all , whether native or European , an equal chance of attaining to the highest offices of the State : these and other measures , conceived in a like spirit , would bind India to us with a chain o adamant . We might then bid defiance to native insubordination or foreign intrigue . The people would feel interested in upholding our power and maintaining our ; supremacy ; because they would feel themselves to be really and truly part and pared of the British Empire . But is Sir Robert Pbel the man to give such rulers and such laws to India 7 He is not ! Is our home government , as at present constituted , —no matter who may be in office ^ likely to have recourse to such policy ! No .
Where then is there hope for India ! In , and only in , a thorough reformation of institutions at home which shall give to the entire people coatroul over the Government , i The horrible misgovernment of India is but another of the many effects of class legislation ; is another proof of the necessity of the People ' s Charteri , Let us win that , and justice to our country ; justice to ourselves , —independent of any higher or holier consideration , —will dictate to the then all-powerful people of this country , the necessity of governing Iudia by " equal rights and equal laws , " and thereby promote the prosperity and happiness of the long-benighted , long-enslaved millions of Hindostan , and ensuro the stability and permanence of the whole British Empire .
wages of the whole body ; The raising of a large Law fund is another question of paramount import * ance ; one to which for years we have incessantly directed the attention of the Chartist body , and from the want of which it has suffered material damage . A victim fund is another question of great importance to the Association , aai one which we feel confident will ensure the consideration of the delegates . Another , and perhaps , the most important question to which we would direct their attention , ia the means by whioh the services of their present
legal adviser may be rendered more extensivel y nseful . Erery man interested in the success of the Colliers' cause must hare heartily rejoiced at ttiA proud and manly spirit whioh induced the brave men of Northumberland and Durham to lend their champion to all who stood in need of his services ; while we feel convineed that the same nobleness of mind that prompted them to this generous line of action , will further urge them to the greater extension of
his usefulness . And although Mr . Roberts may ba compelled to abandon the narrow sphere of bis present engagement , for the purpose of conferring greater advantages upon the union ; and although his former clients may regret the partial severance of so dear and amicable a connection ; yet have we that reliance in their love of class , of justice , and of cause , that they will yield him , though sorrowfully , into the hands of the representatives of all to Be dealt with by tbem for the good of all .
For oursehes—however distasteful it may be to Mr . Roberts—however it may multiply his labours —and however Ihe may sorrow for the partial severance of such a connection , we should wish Jo see him the great centre of that great circle by which he must be henceforth surrounded . This , of course will be s question for the consideration of the Con " ferenee ; but we speak from book when we assert , that his appointment , as legal adviser of the whole body of Colliers , with a central residencej and snitable establishments kept np in the several
important districts , would give general satisfaction to the whole mining body , as well as a . * reat impetns to their cause . The other questions to which we would direct attention are the appointment and duties of the Executive body , and of lecturers ; and " also the mode « f levying the necessary funds for carrying out their several objects . Of course , the question of contract ' ing by bond will occupy the deepest attention of all parties : while the work will * close with a plain
and , simple petition to the House of Common ? , setting forth the several grievances of which the Miners justly complain , not forgetting their value to the publio as a body ; the acknowledged innocence and absence of crime of their class ; and above all praying for the appointment of stipendiary magistrates wholly unconnected by blood , relationship , or interest with the Coal Kings ; and who shall be empowered to adjudicate in all cases where ignorant magistrates now preside .
So much importance do we attach to the forthcoming Conference that we have made arrangements for the attendance of our Lancashire reporter , ( Mr . Dixon ) , who is himself a Collier , and who will therefore be the better able to furnish such reports of the proceedings as the Colliers can understand . We shall take care to publish all sent ; and therefore the Colliers throughout the kingdom will have the very earliest information of the transactions of their representatives . We have therefore to request , for their own sakes , that the delegates will render the reporter as much assistance as possible .
STOP THE SUPPLIES . We beg to direct the attention of our readers to the retiring letter of Mr . Shabman Crawford which will be found in our first page ; and from that letter it will be found that Mr . Crawford now sees those obstacles in the way of the success of his project which we long since naw , and were reviled for pointing out while the Honourable Member himself was stupidly blind to the fact . We told Mr . Crawford that he
was calculating without his hoBt . We asked him to point out the source from whence his opposing force was to spring ; aad his answer was " They ' re in the House of Commons . " Well ; he tried the House ; and his men ia buckram dwindled from twentynine to eight ! In every debate upon his several crotchets—the several speakers seleoted their own several grievances for redress ; and never once was the name of the Charter mentioned .
We should have passed over Mr . Crawford ' s retirement in silence , were it not for the kick that he makes at Mr . Duncojibs in his retreat , when speaking of the " damaging support" that he received from some members . Now this is at once ungenerous , unfair , unwise , and untrue . Firstly , because Mr . Duncoube voted for him in eveiy one of his divisions ; and that was what Mr . Duncoube pledged himself to do : while many others , upon whose support Mr . Crawford calculated , deserted him altogether .
Secondly . Mr . Duncombe asked him at tbe Crown and Anchor , as he had a right to ask him , what support he replied upon ? and Mr . Crawford did not reply ; therefore it was Mr . Crawford , who "damaged" himself , and not Mr . Duncombe who "damaged" him ! Bui as be has thought proper to die with a kiok , we may now remind Mr . Crawford that he ha ? been the Druses set up by the monopolists to pull down Mr . Duncombe . In 1842 the Convention remonstrated , and the people of Rochdale remonstrated , with Mr . Crawford , for the factious " and marked manner in
which he was eternally crossing the Chartists' path , Again , Mr . Crawford sent his son to represent him at the Birmingham Conference , for no other purpose than to pull down Chartism ; and at the commencement of the present session Mr . Crawford again lent himself as the Druses of the " exten 3 ivfl promisers , " to pull down the Chartist ftag ; and now , having failed in his many attempt ? , he turns round , and most insidiously , most unfairly , and most untruly , ascribes bis failure to tho " damaging support" of the man whom he and his party have failed in their several attempts to damage !
We tell Mr . Crawford that jumping from ose thing to another will not suit the English mind ; and therefore he had better remain in the straightforward course . And as he has nowr discovered that he cannot create a party , we would recommend him to fall into tho ranks , and work with those who bare got one . We trust that Mr . Crawford will have the manliness , and see the propriety , of confessing his error , and returning thanks to us for having warned him of that folly to which his eyes are now opened .
FUNKING OF THE " DEATHLESS . " O ' CONNELL AND THE CHARTISTS AGAIN . Bt the subjoined Report it will be seen that the "deathless" are not yet going ^ o "die for fatherland" ! They seem to have come to the conclusion that" a living dog is better than a dead lion "; and therefore , though their present" acts prove them to be dogs indeed , yet are they better , content to be such , and "bay the moon , " than act out their loud and mouthing professions .
The newspapers are given the go-by . The Repeal Association will no longer be "bound-up" with tl » journalists . The " Spirit of the Nation" is tobeexorcisedfrom the Conciliation Hall ! Messrs . Dorar , Barrett , and Gray are to sail in their own boat , # they pail at all j the crew of the Corn Exchanfl having , at the instance of the Commander , thrown them overboard , and left them to reach shore as be * they-toay . The "fearless , " the "bold , " the "high "
and the . " haughty , " are afraid of hie Josah of th « press ; and they havetherefore rid themselves of hia A hew card h * 8 also been determined on . Poor Datht ; Pllam Fodlah ; Saarspield ; Owjs * Ro * O'Nkill , and even Brian BoaiHouaare to be * mutilated" and " expunged "; and a " new dtsign ' t without memento of these " ancient heroe » , " & ** leaders of " the Irish for Ireland ' f is to tafca &eir place . O ! "high and eighty dejianee" / 0 ! " « l » deathless" dogs ! They surety will be ( he " dealb '
THE COLLIERS' CONFERENCE . There is no proximate question more interesting to the cause of Labour than the forthcoming Conference of Miners about to be held at Glasgow : and as work to be there done may be productive of great good , or of much evil , we do not consider it an unprofitable duty to render our assistance towards the accomplishment of the former . The powerful combination now in process of maturity , for tbe management and government of the most
important class of working men upon the face of the earth , has struckjterror into the hearts of those who formerly made merchandise of their innocence , their simplicity , their loyalty , and tbeir want of protection . It ia not | in the vast host that has simultaneously risen as it were from tho bowels of the earth , that theirj tyrants see danger , so much as in the machinery by whioh tbe several elements that constitute that host is directed . Formerly they had their hostages in view of their several pits ., Tbe moau from the dungeon and the responsive wail
from the hovel , j was a stronger security for the obedience of the slave than any contract in which he could be bound . Tneir wiil , backed by ignorant and interested Justices , was immoveable , durable , and efficacious as the laws of the Medes and Persians . Any appeal against their harshest act of tyranny was not only considered useless but audacious . Like the Hebrews , they were scattered over the face of the earth ; and although a partial victory F -V ~
- might be acquired in oue locality , want of union , combination , and publication failed to make it of general advantage . They acted not onl y locally but individually . Not only was there a want of general organization , but , there was a deficiency in local combination and j action . These were the elements of their weakness and of their oppresiors' strength . To overcome their own weakness was the first step ; and the tumble of their oppressors' power is sure to be the result , f
Lacking anything like representation in the newspaper press , they were driven to that system of " oral tradition" by which the people of old sought to preserve unityj of action . This they effected by delegate meetings and conferences . In such assemblies , even- the adverse press is sure to worm itself , in the hope of misrepresenting , to please the eat of the masters . But so just is the cause of the Colliers , that even the fiendish power of the class press is compelled to do them the only justice they requirethat of partially stating their mauifold . grievances . The legal triumphs recently achieved by Mr . Roberts over the masters and magistrates , has
now given an importance to this great movement whioh must not bo lost eight of by the delegates about to assemble at Glasgow ; and in proportion to the importance of their duties as delegates should be the jealouay land eautiouaness of the several constituencies who will be called upon to elect them . The Miners are aware that a deep and deadly blow haa been aimed jby some assassin hand at their infant while yet jia its cradle ; and one of their objects should be ! to surround their own offspring with such an impenetrable barrier against the future assaults of artful and designing men as will ensure its safety and protection .
No doubt canjnowr exist that the bill of Lord Ashlet for tbe regulation of Colliery labour has had a powerfml effect ppon that body . The removal of women and the restrictions upon infant labour , haye considerably augmented the value of adult lahoar ; and therefore to i the question of restriction we invite the serious ' consideration of the forthcoming Conference . It may ho a question with them whether , if their numbers consist of 4 « 0 1 t 00 , it would not be matter of policy * b employ a large portion of their funds in support of any surplus labonr-which Mfty tend , fry "o \ n rrodMetior , " f * red «« e tha
trucoulenoy of the principal guest . And let us now ask what tho consequence weuld have been if Mr . FjEABGua O'Connor , in courting sympathy before his imprisonment , had offered , to save himself from incarceration , by any , the slightest , compromise upon any single principle contained in the People ' s Charter i Would he not have been denounced ! and by none more bitterly than Mr . O'Connell . And why should one- man be reviled for his consistency , while another receives sympathy for his deceit 1 We have
no doubt that Mr . O'Connkll ' s speech , and the whole proceedings , will be read in Ireland with sadness and sorrow . We have no doubt that the prostitute portion of the Irish press—that has lived upon the Repeal rent , will justify the iniquity ; while we have the consolation that the improved mind of Ireland will see through tho mist and gloom in which hireling scribes would gladly envelope the whole transaction until the deed of compromise was signed , sealed , and delivered between the English Whigs , and the Irish fortune-hunters .
We are as firmly bound to the interests of our Irish brethren as we are to the English Chartists ; and they have tho one consolation , that the " no surrender" party is too strong and powerful to permit the contemplated bargain and sale .
A ^_ THE NORTHERN § T AJ * . March 16 , 1843 .
Northern Star (1837-1852), March 16, 1844, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1256/page/4/