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" €ty Csnirition ttt <£«2lan& texic&um. " " Lvsra grind the poor, ana rich men rule the lair."
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iueiBiF Boaw Coppeb Balloons—A new and carious experiment is to be made in aerostation. A balloon maoq 'f*-4 ~.. ¦ . ¦ . I it . Tm* mm *% n A A ntW
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THE- .NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, MARCH 30, 1844.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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" €Ty Csnirition Ttt ≪£«2lan& Texic&Um. " " Lvsra Grind The Poor, Ana Rich Men Rule The Lair."
" € ty Csnirition ttt < £ « 2 lan& texic&um . " " Lvsra grind the poor , ana rich men rule the lair . "
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STATE OF THE PEASANTRr—WORKING OF THE POOR LAW—DOWNWABD PROGRESS OF ENGLAND . One most deplorable feature in the present position of the British labourer , k its bearing on what is otherwise & state of national prosperity . It p&r > tf » T ? y converta that -which should have been a blessing into a « mte- The labourer exiita nnder s system of TepuMon . Me i » repelled by the lando'wner ,- "who considers him the worst veed on the land .. The labourer tru once protected against this quarter by the parish which he used either aa a refuge or a threat . With the
parish to go to , he oonttived to keep his wages to a Siring lereL Tamed out of his own hunse , er Dot allowed a honae at all , which was the more common emergency , - he had thai house to retreat to . So he could play off the pariah against the farmer or the landowner ; and a very fair play it was , considering ill things , specially that It was work he wanted after alL At last , however , the landowner , in an evil hoar , with the help of the political economist , got the wind of the labourer , and cut off his retreat . He made the workhouse too hot , or rather too cold for him ; and the labourer was at his mercy .
So long as there is nothing else to go to , the labourer ha nothing to do bnt to make the best of a bad job . He must accept the terms offered ; and tery miserable they are . This is bad enongh ; but if an opening does by chance offer itself—if , for example , manufacture or trade offer s chance of escape—repelled from the land , he goes to the town . Thus it is the distress of the labourer seems to poison our national prosperity , by enticing him into an adventure which must always produce some ill consequences—sometimes the worst The repulsion , which the labourer experiences from the owners and occupiers of land , we will describe , in the words of Mr , Gofolphin Oibome ' s letter to Mr . TUnVftd
" The tratb is , the landlords are most of them paying S 3 ., the farmers some of them Ss , but many only 7 s . ; doubtless , in many cases the men hare more or less of the a&YanUges you almde to ; bat 1 can get yon the names of scores of labourers who get only 7 s , without any advantages -whatever . * * As to the cottages , it is sot , as yon would have it inferred , merely the parish houses and small leaseholds that are indecently crowded and in' a roin ' ena condition ; the cottages of many large proprietors are -in the game condition . If yon with it , 1 will pnblish a weD-aathenUcated lut of cottages that have been destroyed by large proprietors wiihin these thirty years , orer a large tract of country , and the nnmbers that have been bailt ; and I think I shall prove to your satisfaction , that if the parish houses and the collages of small needy propriitors are ixdeceai / y crotrded . it is tnnxgvi a great measure to ike larger proprietors Havixg caused the great scarcity of duxttixgs , by pulling * otra so many , ani putting up so fetc . "
This statement we can onraelvei vouch for . We eould produce not a few paiiihes from which the poor lute been almost wholly expurgated , in dependence on a supply of labour from neighbouring parishes ; and still more in which every means whatever have been n&ed to reduce the number of cottages , with an increasing population—& course certain to produce great-misery . Thus much for the land . Uowfor the other aalient point of repulsion recently devised against the wretched labourer . . In the same paper with the above appeared an aceonnt of an investigation into the management of the Wandsworth and
Ciaph&m Union . We consiaer it so wf > t » illustration of the system , though forbidden by the Commissioners when ascertained , and followed by the dismissal of the master and matron . It shows what a beard of guardians ana a set of workhcose officers thought consistent « ith the system , and , in our opinion , were justified in bo thinking . It . shows what had actually gone on fox some time , and would have gone on longer but for an accidental discovery . It shows to what usage the immense numbers abut up in these large establishments are liable , and what is likely to result from excluding vith bolts and ban the check of public opinion .
The Hod . REden , the vicar of BaUersea , having had Ids suspicions excited , made inquiries , which led to an invettigxtion by an * , »« i « t » Tit Commissioner . . "It was dearly proved at thia inquiry , that girls even fourteen years of age had , had their clothes thrown over their heads , their legs tied , and their hands held i > y a man , the porter to the establishment , whilst the punishment was administered by the schoolmistress , or seme ether woman appointed by the master . In addition to this it was proved that the girls wen confined , two and three together , in a dark cell for thirty-four or thirty-six hours together . Daring this period of incarceration they were mpplied with their food , but not permitted even for the parposescf natural cleanliness to leave the ' black hole * they were placed in . It was further proved that the matron of the workhouse was not only cognizant of these acts , but on more than one occasion was present when the girls were flogged . "
The board of guardians , master , matron , school-mistress , and porter , were not so much to blame , and haxdly deserved this reproof . They went by the system . ! They were the officers of a gaol , and administered gaol discipline ; and we have no donbt that what aU the managers cf one important union did witbont scruple , is . sometime * done elsewhere throughout the 600 unions already built Such , then , is the other repelling force provided against the labourer . We will return to onr original point , and see how this repulsion operates in seasons of commercial prorperity . It is impossible not to feel grateful for the present revival of commerce . The happiness and the life itself of miHioru are east on that die . The most thorough devotee to the charma of ancient aimplieity cannot raise his eyei for one moment off bis Arcadian dreams , Without acquiescing in the actual necessity-of a thriving asd expanding trade .
Bat the present « endiHon of the British labourer is a most serious drawback to the hopes we might otherwise build on thia revival of commerce . Everything has been done to put the whole agricultural population at the mercy of the speculator . Be his plans ev « r * o JUnsory—hia mwp ! ever jo unsubatantiab—though he is aanufactnring gowns for the ladies of a possible Nova Australia , and has no other capital fh « n -what he has ia 5 aed by mortgaging hit posssible returns—be has only to hold np his hand and all England rushes to feis power-looms and printing-blockf . Things are in that * tate Hat the promise of 15 s . a week for a twelvettonth will bribe any labourer , at least in the southern counties , to the most certain and headlong destruction . Overstocked as the manufacturing districts are already , ihereis every prospect that the human stream will now set in upon them stronger and deeper than ever .
The legislature , conspiring , of course , with sscial changes , but latterly rather in advance of them , haa done all that it could to detach the labourer from local ties . He has now no connexion with the soil He has no stake in the country , The word * ' cottage '' has ceased to mean what it once meant—a house with a little pl « t of ground . The small freeholds have been bought up . lives have been run out . Copvholdu are almost cxtincV Commoni feave been enclosed . Small holdings ^> f evay shape or kind have melted
away . JL few poor men here and there have stuck to ibeir little properties or rights . By this tame they are yearly all bought out , or starved out , or bullied out , ot tucked ont of their miserable remnants of house and and . Long did they cling to the merest twig of a tenure ; but at hist they were fcreed to relax their grasp , and down they wtnt . Farms are fewer and larger . The gulf between the labourer and firmer increases . Ihe labourer has no chance of , rising ; if be had three lives , how could he save enough to rent a thousand acres J The large fanner looks on the labourers aa a
aaer a crowd , hungry and dependent Xast of all , the parochial tie is aevered . The labourer * last home ia gone . He is a stranger in Lib own parish . It is no last resource to him . It is not bound to supply him with work , or to give him Christian relief in the hour of adversity . A gtim scsrceeK ) w—the union workhouse ~ wams him off the neighbeurhood to some more hospitable region , where it may perhaps be poadblW to find ^» r-employment , to live , to tave , \ nd . to die in «^!^ f is obTion 8 - Instead of ^ n infinite number LS ^ iMl'JS . ™ e labourers , and some rather KS'SJES * ? «*»*«* * ff < rent groups and
PIP !! the vast unbroken surface . A breath will rail ^ Pin ^' i ** w * The smallest depr ^ onVtL ^ v jf 3 g change the whole irto one irresistiblB stream . Ebb and ! flow wai have free * eonrse . All this is , of course , er acSy aa it should be to the political economist He ia * labour at his command without any restrictionbnt so has the speculator , —bo also has the agitator . *
Kow , the memory of & labourer is not a- very long ' one ; aad the warning felt bj the father . does not always telLon the sen . £ o , what ia there to check t « e agricultural . labourer from renewing , a fatally excessive migration to the regions of smoke and steam ? We ¦ warn all psrtaaa conceraed < of this danger . If the . present flush of prosperity abasia last even for fire yeara , iundreda « f thasstnds win ^ flatter , moth-Iiie , So that fiune . To be texe , the price of labonr will lias in the , country and fall ia the town ^ all according to rale , and jnst as it ought to be . Thi « ia very fine talk , if it were only a matts of book ^« n-n } n g , Bn j what ia actually to be done when thenesterash comes FNtitfier Katesmaa nor econoakfc can answer that . — -Tub **
Ablkgeb Acart j—bbtjiai . Sesterce oir x Lad Or ElGHXEBS . —WOB SJJUJ OF TSZ STSIBK : —At the HuntingdanAtiiiaia joo ^ Ban f * pd * % hieeaj was indicted for aending a threatening letter to a former . She letter was a » follow * ,-
—" TO THB PABHEB * OF XIVMI 1 SBXX , HIWTS . ' "We are determined to set firs to the whole of this place if yon dotft aet us to work , and burn yon in lour beds if thare i » aot an alteration . Wh&t do you think the young men are te do if you don'fc set them fe > werif They moat do wmet&Iog .: The Act la , we cannot go any longer ; We mart < 5 ommit robbery and everything that is contrary to your wish . " \ - ¦ ' -: ' . ' "I ami ¦ - ¦ "AsENWTX . * : Jfovr , we do not defend thii eustom of threateslag % o tmafsma aa&bsmm . Hit a wicked , crfmlnaJ , » nd
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dangerous custom ; it may evea be , as Lord Abinger says it is , more frightful than the actual commiasion of incendiarisTn j but we do say , that the state of the poor , which drives then * to the perpetration of swh crimes , is far more fearful thaa the crimes themselves are desperate And we do not hesitate to reiterate our conviction , that something must 1 : 3 done , and done soon , to prevent the repetition of asts which , although vindictive and malignant , are not without an obvious cause . Lord Abinger took a judicial view of the cise . He doubtless considered it sapsrftous to consider it in any way , except so far as regarded the demand and supply of punishment He , therefore , with a due sense of the enormity which he was called on to discourage , B&ntenced this foolish lad to transportation for life 1 We will contant ourselves with halieving that the Lord Chief Baron considered thia lad's crime to be so
great , and so pregnant with future mischiefs , that nothing short of transportation : for life could prevent Its imitation . Be it so . But did it not eccur to his Lordship to comment upon that rotten and diseased state of aerial relations of which the crime he punished was but a mere local symptom ? True , Lord Abinger Is a Judge—not a political lecturer ; And to have entered upon these topics might have been somewhat extrajudidaL But we think that we do remember cases of Jndges travelling from the mere criminal matter befere them into dissertations on the origin of crime—and this , too , where there was less reason than on the occasion to which we allude . We do not think that Lord Abinger would have compromised his character as a lawyer , erhJs dignity as a Judge , by reading the farmers of Huntingdonshire a Btern lesson on the suicidal fatnity of mustering around them a popnlation i active , willing to work , seeking work , and finding
none . But the poor wretch who went about looking for employment , and starving for the want of it , will , at the age of eighteen , be transported for life , because be yielded to the promptings of the two fellest fiends that haunt the mortal breast—hunger and despair . He will be sent to herd with the most depraved and aban * doned of God ' s creatures—to learn a new life of hopeless and thankless toil—to learn a new language , made np of the odds and ends of ruffianism , blasphemy , and
obscenity . And should he in the dreariness of a convict ' s existence have a moment's time to rtflect or to compare , be will muse npon the laws of his countryfree , happy England—which punish the freored language of industry seeking for its work with penalties no less severe than are visited upon the deliberate murderer of his wife , or the whok * ale violators of defenceless chastity ; and far less severe than a Buckinghamshire Jury would exact from the unprovoked but " respectable" slaughterer of his neighbour ^ sheep . — Times .
Ikczm ) Iabish . — Wages . —Sir Augustus Hennlker at the Suffolk sessions , held at Ipswich , March 19 tb , after observing that the calendar wrs not heavier than usual , and that the offences were of the ordinary descriptioB , said that be felt it a duty Incumbent on him to call the attention of the Grand Jnry to a subject hi which they must be individually interested . " Gentlemen , " said he , " we cannot dose our eyes to the fact that there exists , unhappily , not only In our own county , but in other districts also , a wide-spread spirit of discontent—a discontent which manifests itself in the wanton destruction of property—1 allnde to those frequent acts of incendiarism , which are calculated to bring discredit and disgrace upon the national
character , whilst they bring ruin npon the owners of agricultural propwty . This , indeed , is a frightful state of things . It is the duty of all good men to unite with the constituted authorities for the suppression of these mischievous atrocities , and in order that the guilty may be brought to justice . But , gentlemen , we should not stop there . It becomes us to trace some adequate remedy . The question has been asked how it is that the rural police bave not been able to prevent the commission of incendiarism—why the perpetrators are not apprehended ? The answer is obvious . If yon bad the whole metropolitan force sent down into even one division of the country—If yon wsre enabled to allot a eonstable to watch each separate homestead—I think that wonld cot insure detection . If then the crime be so
myiterionsly planned , and so easily executed , as to biffle the most unceasing vfgilanrs , it is imperatively necessary that we set ourcelves to inquire into the cause of an effect which we all deplore and deprecate . In my opinion , the enly efficient protection for agricultural property—the only rational hope that exists of restoring the country U a wholsome state , and of ensuring permanent teas quility , is to obtained only by « ecurisg to the labourer constant employment , together with the payment of more liberal wages . I think you will agree with me that there is so other mode so well calculated to prevent the recurrence of those frightful evils to which I have allnded . We aie bound to mete out to the ca "< mder the fullest measure of punishment ; bnt , if we hope to preserve order and protect property , we should endeavour to take away all pretence for com- , plaiat on the psrt of the labonrer . It is said that , as
agriculturists , the soil will amply repay those who prop « rly cultivate it . If that beanie , and I do not se « k to controvert the proposition , it should operate only as an additional incentive to carry out every improvement , which , while increasing the productiveness of land , must afford a more constant demand for labour , together ¦ with more liberal wages . But , indtptndent i > f all pecuniary consideration , we shall have a far higher reward in the gratitnde of the honest and well-disposed labourer , who returns kindness and consideration a hundred-fold to those "who compassionate his condition , and seek to alleviate his suffering . To do this we must I grant , make some sacrifice ; bnt it would be accomp anied by a satisfaction which cannot but be pleasing to us as men and Christians . This is a debt of jostle to the labourer—it is a debt of mercy , which i » twice blessed—it belpeth him that gives and him that takes : ' ,
More Poor La"w Atkocities . —There never was a measure which gave sued frequent and signal proofs of an oppressive nature , as the New Poor Law . These instances are so often irpeated , and are so important in themselves , that no doubt can possibly remain even in the minds of the most sceptical , relative to the real manner in which the measure works , and the influence it must exereise npon the poorer classes of socioty . For centuries has England prided herself upon the bo » pita-Uty of her sons ; and of late years she has become the wonder and admiration of the world for her philanthropic societies and humane institutions . Does the condition of some particular section of the great commnnity seem to require amendment , forthwith an association is formed , and thousands of pounds are collected
to carry out the desired otject Does some particular malady become epidemic and gain ground , the same magic spells raise np a hospital to receive those who ore assailed by it Sympathy and comraisseration ever appeal to run into the most absnrd extremes ; and the most impossible systems and plans for improving the morals and elevating the condition of the humbler classes are the result Or else mistaken humanity turns it * eyes to climes thousands of miles distant , and endeavours to convert the dtnizenB thereof to a creed professed in many civilized countries . The religionists asks for means to export Bibles to those lands , and forthwith Extter Hall is crowed by thousands ready to subscribs to a purpose which they doubtless deem philanthropic and sacred in the extreme . Then again there
are Associations formed to protect the dumb animal , and bring to justice the ruffian who dares to ill-treat his beast of burthen . Every branch of humanity would thus appear te meet with its patrons and supporters : —all the charities a « d amenities of life Beem to be made the objects of a philanthropic supervision . Hundreds of thousands of ponncis , gratuitously given—voluntarily subscribed , are annually collected for these purposes . Yet , when one walks through the streets of this " multitudinous metropolis . " and scans the dwellings of the poor in contrast with the palaces of the rich—or reads in the public prints those appalling statements of suffering poverty which appear impossible in a civilised country—or hear the
dread tale of anguish , misery , and sickness from the lips of the poor themselves—he is at a loss to coneeive how the greater portion of tbose Immense sums can be expended etherwise than hi vain . He must also begin to EUEpect that the labours of so many thousands of philanthropists are undertaken with but small t 4 Wct This leads him to a contemplation of the real condition of the poor ; and what does be see . ? That the charity for which England is famed is but a thin and ainuy veil thrown over heaps of revolting filth—a drop of honey in a whole sea ef gall ? That the ingenuity of T" » " is racked to discover upon how small a quantity of food the unfortanaie pauper can exist ; that the i ffjrts of the imagination are directed to the fearful
experiment of how great a proportion may be daily removed from that already feeble barrier which separates the poor man from the horrible death of actual starvation . In this land of millions of Bibles—of slavery abolition—of protection for the dumb animalof hospitals for the sick—of humane institutions of innumerable denominations ; in this land the poor are treated viih tee most heartless crnalty and the most abhorrent indignity . Of this assertion we are unfortunately compelled to give too many proofs weekly io our columns . But there is one now before us which seems more remarkable for the prin-V ° \_ reflne d ctHfclty which it developes , than any ¦ other that has lately come under our notice . At the annual meeting cf the Alstonfield Incorporation , held Monda
J ^ Sl , ¥ 2 ?" ' °° y 1 ^» Sir H . Filzberbert , Cbatanan of toe Boaod of Guardians , congratulated the ¦ members npon the fact that- " The eostof the mahv teuBMof the inmate , cl their workhouse had heea " 1 ^^ Y * *** ***** without any diml-Mtion-of their comforts « any alteratioa in the q « an bty or ^ uahty of their food ,- What must our French —what BOSt our German friends think of ns when they read this statement translated into their newspapers f The idea of eomforU , i n connection with o * e &i&ing and einepatce per vxdt , is a monstrous absurdity—an ntrageoua insalt to the poor , who are the objects of the remark ; and as to quantity and quality , what , in the name of common sense and common justice , can that pittance procure , in the shape of food , that can either be sufficient or wholesome ? Were the
butcher and baker , who contract for that workhouse , to steal the one his meat and the other bis flour , they ceuld not supply provender at a rate calculated to produce such an economy . The knacker ' s yard can alone afford meat upon terms consistent with that parsimonious weekly outlay . And then , for Sir Henry Pitsoerbert to talk in solemn tones of comforts—quantityand qi&litv ! Such language is a mockery of his fellow . * creature * ' 8 n £ VriBg £ ~ tb 8 ridicule of p&Bter levelled
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against those unfortunate beings who are lingering out a miserable existence with all th « horrors of protracted starvation . —Wc&l y Dispatch . ' A . . Infamous Tbeatmint of an Englishman and HIS FAMILY .: I » BETHKAX-GRKEN W 0 RKH 0 XJ 3 E . — We give the following just «» wb received it , which we should bave hesitated to have dont but for tbe endorsement of Mr . Burroughs , ' If the atrocities detailed in this communication are indeed true , as we fesr they are . " Lynch law" must be sadly wanted ia England : —
TO TM BDITOB OP THB NOBTHERN STAB . SIB . —I have been directed to transmit te you for insertion , the following copy of a letter , the original having been read on last Saturday evening at the weekly meeting of the Broad Silk Handloom Weavers ' Union , held at tbe Crown and Anchor , Waterloo Town , Bathnal Green .-Trusting Sir , that yon will give the said copy ( which is a verbatim one ) the desired insertion , I remain , Sir , yours very repectfolly , W . E . Burroughs , Secretary of the Broad Silk Hand-loom Weavers of Spitalfields .
William Bowling and his wife , and child tacame inmates of Bethnal 6 re « a workhouse , on the 28 th of February , 1814 . My wife , Jane Bowling , was locked np in the receiving ward , and her child with her , for twenty days—the child being but twenty-three months old . At the expiration of eleven days I asked tho master , Mr . Fairfield , if he would be se kind as to release her from the plan of confinement , and he told me he wonld not so long as she wai in the workhouse , I said to him , Sir , my wife is near her confinment . He bade me go to my ward . On the 9 th of March I was ordered to work outside of the workhouse . I left my work and went direct to the magistrate , and Btat « d tbe case , and Mr . Broughton ( the Magistrate ) gave orders to Sir . Roland , the officer , to go and see tbac tbe
woman was released from that solitary place of confinement ; and tbe officer wrote me a letter to that effect to give to Mr . Fairfield , the master . I went direct from tbe police offiea and gave the letter to the Porter of tbe Lodge of the Workhouse , and he gave it to the master . On the 10 th of March I 8 » id to him , " Sir , is my wife released V Mr . Ealtfleld said , " I will release you next week . " On the 11 th of Match I was brought before the Quardlans of the Workhouse , and the letter wai read , and the Board gave orders to Mr . Fairfield the master , to lock me up on bread and water for twenty * four boon . I underwent that punishment on tbe 12 th
of March . At three o ' clock in the afternoon I came out of the cell , and then I was locked up where there was five more men , in the refractory ward , until the 17 th of Marsh ; and the door was unlocked for me and tbe others to go into the chapel te hear tbe word of Qo ( * I went to the chapel in the Workhouse ; I remained there about an hour and a half , and then tbe porter locked us op again lot the whole of the day . On the 18 th of March I went before the Board of Guardians to t j discharged , and the gentlemen asked the master bow I bad behaved myself during the week ; he said , very well . On the 19 th of Mareh I came out with my wife and child .
Wm . Dowuno . IS , Wolverley-street , Batbnal Green-road . The receiving ward is a place where people are placed nntil they are clothed with the Workhouse clothing . ; then they are sent to the regular wards : but the poor wnman Bowling was k « pt there three weeks in a sort of solitary confinement ; and if ill at night nobody could be made to hear . She indetd found it difficult to make herself heard in the day time , when she wanted a drop of water for her child . Tae only crime she bad committed was asking the master , Mr . Fsirfield , to ts so good at to send her to a regular ward , where she wonld have some one to speak to , and where she would be able to obtain some assistance if taken ill , being within three months of her confinement . W . E Burroughs . 13 , Charlotte-street , Hope Town , Bethnal Green , London , March 2 i . 1814 .
The Sufferings of the Poob . —An interesting and affecting case was beard a few days since , at tbe Queen Square Police Office . A female named Elizabeth Burton , seventy-nina years of age , was charged with begging , when it appeared , to quota the language of tbe Reporter , " that in the exercise of their vocation aa mendicants , she and her sister were frequently approhanded , but whether in tbe streets of tbe metropolis , or within the walls of a prison , they bad always been inseparable , until yesterday morning , when for the first time the prisoner was fwund begging alone . '' The Magistrate baying asked her what had become of her sister , the following was her simple and touching answer— "O , Sir , she ' s lying very ill at home dying ! I was really obliged to go out and beg this time to get the poor craatnre something . I am sore I shall never live after she is gone . " Greatly to tbe credit of his good sense and humanity , the Magistrate , on bearing this artless statement , not only
dismissed the prisoner , but gave bet some money , observing that " he could not think of separating the sisters under such circumstances . " We have alluded to this circumstance because it affords another striking illustration of that inherent kindliness , and gen&Tosfty ot nature which is found nut merely among the poor , but the hopelessly destitute , far oftsner than your wealthy and respectable folks imagine . It is easy to talk of the recklessness and depiavity of spirit which poverty engenders , by way of justifying tbe indifference of tbe rich towards the poor ; but here we find— and wo have read lately of many similar cases—tbe warmest , purest , and noblest feelings of the human heart surviving even in tbe midst of hopeless , squalid destitution ; and this , too , at an advanced period of life , when callous selfishness , egotism , and indifference too often gain the ascendant In tbe breasts both of men and women , to the utter exclusion of every healthy and generous emotion . —Sim .
RESULTS OF COMMONS * ENCLO 5 CKE . A writer in the Times says : —I remember the man possessing a cottage and half an acra of land , with bis right of common . The men , each possessing a cottage , and from one to twenty acres of land , with their right of common , and bringing up their families in comfort , who were to be depended on when required to assist the authorities , having something tq lose ; enclosure bills passed ; commissioners appointed ; ex pence s—£ 3 , 000 , £ 4 , 000 , £ 5 , 000—paid ; the small proprietors bad their allotments , struggled and starved for a time , and at last sold their little properties . And where are
their descendants now 1 In a ditch , in the urion , or , more happily , In their-graves . I remember men , boys , and girls , each in their way , playing happily on tbe common landB , and when the first thing a boy got was a cricket-ball , or something like it ; bats , balls , and stumps were to be found in all parts of a parish , and were in constant use on spots far removed from the alehouse ( a very good thing in ita way , and very useful to the poor when used properly ); cricket , quoits , football , and many othbr manly sports , weTe then enjoyments within reach of the poorer orders of society , and brought them in contact with the olassta above thema state of things in which each found advantage .
What are the amusements of the poor now , and where alone ate they to be had ? The men are reduced to foUT'Corners , bowl * , dominos , cards , and dice ; and tbe only places in which room is to be found even fur such games are the public-houses and beer-shops , and the yards thereto attached , where they are constrained to play for money to be spent , in all or in part , in beer or gin . Every open spot has been enclosed " for tbe benefit of tbe poor . " Bats , balls , stumps , foot-bails , quoits , fcc , and the games in which they were used , are almost unknown to the boys of the present generation ; for cricket , hockey , and such like amusements , no place is to be found ; they are superseded by marbles , £ nmps , and other games , played for tbe purpose of winning from each other in tbe villages and roads , nntil they are given np as childish : and excitement is then sought in witnessing the matches of four-corners played by the men , and betting on tbe events .
By enclosures of common lands tbe old English games bave been destroyed , and men and boys driven to foreign amusements which they would never have thought of ; and , it may fairly be asserted , driven to become gamblers and drinkers . And then persons wonder that crimes till lately unknown in England spring forth as the fruit of such bentfltB conferred on the poor ! Stabbing and incendiarism were unknown in England before the manly , honest , out-door amusements of the poor were destroyed .
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conspiracy had obtained from him a promise that he would not interfere of his own accord—a promise which was swaptzlouely , though reluctantly , fulfilled . In 1800 he commanded iu Brittany , at the unfortunate landing of Quiberon . In 1804 he became marshal * He commanded the French centre a ; AusterlitZ v ' and was made Prince of Ponte Corvo . Ia 1806 he commanded in Germany a corps separate from that which vanquished at Jena , and whioh completed the success of . the campaign over tbe Russians and Prussians . In 1808 he commanded at Hamburgh , and won golden opinions by his fair and able administration . He then laid the foundation of his promotion to the Sweden throne . He served the Emperor faithfully during the famous Austrian campaign , when he commanded a Saxon division of the army ; but having issued a somewhat inflated bulletin after the victory of Wagram , in which he
ascribed the day ' s success io a groat degree to the skill and valour of his own troops ,. Napoleon took umbrage , and issued a counter-buUetin , which reflected severely on Berndaotte , who shortly after returned to Paris , and lived iu comparative retirement , nntil his elevation ' to . the dignity of Crown Prince of Sweden . In the German campaigns , as well as in the command which he held for a short time agaiaBt th » Chouans , ja the we 9 t of France , be waa distinguished from all his military comrades by his consideration and generosity towards the conquered enemy . From 1809 to 1809 he commanded the first corps d' artnee in the north of Germany j and it is recorded that hiB personal kindness to a body of 1 , 500 Swedes , who had fallen aa prisoners into his hands , first awakened amongst the younger officers of that nation thos-e feelings of gratitude which led to his nomination as a candidate for the reversion of the crown of Sweden .
Of all i the Imperial Generals ( for the sterner Republican spirits of tbe army had long been removed from the scene ) Bernadotte was the least inclined to yield to Napoleon that servile deference which he so strictly exacted . The blemishes of the Imperial'regime , the abuse of military power , and tho jealousies which had sprung up between the grandees of that transitory Court , had alarmed his oautiou , and , perhaps , offended bis sense of justice . Suddenly , and by a personal impulse rather thaa by any subtle combination of policy or intrigue , bis nanole was mentioned at the Diet of Orebro , where
the deputies of Sweden were assembled to choose a successor to Charles XIII . The consent of the Prince do Poute Corvo had already been privately implied ; that of the Emperor Napoleon wan , not without misgivings , extorted from him . Bernadotte 8 aid , with characteristic astuteness , " Will your Majesty make me greater than yourself , by compelling me to refuse a crown V Napoleon replied , " You may go : our destinies must be accomplished : " and Bernadotto , renouncing the Catholic for the Protestant faith , beoame Prince Royal of Sweden .
From that hour Bornadotte , or as he was ^ thenceforwar / d styled , Charles John , Crown Priuoe of Sweden , turned with no divided affection to his adopted country . The first acts of his government were to refuse to recruit the French fleet at Brest with Swedish Bailors , and to struggle against the oppressive exigencies of the continental system . In 1812 a secret alliance was formed between Sweden and Russia ; and in the following year the Crown Prince assumed ( he command of the combined forces of Northern Germany against the French Empire . He defeated Ney at Groa Beeren , and took part in the battle of Leipsic . He entered Paris with the allies in 1814 , and in 18 ) 8 ascended the throne of Sweden aud Norway .
Opinions differ , of course , according to party predelictioas as to the character of the deceased King . According to Tory writers , " He showed himself worthy of the confidence of Europe by his undeviating adherenco to those principles of order , justice , aud forbearance by which the maintenance of the general peace has been happily secured ; and by his frank and judicious compliance with the obligations imposed upon a Sovereign by the free constitutions both of Sweden and of Norway he earned the unbounded veneration of those nations . The
population , of Sweden has been largely increased . The commerce and the manufactures of the country have been doubled—agriculture improved—instruction diffused—the finances raised from a state of great embarrassment to complete prosperity—the national debt almost paid off—a civil and a penal code proposed for promulgation—the great canals which unite the ocean with the Baltic have been completed —and , lafedy , the secular hostility of the Swedish and Norwegian nations has given way to mutual confidence , cemented by kindred institutionu , and the enlightened government of the same sceptre , "
On tbe other band , writers of the opposite school , tell us , that "In his domestic policy , especially of later yeara , Charles John has closely resembled bis compatriot , Louis Phillippe . Both , after having founded their dynasties on the cousecration of popular rights , took fright at the development of those rights , and have strangled , with much inconsistency and unfairness , to curtail and crush them . " Burn&dotte had completed his 80 th year on the rery dsy on which be was seized with his fatal
illness . We cannot better close this sketch than by the following quotation from a writer in the Morning Chronicle , expressing as it does exactly , an estimate of the career , and character of iho deceased : — " On the whole , there is no great crime laid to Bernadotte ' s charge , and no great virtue attributable to him . : He was a fortunate adventurer , far above mediocrity , but far below genius , both as a soldier and as a politician ; and the same qualified approbation is due to his memory both as a Sovereign , and as a man . "
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OBSTRUCTIVE CHARTISM . Ores of tho " monster *! complaints preferred against Chartism is the "obstructive policy" to which its supporters bave found it their duty to resort , upon all occasions , where a different course would have had tbe tflVot of lessening its influence . It was well not the name , but the principles of Chartism , to whioh its middle-class professors really objected . " We may , without any false reasoning , apply tbe same argument to those who charge upon us the sin
of " obstruction ; " and say that it is not to our policy , but to our principles , that they demur . Had the Chartists confined their " obstructive" policy excluobserved by Dr . Wade , at Birmingham , that "it was sively to Tory opposition , how loud would have been Whig plaudits in commendation of their noble and patriotic perseverance ! Or had they backed the chief " obstructer , " Mr . Shabman Crawford , who literally waged war upon the principle of obstruction , a war , —though futile and foolish , —to whioh the support of some , and tbe sympathy of more bad been
profusely pledged—their obstruction , running in tbe Whig channel , would have been in its legitimate course ; and the " obstructive" policy in suoh ca * e pursued by the Chartists would have been the pet warfare of all admiriDg Liberals . Had the Chartists confined their obstructiou to the Feudalists' agitation , " obstruction" would have been a noble policy ; but when they applied it to the equally offensive and destructive agitation of the League , it was then aa impolitic * a factious , and unfair obstruction . Had they used it
to resist the Income Tax , it would have been successful , and would have been applauded ; but when they used it to confirm the principle of direct taxation , it was senseless aud faotiou 3 " obstruction . " When used by Mr . Daniel O'Connkll in support of his own banking scheme against the banking scheme of Lord Monteagle , the Whig . Chancellor o £ the Exchequer " obstruction , " was hailed aa a triumphant principle , —because the policy had succeeded , although no good was accomplished .
As our object is , not only to place our adversary in the : wrong , but to prove ourselves right , we shall here enter into the cause which first led to the use of the " obstructive Policy . " The League meetings are still fresh in the recollection of the working classes . An attempt was made in 1840 , to hatch the principle of Free' Trade in quiet ; and when tbe question had been matured by tbe supposed sanction of in-door meetings , and when the prinoipje of Free Trade had been proclaimed throughout the presB of Europe to have been the
ascendant star in the political firmament , it was to have been introduced , ia all the brilliancy of a Bhining constellation , to its out-door worshippers . This policy was ooncooted and acted upon , throughout the whole of tbe manufacturing districts . Meetings , proclaimed as pnblib meetings , were convened , and interested . partisans usurped the chair at those meetings , without the sanction of the assembly . Acting the dishonest part of partial judges ,
the chairmen so appointed , in the first instance , tolerated discussion , and sanctioned amendments being proposed to tbe Free Trade resolutions . When it was discovered that those chairmen used their power u » jastlyv awarding a triumph to some few "kidskin gloves , " and "unbiislered fingers" over thousands of " blistered hands "; and when those supposed triumphR were ; paraded through the world by the Liberal preBs , as the triumphs of Free Trade over Chartism , then , but not # M ( ben . did the
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Chartists reBort toj that policy for discovering the truth whioh their enemies , the real offenders , have audaciously denominated " obstruction . " The Binoere adVocates of Chartism , began- to despond . They mourned over the labour that they had lost in procuring the ascendancy of a principle over a question . They found the press of America , of France , and of Ireland , taking its . tone from the » k Heralds" of Free ( Trade , and joiningin denunciation of the " obstructive ? ' policy . Then , but not till then , did the jealous ChartiBta decide upon the policy not of " obstruction" but of discussion . Then did they appoint impartial Judges to decide between the
contending parties : and from that moment the press was compelled to open its battery agatosfc the dofcndara of Chartism ; and jwhile it professed to expose ita weakness , it was compelled to confess its superiority and strength . From the commencement of this policy lodicriously enough denominated the " obstruotive" policy , is to be dated the ascendancy of Chartism over all other principles . Thus foiled in-doors , before the star of Free Trade was of sufficient magnitude to shine under the broad blue canopy , the League resolved upon trying physical force , as an expedient to ensure ascendancy . Hence the pro " jected massacre of ] the Chartists by hired ruffians in Sfcevenson ' s-squarfl * when the assassins told them
"TO BE PREPARED TO MEET THEIR GOD . " Hence the Hall of Scienoe butehery , and the contemplated assassination of Fkarcws O'Connor for the reward of l £ 5 . The defensive policy of the Chartists upon thoiBe occasions being successful , the real obstructors were driven to the alternative of holding ticket meetings : and from that hour to the present the Free Traders having failed in their endeavours to make their crotchet an extinguisher for Chartist priucieleH ; have abused , insulted , and maltreated ,
every honest hardworking man , who , though armed with a ticket of admission , his dared to court discussion , or even ask a question , no matter however minutely connected with the proposition the meeting was called to discuss . And now forsooth the Chartists , who have ever invited discussion , and who have ever listened with ; attention and patience to hired disturbers who have been sent to their meetings to cause confusion , are denominated the " obstructive Chartists" ! i
When O'Gorman Mauon boldly demanded the right to defend himself against Mr . O'Connell ' s calumnies , that gentlemen blew out the lights , dissolved the meeting , and cleared the room , declaring that it was his , a ^ s he paid the rent of it . " Whea the youug American recently rose iu the Conciliation Hall to discover j whether or not , his countrymen , had paid \ their contributions for the substance or the shadow of Irish freedom , his American eloquence was extinguished , by the Liberator declaring , " we can ' t hear you , Sir ! " Wbea
SiiARMAaN Chawkobd presented himself at the Corn Exchange , to defend himself against the slander of Mr . O'Connell , | "Cbawfobd ' s white waistcoat , with the Regent-street out , " was offered as confirmation of all the Liberator had advanced ! When Chartism was declared triumphant at Birmingham , at the Sturge Conference , Stubge , old Ritchie , and Lawrence Her worth declared that that majority consisted of " obstructives , " and that the poor minority of packed middlemen constituted the real majority of the Conference .
Before we enter more minutely into the question of 11 obstructive" Chartism let us just remind our revilers of whom Mr . Sturge , Mr . Daniel O'Connell , and Mr . Shabman Crawfokd are the leading triumvirate , of the policy proposed by themselves . Mr . Crawford as the mouthpiece of the association of the " hopping" Liberals , proposed to commence Mb sessional labours upon the very principle of" obstruction ! " declaring 1 that twenty members acting in concert could "obstruct" the whole proceedings of the " House , " and compel tbe remaining C 38 to surrender to this ] small band . The Sturge and O'Connell party agreed in approval of this " obstructive" policy ! but then the obstruction was to be used
for their own . party purposes . The Chartists did not " obstruct" the obstructera . Mr . DuNcoHBE voted with the obstructers ; and yet were the Chartists aad Mr . Duncombe insolently styled the obstructers . " Chartism does not profess sympathy , kindred , or alliance with Whiggery , anymore than with Toryism . Chartism is as a noun-substantive , and can stand alone . Whiggery is a noun-adjective and requires Borne other word to give it signification ; Buch as lying Whiggery , tricking Whiggery , rascally Whiggery : and therefore Chartism cannot stand justly chargeable with any heinous offence for refusing to be that word whioh would give substantial signification to the term Whiggery .
When it suits the purpose of the O'Connell Liberals , the Sturge Liberals , the Chronicle Liberals , and the WiIliam Tait Liberals , to arraign the Chartists upon the charge of " obstruction" itbecomes our duty to put in a plea upon behalf of those whose defence we have ever cheerfully undertaken , and in establishing whose innocence we have invariably succeeded . What , then , let us ask , is OBSTRUCTIVE CHARTISM !
It has prepared the way for all Reform , weakening the opposition of all class and sectional monopolists . It is the moving power , though the unacknowledged propeller , of even the cautious Peel . It is the hobgoblin with which the innovator affrights the rofraetory Landlord , the reluotant Churchman , and the " jumping" Free Trader . It enables the Prime Minister to say to each , " take what I offer , or Chartism will take all !• you have . " It is the reconciler of changes whioh would otherwise be termed innovations . It is theUhadow of coming events . It is
the precursor of the mind s power ; the model from which Governments , suitable to existing circumstances , must ] be henceforth cast . Who now thinks of resisting innovations upon property , whether hold on temporal or spiritual lease i Chartism seeks to unbind the body from the chains of capital ; and to untrammel ^ he mind from the galling fetters of sectarianism . It breaks the fall of corruption ' s trembling ruins , and smiles upon tbe " wreck of old opinions . " It confines the battle , of party within the narrow sphere of sectional squabble .
It teaches all classes their respective rights ; how they must maintain them ; aud what they must surrender of other men ' s to hold their own . It tells the Landlord that he can no longer swim with the millstone of State Church around his neck ; while it tells the State Church that henceforth she must fight her battles alone . It has severed the elements of faction , and made them an easy prey to the united wisdom of the movement party . It has invaded no right , but has pointed out the manner in whioh its several rights have ! betn invaded by other classes
and sections , whose ) motto formerly was , " Let us stand , or fall together" ; but whose motto now is , Sauve qui pu— Save who can . " Each section has now more than enough to do upon its own account ; and hence the Irish Protestant landlords , who , while there was plunder ) enough for » 11 , hugged the Church as a portion 6 f their auxiliary force , now sfey : H If one of the old constitutional bastions must tumble , let it be the , Church first ; and leave me time to correct some of day own abuses , in the hope that my power may Buryive the general crash . " The
Irish Chnrch is therefore doomed by Chartism , and not by Repealism ; and her fall will furnish a precedent for her Saxon ] lister ' s demolition I Chartism is as the invisible ] girl ; directing , though not admitted in sight . ) It is a propelling power and an obstructive force . It is forcing measures from men to sustain them ia power which but for a i « ve of office they would oppose to the death . If it is " obstructive , " it but obstructs the commission Of
evil , which , when moulded into law , it would be called upon to destroy . It never stands in . the way of good , come from whence , from whom , or from where it may . ! It never shrinks from opposing ^ Ht oome in what form it may . It allows others to do , and assists them in { doing those things which if in power , it would do itself ; while its aotU is , never to tolerate in others what its own . principle does not recognize as justice , j It is not the talisman of kings , of priests , of peers , of classes , or of Motions . It is
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faction ' s scourge and the nation ' s hope . It is a whole , an indivisible thing , and cannot be subdivided into sections of the one great whole . It cannot as Tory ism t be divided into old Toryism and Conservatism : or like Whiggery , into ltli Wkiggery and 1832 Whiggery ; into " Glorious Revolution" Whiggery , based upon the blood of our ancestors , and Reform Whiggery built upon the ruin of cities and the expatriation and murder of its dupes ! Neither , like the " Bill of Rights" of"Con > pleteism , " dbes it recognise the theory of the British Constitution as its title to rule and reign t
Where it opposes changes to which it professes itself favourable , it does eo because the advantages caanot be equalized under existing circumsl&neea consequent upon the present system . Where it cooperates it is hearty and unflinching . Where it '' obstructs" it is un-compromising , persevering , and always consistent . It seeks no ascendancy to which it is not entitled . It exercises no control save were neutrality would lead to an acquiescence in its own inferiority , and to the admission of some superior force .
Chartism is a principle which cannot be made subservient to the purposes of faction . It is a new Sun promising to rise upon this new world of invention , and improvement , whose rays faction cannofr compel to shine partially . AU must be allowed to bask in its warmth . It is not confined to Irish Repealism , to Scotch Free Uhuiohism , to Welch Rebeceaism , or to English Free Tradeism . It is the mind ' s spirit , from which must spring the
government of thought , deliberation , and reason , before whioh the rule of class , of creed , and of sections must expire . It is that , in the hope of realising which , brave men live peaceably ; in the hope of crushing which , cowards speak valiently ; and rather than surrender which , the English working classes would cheerfully die upon the scaffold or in the field . Chartism is the good man's hope , the bad man ' s dread . Hence it is loved by the good man and hated by the . bad man .
Iueibif Boaw Coppeb Balloons—A New And Carious Experiment Is To Be Made In Aerostation. A Balloon Maoq 'F*-4 ~.. ¦ . ¦ . I It . Tm* Mm *% N A A Ntw
iueiBiF Boaw Coppeb Balloons—A new and carious experiment is to be made in aerostation . A balloon maoq 'f * -4 ~ .. ¦ . ¦ . I it . Tm * mm * % n A A ntW
ei sneet copper is to oe seen m - . T Maine , No . 10 , near the Versailles railroad Btatioa ( left bank ) , aud an ascent is to be soon attempteo It is supposed thatif it should be BuccessfuV a step will have been gained by the use of metal for balloons towards the application of the steam-engine to aerial navigation . —Gdlignani .
The- .Northern Star. Saturday, March 30, 1844.
THE- . NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , MARCH 30 , 1844 .
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FOREIGN MISCELLANY . THE LATE KING OF SWEDEN . Charles John Brknadotte was bern at Pau , tbe capital of Beard , the birth place of Henry IV ., on the 26 th of January , 1764 . His father was a lawyer , who so much preferred his elder brother , that Charles John enlisted , and went with his regiment to Coraioa , where ke passed two years . When the revolution broke out he was a sergeant , and was able to save his colonel's life , threatened as an aristocrat , in the streets of Marseilles . The sergeant of the ancient regime soon became a colonel himself in the army of tbe Rhine , where he served under Custine and Kleber . He commanded , as general , a division under Jourelaa' at the battle of Fieurua . Here he gained much glory , but later was somewhat unsuccessful againrt the Archduke Charles . He commanded the division from the army of the Rhine sent te serve u&der Bonaparte in Italy . He bore a part in the most brilliant actions of that campaign ; aad wai chosen by Bonaparte to convey to Paris tho standards captared at Rivoli . After the peaee of Gasapo Fonnia , Mb went to Vienna for a short time as minister of the French Republic . Here be was too zealous a Repe&lican to please ; his hoisting the tricolour on his hotel created a tumult , and he was obliged to leave .
Beraadotte then returned to Paris , and married the wealthy Mdlle . Clary , the sister-in-law of Joseph Bonaparte . After again commanding on the Rhine he was appointed war minister under the directory ; but Sieves got rid of him as too sincere a Republic can . Notwithstanding his marriage with a connect tion ot Bonaparte , he held aloof from the military revolution which made Napoleon first consul . It is well known that if the Ancients , or the Council of Fire Hundred , had ordered him to arrest the intrigujng Napoleon , he would have done so without hesitation . No order , however , of the sort was isBued , and ia the meantime . the great chief of the
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THE STOMACH PUMP . In the good old times , when Government was the one great and all-absorbing tyrant , there was but little difficulty in extracting the heaviest amount of taxation from a well-fed , a well-housed , and a wellclad people . Every wholesale and retail shop was then a house of call for the tax-gatherer ; bat as the new competitive Government—Maohinery—achieved toleration , equality , and at last ascendancy , a large per centage of the houses of call have become closed against the Government agents ; and our rulers , to
keep the thing together during their time , are now compelled to apply the stomach pump to extract taxation from the gorged capitalist . What objection can we have to this great improvement in the science of Government f Surely , when wood and iron has become a substitute for flesh and blood , it is right that Government should draw its resources from wood and iron ! But , then , another question sTiseB aud one of great importance . It is admitted that you cannot draw blood from a turnip ; and we doubt not that our modern Government of centralization will find it equally difficult to draw taxes from wood and iron .
The MalthuHiau 9 , who have proclaimed this un » natural ascendancy , appear to have forgotten that unrepresented hash , and blood was pliable as clay in the potter's hands , and capable ot being moulded ' into any shape best suited to his will ; while represented wood and iron " are made of sterner stuff , " aud not so easily dealt with . The substitution of direct for indirect taxation bespeaks the people ' s poverty , and not their rulers ' justice . But the transition having taken place , and the enfranchised being now liable to the domiciliary visits of the tax *
colleotor , our rulers will have to transfer their accounts from the abodes of the millions to the countinghouses of their oppressors . Symptoms , strong symptoms , of those difficulties which will be hereafter multiplied as obstacles in the way of centralization , are presenting themselves . The collector calls at the bouse of Ashbdrton , Babino , and Company , the great American merchants , for their quota to aid in the preservation of national faith J and the return from perhaps the largest mercantile house in the world , is NIL . The collectors call at the house of Fielden Brothers , probably the largest
wood and iron manufactory in the country ; and there likewise the return is NIL . These two concerns are not only represented by their capital—but the head of one sits in the Upper House , and tho head of the other ; in the Lower House ; and if inspirited by their example , their order should kick against the stomach pump , what , then , we should like to know , will be the position of the dependants upon s « cA " national faith ! " a faith whioh the position of their order has enabled the Chancellor of the Exchequer to violate by one fourteenth of its present , aud one seventh of its futnre engagements .
Those who tamely looked oa while power was being transferred from flesh and blood to wood and iron never dreamed that the latter would one day assume the hard-hearted supremacy of the law . The bold attempt of Sir Robert Peel to draw his resources from Income and Property has , in the oat 9 et , been transcendantly successful . The hope that the War Tax would last but for three years induced many to acquire a fictitious atandiag in the commercial world : and therefore thousands . whose after credit was mainly to depend upon three years ' advertisement of their stability , had no objection to acquire confidence by thia national puff . Although !
however , the torments of purgatory may have been borne with equanimity and fortitude , in the hope of a happy future the present " heaven-born Minister" will find it difficult to reconcile his votaries to that eternity of blistering which he has in store for them . The presint healthful appearance of our national resources is deceitful , illusory , and fictitious . The amount produced by the Income Tax we aeclare to be mainly owing to the extensive use madefof the Governmental puff . But then we hail it ; because to it we look for the realization of our fondest hope—the realization of the real value of the flesh and blood of this country acknowledged through its enfranchisement .
How often have we deolared thai while labour the source of all wealth , is outlawed , it is impossible for a union of all other classes fo represent the interests of the country . Hence we find the landlord pulling at the fund lord and tbe Church ; the fundlord pulling at the merchant , and the owners of Property and Income ; the Church pulling at tho Throne and the pap of charity ; while Puseyism is nibbling at both : ihe special pleader pulling at the
practising 'barrister ; the Lord Chancellor pulling at the Attorney ; the Bishops pulling at the inferior Clergy ; and the inferior Clergy pulling at the sympathy of their flocks ; the Free Traders - pulling at the landlords and their own slaves ; the landlords pulling at the tenants ; the -tenants pulling at their labourers ; and the labourers pulling from the Poor Law Commissioners , instead of from the shopkeepers .
Here then is the chaos of class legislation . Here is the higgle-de-piggledy in which the Exolusives have placed their several orders ; while the labourer , who has hitherto borne the whole brunt o £ battle , now laughs 4 t the blows that the several factions are administering to each other , conscious that out of their ruin his prosperity must spring . Aye , and if granted in time , out of the labourers ' prosperity that of all other classes must flow . Out of chaos will ultimately oome Bhape and form ; out of misrule the protection of good govesnmeni ; and ont of the horrors of class legislation thebloi sings of the People ' s Charter .
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C . THE NOSTBSKN STAR . i Maboh 30 , J 844 .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 30, 1844, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1258/page/6/
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