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parltamehtajno aEttitllujnw.
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<£l)arttst SEntelluttnce.
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Parltamehtajno Aettitllujnw.
parltamehtajno aEttitllujnw .
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HOUSE OF LORDS—Eridat , Mxech 22 . Th * Royal Assent was given by » mmission to the Three-and-a-hair pec Cents , and other Tinandal Bills , jnd also to the Gaming Transactions Indemnity of l ^ itnesses BilL The remainder of the sitting vnw occupied by the sresectation o ! petitions .
Hosdat , . Haslcb 25 . lord BsorGHAat said he held in . bia hand a peHtion , to which he earnestly begged their Lordships * attention ^ as i % was one of considerable importance ; it -was a petition from a colliery in Lanarkshire , coaplaining of tie Ait that passes two years ago ( the Mines and Coilieries'Act ) , statingthatithad flung a number of women oat of employment , who had so other means of subsistence . They prayed their Lordships to allow females to -work in mines and collieries under certain restrictions . He regretted to see that a cheap mode of legislating with the interests of others had taken possession -of the Legislature—lhear ) . He denounced this interference ^ n the cause of humanity , —disregarding whose interests might be affected—and he believed that the
interests of those whom it was intended to protect would be injnied—as hypocritical and short-sighted That fee working people were worked teo hard , and fed too lightly , God knew ; he was the last man to -Seny this , but he very much feared that ^ his was the lot of humanity aod the state of civilisation ; bnt he would not call them oppressed beings , nor would be ever do so , unless some doctrine , of which he had never before heard , expounded to him how nueh could be amended in their lot by human means and human laws , considering , as he did , that they were under the ruidMceofa myaterisus dispensation of Provideiice . Some
persons thought that those principles slight be carried too far ; others might go further and wish they should be ex * tended . Ha thought , at all events , that we ought to be cautions iow we interfered with the dispensations of Prsvidenee , and the imperfections of human nature . If e doubt the sufferings of the working classes wars greatly to be deplored—to be regretted ; cat they must be submitted to . This was the law to which humanity was liable . It was the lot of all men ever since the primitive corse . V Thy bread thon shalt earn by the sweat of thy brow . " Their Lordships would not forget that " there were no ten hours' bills In Prance , uor in Switzerland , where manufacturer were mwfripg a great
progress . A Peul—Uorin America , Lord BkocgHah . —Ner in America , { as he was reminded by his Noble Friend , ) where the raw material , too , was at nand , and where protection might ba sop . posed to be more needed ; bnt no such thing as a Ten Hosts * Bill , existed there . If the legislature wer » to interfere ~ with one class of labourers , it must interfere with all—( hear , bear ) . For his own part he wonld rather have a bill to fix the TTmTfmnm of work . ' But it was bad in principle , and for-this reaso * he never ¦ would support it . T&ose men who said that Parliament could legislate so as to jive twelTe hoars' waeea for ten hoars' work did not know what they were talking abont . Let them depart from
Parliament—( hear , hear . } They know nothing -whatever of the subject any more than what was passing in another planet —( hear , hear , hear ) . H » knew one person who entertained such notions , ioi whom , indeed , lie had thd highest respect . But persons of that respectable class , who acted from conscientious motives , when they acted 3 n so fantastic a manner , did more mischief than the hypocrites themselves . He had received the drafts of two Bills respecting the miserable condition to which many yonng women were subjected , wko earned a living—or rather who were- h » if starved—by their aeefilea , which he had declined to lay before tke House , because of the reasons against rach a principle being made the subject of legislation which he enterf-uned . The drafts of the Bills went to the regulation of wages . Ihe eatalogas of sufferings to which those poor
women were liable had ~ been laid before him—they wers subject to dyspepsia , to diseases of the lungs , and frequently died at a prematire age . If such Bills as these were to pass , the legislature would become a public nuisancs instead of a national bor . efit It was the lot of bunan nature to suffer . This was the law of our ^ existence . We might repine a ) it , but we are unable to remedy it . He was against such interference , as calculated to produce nothing but misery to workmen and masters—especially to the workmen ; audit was his business to do bis best to jsrevent such grievous errar , which in those who governed would be a crime . Their lordships being a body eminently Couervative , from their relnctance to enter upon wild and hazardous specnlatiois , it was jaore important sound views should be maintained and kept up , and applied is practice among them .
The Marquis of 2 f 0 SMA 5 BT begged their Lordships and the country not to be led away by the powerful and eloquent speech of his Noble and Learned Friend , for he ( Lord Nonnanby ) had received from various psrts of the country the testimony of numbers of persons to the good effect of the Act , which was passed two sessions ago . It would be most unwise ' to disturb it The Bishop of Esetek moved for copies of all communications to the Poor Law Commissioners relative to the death of Mary Miller , who died by her own hands in Penzicee "Union-After some discnssioB the motion was withdrawn , and ths House adjourned .
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HOUSE OF COMMONS—Fsidat , Masch 22 . THE PACTOBJES' BfLL . The House having resolved itself into Committee on tie Factories Bill , Mi . T . ZGBE . TO 3 moved to exclude silk factories from the operation « f the measure . Sir J . Gb . ahaH resisted this suggestion , prsposing , however , SDine modifications with respect to children employed in the silk trade . Mr . Labocchxes supported Sir James Graham ' * view . After some further conversation , Mr . Stbxtt recommended it to 2 Ir . . Egerton to withdraw his motion , -winch the latter consented te do , considering that hu purpose would be substantially answered by the modifications which Sir J . Graham had announced .
Lord Asblet rose to propose his amendment . He tsfan by adverting to some observations which had just before taen made by Mr . Yernon Smith , -who ., admitting the plea of protecting yonng childnn , had objected to tht new principle of restricting the labour of adults , whether males or females , seeing that thej 'were competent to judge and act for themselves . Tiis L » rd 0 Ashley combatted , by adducing the evidence of Mr . Homer , who shewed that in fact adult females were not free agents ; that they frequently worked fifteen hours a day ; and that the social an 4 moral condition of tie adult population could osly be ameliorated ky affording them more lime for improvement . He had brought the question before the House on the broad principles of justice and humanity . Breiy
previous restriction of the hours of labour had bteu preceded by predictions of the evil constguences which would result , and all had been falsified by th * results . He argued , ircm the" reports cf the inspectora , t&at it ¦ would be Tastily better for the moral and social improvement of the people to have more rest T > itb less wases , than to maintain the present system of excessive labour . He believed , however , thai a fall of wages would be no necessary consequence from a reduction of the working hours . But even admitting that consequence , he dwelt upon the economical advantages to a poor family from the cooking , washing , and other domestic work , which might be done by the woman on ihe ten hours' plan- ; and argned tbat these savings would more than compensate any addition which the twelve hours of -factory labour might produce . He estreated the Government and the Housa to recollect
that the question had been growing up during twelve years to its present magnitude , and warned them against the peril of disappointing the long-cherished hopes of the operatives , aid of lowering their own cbarueter , by rescinding the conclusion to whicb the House had already come . If they did succeed in rescinding it , they would not thereby crush the question , but would have to surrender it when it had lost all its grace , and not a little of its remedial power . His amendment , as printed , set forth that his inUntions were to move in clause eight , tbat the word " ten" be substituted for the word " twelve ; " and , in the event cf this amendment being carried , to add a proviso , te the effect that the restriction of the hours of labour to ten in the day shall only take tffeet on the 1 st of October , 1816 ; and that fron / the 1 st of October next until the 1 st of October , 1816 ,, the hours of labour for feir . &lpj and yonng person * shall be eleven .
Sir William Clay thought that the tvDa lerd Ashley dtpicted , and the remedies he proposed , took opposite directions—the one would only aggravate the other . He urged that our manufacturers , running an intense competition in foreign markets , would either be gradnsUy driven from our soil , or profita must be ent still lower down ; in either case , the whole weight of this great error in legislation would fall on the Tery operatives whom we were professing to serve . At the same time he praised Lord Ashley ~ Ior the pnrity of his motives , and exhorted him to turn his active benevo lence to other branches of Industry siore requiring his
Mr . H 05 CK . T 05 Mixhis thought that the yielding of Sir James Graham , with the Factory Bill of last year Was just as undignified as his perseverance on the present occasion . The Government were taking advan-Ugeuf a chance contingsney , in order to try if they ctuid reverse the solemn decision of the House . We had contracted enormous national gufltby the length to which we had suffered the factory system to prsceed , training up thousands , if- ~ not millions ^ in f a state of brutish degradation . The delegates of the operatives of Lauasnire and Yorkshire had Isjued an address , is TrhKh they stated that tkey had deliberately reviewed fiis whele of Lord Ashley * speech , paragraph by jhjtbtaph , -and " they affirmed , from their own experience , &at every statement he had mads was correct . Let Kbhi beware of disappointing the hopes which th * » ijoriiy of Monday night had excited " , ner drive Lord Ability to some great exremity in prosecuting the SUBSSou .
~ " « . Yssxox SkrrH m in'tsromfdl H » restrietioa m ten hours , for the sake of children and females . He leaumberedV in the debate of 183 S , a gBntleman with vb ^ m h £ did sot much agree in polities , bat vho a \
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t ^ e same time he considered a ptrson of considerable talent asd humour—he meant Mr . Cobbett—he remembered that gentleman saying— " that he had heard that the greatiiess of this country depended nponits navy ; that at other times it depended npon the learned professions ; aad at other times npon its great statesmen ; bat he never till that moment heard that it depended npon the over-working of little girls in factories ''—( laughter and cheers } . - He blamed the Government for calling on Parliament now to revoke a division taken considerately , and upon an adjourned debate .
Mr . CaKDWEll , declaring his object to be the welfare of the operative classes , condemned the error of treating this question as one of humanity alone , unconnected with commerce . Cammercial considerations affected the prosperity of the operatives too largely to fee exdnded-from sicb a discussion . He believed that the reduction of a sixth in the time would occasion the redaction of a fourth 1 b the wages . He had heard innumerable complaints of short wages ; and he knew that misery had always accompanied short hours . Every derangement of th » labour market led to farther improvements in machinery ; and all these improvements
extended the employment ef infant labour , and diminished that ef adnlts . Look to Belgium ; it had our machinery , bnt wanted our capital : but put restric tions enough on the employment of English capital , and it ¦ would soon follow the machinery . Gould we disregard the competition of foreign countries . ? Let us beware , by legislating on short-sighted principles of humanity , of " sowing the wind and reaping the whirlwisd . " He believed the worst enemies of the operatives to be those who , with mistaken motives of humanity , were attempting to disturb the natural distribution of labour .
Mr . BaoiHSBTON supported the restriction to ten boors , which time , h » said , . was long enough for man , woman , or child to work . Hq . wished te see a uniform measure of ten boors for labourers of all ages . Lord Johh Mamhkrs described the comfortable state of some of the factory districts in which he had made a tour . He declared himself favourable to Lord Ashley's propesal ; and professed to treat with " something like contempt * the notion that the commercial prosperity of England depended upon a couple of hours .
Mr . WiEB remarked that it was admitted on all sides tbat there was a universal pressure on the popula tion —tbat hand aad body were overworked—that even children were forced to labonr too early and too fcng . He admitted that , morally and socially , ten hours ' labour was better than twelve ; he would not submit to be taunted with a deficiency in humanity , in his consideration for such a state of things . But could they , by an Act ot Pariiamen t , overrule such a state ol things ? He deeply regretted the countenance which had been given by the leaders of the Whig party to the fallacious expectations which this vote on the ten hours' question was calculated to excite . We had to deal with an export trade of fort } millions ; and , without considering the variety of manufacturing productions involved ,
they were called , on . mere principles of humanity , to strike off" seven weeks from the annual amount of the labour of every individual employed . It had been said that the reduction in wages would not be great ; but the first reduction was nothing ; for this bill was to be only the first step in a great career of innovation . Under such legislation , no capital would be invested in new mills to supply the decrease in the quantity of your produce from the old ones * , and then foreigners would step in and deprive yon of your markets . The connection between the reduction of profit and the fall of wsges which would ensue , could
be almost mathematically traced ; and therefore he was sorry to see that some of the leading organs of the press advocated principles which were calculated to disturb all ideas of the relation of capital and labour in this country . Compared with the manufacturing operatives , the condition of the agricultural population in the Midland counties was deplorable ; and . when they sought to ameliorate the condition of the factory labourers , could they do anything for the Sheffield grinders T He thought they could—by the repeal of the Corn Law ; and he alluded te it , to show that he was hot insensible to considerations of humanity , or the real interests of his constituents .
Sir R . H . Isclis remarked on the anomalous condition of the Government—they had ' proposed a bill which was regarded as right by nearly all the opesition , and as wrong by all their usual supporters . "WaulA it be right , consistent , or even decent , to reverse a solemn decision of the House , and thus dash the expectations which had been raised t No matter whether it were Sir Robert Peel , Lord Joko Russell , or Lord Ashley , who were hereafter to ta leader of the House , the question could not be defeated . Mr . C . Bulwee said , that as ministers were seeking to make nonsense of the bill by negativiag , on the 8 th clause , the construotisn which the House'had already given to the 1 st , they ought to have begun the debate by stating their reasons for that reversal .
But the House , up to that moment , knew nothing about those reasons ; and the only important speech in favour of the Government had been that of Mr . CardwelL Be ( M . B . ) acknowledged that they wished to depart from the ordinary principles of legislation in such matters . Bnt he said that a new state of things called for new principles of legislation ; and the adoption of those new principles of legislation he waa prepared to defend npon tbat occasion . One hundred years ago tbe u&sfeilled labourers of this country were scattered over tbe land without any means of communirating with each other ; but they were under the guidance of persons whose authority was sanctioned by hereditary power , and , Jet him add , by hereditary attachment —( bear , hear ) . But what was tbe present
state or things ? They bad , during the last fifty years , got millions of men collected together for the first time within small spaces—millions not of skilled artisans , but of persons engaged in one single branch of industry , which they followed until they could work no longer . The labourers pressed upon each other with tbe competition natural in the c ?* e of unskilled labonr under such circumstances . Tbey were beaten down in their wages by tbat competition , while tbe law formally prevented their combining for the protection of their interests . Let him ask them whether they looked with satisfaction upon tbat immense macs tf unskilled labourers now collected together in their great manufacturing towns ? He would not indulge in
any extravagant attempts to depict in the darkest colours the condition of the factory labourers . He was sure that among the master maBufsclnrers tbere were a greet many individuals—( hear , hear ) —who did all that lay in tbeir power to ameliorate the condition of the operatives in their employment , and who in doing so exhibited the utmost benevolence and intelligence—{ bear , bear ; . But tbe condltioir . of these opera tires -waa still very far from satisfactory .- He compared tbe mortality of ihe great towns with that of the agricultural districts , and inferred that where tbe health of the parents was so injuriously affected , tbe race of their offspring must degenerate . Tbe temperature in which they worked was the temperature of India . The women and the children in the factories did the work
of men , while the men remained at home doing tbe household flnties . He would ask the proprietors of England what they thought would become of tbeir property and of the tranquillity of the country if they allowed the present state of things to continue ?—( loud cheers ) . Let them not disregard the opportunity thus placed in tbeir hands of alleviating a mighty cviL It had been said that if they prevented women and children from working sqotc than ten hours a day , the result would be that men also would be prevented from working a longer period . Now even if that were the case , he saw no very great harm that would be likely to ensue either to them or the country . His belief was tbat the effect of the >* oble Lord ' s proposition wonld reduce all labour to ten hours . According to the
factory reports of Mr . Burner , it appeared that men between twenty and thirty years of age were employed at eight or nine shillings , at the same mill where girls of eighteen years of ace were engaged at eleven or twelve shillings . The -effect of the Noble Lord ' s proposition would be to bring into employment the adult labour now unemployed . He admitted that tbe bill generally would have the operation which had drawn upon him and those who supported him tbe taunt of proposing a ten hours bill in fact . The Bight Hon . Baronet at the head « f the Government had mentioned a great many other trades , and had asked what , if interference should be sanctioned with regard to factories , would be dons in the case ef the button-makers , the potters , and domestic servants ? He answered that he
would apply the principle to all , and would only cease from interference at tbe point where he . was stepped by the possibility of the inconvenience which ii would occasion—( ironical cheers from the opposition ) . His friends , he perceived , were laughing at him ; but would they have him state the proposition in conveno end propose to go farther than he could ? He would interfere just so far as his interference would do more good than harm . Why , his opponents were in harmony with him on this point , for they proposed a limit of twelve hours in factories—( cheers ) . With regard to the instances given by the Right Hon . Baronet at the head of the Goverom « Bt respecting tbe screw-makers and the earthenware workers , he was not sufficiently acquainted with those particular trades
to pledge himself as to the conree which be would panne in reference to them ; but he knew of no reason whyie should not legislate for them in the same way as for those employed in factories ^ . - The Bight Hon . Baronet at the head of the Goverhm&at said "this is your great export trade—millions depend on it for subsistence—the grestxtess of tbe country is involved in it —and you will ruin this trade by -increasing prices . ' What increase ? Surely those who apprehend these danger- must have shadowed forth some probable amount Tbey said tbat the reduction from sixty-nine to sixty : hears weald diminish about o ^ e-seventh of the whole labouring power employed in factories . Thai .
in his { Mr-CBoller ' s ) opinion , was open to controversy ; be could not think that the last two hours could be as Tft-B&hle as tad been represented . He would mention to them ft simple remedy "by . which they could prevent those results which , they anticipated from agreeing to the . amendment of the . Noble'Lord , and that was the abolition of the tax upon raw ootton . Surely there were no Anti-Leaguers to dread on this subject Suppose tbat the House rescinded tbe vote that they bad already come to on this subject , the publio would know bow it was effected . Tbey would know aad would see who had changed sides , who bad changed their vote * They would also know who had
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staved aw \» y upon this dlj ^ sion ( hear ) . The publio would know Tery well where to apply the whip—they would clearly understand how the opinion of Monday sight had been re-considered . They , who wonld sacrifice every other consideration in their wish and determination to maintain this law , how would they deal with the masses of the people of England , from whose lips they were about to dash the cup of hope which they , had just offered them I The intelligent classesthe great majority of the people , believed that humanity and good policy went together .. How , then , wonld Hon . Members reconcile their conduct and their opinions with their empty wishes to benefit the people ? It remained now to be seen what the House would do on this question . The government bad taken a most unusual course—a course , whether right or wrong , which was always a very dangerous and impolitic one is this House—( hear , bear ) . It might give rise to feelings which should never be excited , and which would
long ontlive the decision to which they would come . He was prepared to give her MBJeBty's Government full credit that they were acting under the most honest convictions ; bnt they who bad voted for the Noble Lord ' s amendment the other night , would tbey be less bold now than they were then ? Were they less confident in the course they ought to pursue ? Would they shrink now from their duty ? Men of all parties and all interests were mixed up in this great publio cause . Wonld they say that the feeling still animated them now which had actuated them in their votes on the former night ? Would tbeir absence from , or presence in this House to-night , make any change iu the principle that had been already carried ? Let them boldly persevere in the same course they had already taken , and confirm that principle which the House of Commons did itself tbe honour to adopt on the former occasion—( hear , hear ) . Lord F . EOBB . TON said a few woids .
An adjournment was then moved , amid lond cries for a division ; but the motion was withdrawn . Mr . T . P 0 NCOHBS wished to know whether it was the intention of tbe Government to divide on the question of adjournment , or whether upen a subject so important as this the House was to divide without any expression of opinion from the Government—( hear , bear ) . Be thougWt the country had a right to expect some explanation from the Government of the vote the House was now called on to give , contrary to the vote given the other evening . What his Hon . Friend tbe Member fer Liskeard had said was perfectly true—that the Government were sanguine that evening in tbeir hope ef defeating the Noble Lord , and substituting twelve hours for the ten , which bad been agreed to on
a former occasion . He could only say he believed tbe people of this country were prepared for any injustice and inconsistency oa the part of that House and the Government—( Load cries of" Oh , oh . "/ He did think that , when the House was called upon to commit one of the grossest inconsistencies of which it had been guilty for raany years , some explanation ought to be afforded by her Majesty ' s Ministers of the reasons which induced them to call on the Honse to adopt such a course . If their vote to-night was adversa to that of Monday , great consternation and dissatisfaction would be excited among the working classes throughout the country , and especially in tbe manufacturing districts . The Hon . Member for Sheffield ( Mr . Ward ) had said that he would not fear to go
among his constituents , and rest the retention of his teat in that Honse upom tbe vote be was about to give VbiB evening ; but did the Hon . Gentleman know , and would not tae operatives of Sheffield be fully sensible , that tbat boast was an insult and mockery of them ? Wonld tbe Hon . Mumber peril bis seat npon his vote to-night if those operatives had the power of voting for or against hin ?—( hear , bear ) . He wonld venture to say that if the operatives of Sheffield were the parties who returned the Hon . Gentleman to Parliament , his seat would be placed is most imminent peril in consequence of the vote be intended to give on this question . Two years ago he ( Mr . T . Duacombe ) presented a petition to that House signed by about 3 . , 000 of the operative classes of this oountry ; and a paragraph in
that petition set forth that tbe petitioners complained that tbe hoars of labour , especially in the caea of tbe manufacturing classes , were protracted beyond human endurance . Tbe greater number of tbe persons who signed tbat petition did not possess tbe franchise ; and he ( Mr . Duncombe ) requested the House to allow ttaum to appear at tbe bar , and prove the allegations which it contained . The House refused to consent to such a course , and some Honourable Gentlemen tnrned ronnd upon him and said , " Bring forward a substantive motion as to any of tha grievances of which the people c * mplain , and we will give it our best attention . " The Noble Lord the Memt nr for Porsetahire ( Lord Asbe y ) had now brought forward one of those grievances ; that House bad given it their best attention ; they had
decided twice » pon the question ; they had declared by their vetes that the grievance ought to be redressed ; and now the Government came down and called upon the House to reverse that decision—( hear , hear ) . Tbey might endeavour to conceal and disguise tbe real nature of the question involved in this discussion ; but tba country would regard it in its trne light They would see that it was a question between avarice and humanity —between an insatiable thirst for gain , and , as ihe Noble Lord ( Lord Ashley ) had truly put it , the moral and social improvement of tbe people—( hear , bear ) . Hon . Gentlemen might call tbe supporters of the Noble Lord ' s proposal " humanity mongers . "they might term this " spurious humanity ;* ' but , as tbe Hon . Member for Liskeard ( Mr . C . Buller ) hod itutlr said , it was tne
same " » pnrious humanity" which carried negro emancipation—which wrested the lash from the slave-driver , and * tt the negro free ; and that spurious humanity would also , sooner or later , emancipate the white slaves of this country —( hear ) . Hon . Gentlemen might try to evade this subject now ; but the proposition of the Noble Lord would be eventually carried . He believed there were very few persons out of doors who were not connected with the manufacturing interests , who were not of opinion that tht > Noble Lord ' s proposal waB one which , if adopted , would greatly ameliorate the cendition of the working classes of the country , and promote their moral and social improvement Entertaining these views , he should give bis vote in favour ot tbe amendment of the Nob ' e Lord .
Sir JaMES Giuhah said , that if he could have perceived any probable benefit to tbe operatives from acceding to tbe motion ot Lord Ashley , be would gladly have concurred in it He adverted , in passing , to the unfriendly tone of some of the usual adherents of the Government ; and comment 3 d on the desertion of the Whig ministers , whom he bad himself supported when is their administration they resisted this retj proposal . He stated the communications -which he had received from Leeds , and from the great manufacturing interests in Lancashire , entreating that the ten hours ' limitation might not be adopted . He had anxiously reconsidered the whole Subject , and had found it impossible to depart from his former jndgment . He was convinced that the wages of the operatives would by this alteration be depressed greatly and early ; and the
results of Buch a depression would , he felt assured , be so fatal , tbat there was no effort which be did not think himself bound to make for the prevention of it It would ba to the master manufacturers a notice to quit ; it would be the transfer of British capital and manufactures to foreign States . He vindicated bia own calculation of a reduction of twenty-five per cent , upon wages ; but if tbat reduction shou Id be only fifteen per cent , it was quite enough for the argument . It was most painful to him to be epposed by so large a body of the supporters of Government ; but his conviction on this subject 'was so deep , that all personal considerations were but es dust iu the balance ; for he believed that tbe whole commerce and manufactures of the country were at stake npon this question .
Mr . Be « ietx represented tbe general opinion of manufurers and others at Leeds as unfavourable to the twelve hours' term , though many of them were desirous of a limitation to eleven hours . Sir J . Graham read a memorial from Leeds , expressing a wish tbat the twelve hours' clause should be left unaltered . Mr . ALDam believed that the Leeds manufacturers were generally desirous of an eleven hours' terra . Mr . Mitchell , LordHowiCK , Mr . Hindlet , and others , said a few ¦ words each , and tbe committee " then divided : — For the twelve hours' clause « 183 Against it we Majority against Ministers 3 For the tsn hours' clause 181 Against it 188 Majority against Lord Ashley ... 7
Sir J . Gbaham then said that he tfrought the best thing he could do would be to postpone stating wbat course he would adopt until Monday—( bear , hear ) . He therefore moved that the Chairman should report progress—( hear ) . Lord ASHLET said no , ene was more ready than he was to bow respectfully to the decision of the House ; and although be had ventured at the outset to make a solemn appeal to them , he would never presume to impugn even in thought tbe justice or humanity of tbeir decision Tbongh defeated now , he might Bay without presumption , that he had aright to assert bis principle , and would exercise it on every legitimate occasion . He would persevere to the very last hour of his existence ; and be had not the slightest doubt tbat at no very distant time from that period , by God ' s blessing , be should have a complete triumpk —( lond cheers ) . Tbe House then resumed , and the Chairman reported
progress . . - The Boose adjourned at a quarter to two . It will thus be seen that the Honse negatived both the Government proposition for twelve hours , and Lord Ashley ' s amendment for ten hours . The five gentlemen ¦ whose ' stringe Tofces , against loft jvopositfcuss j . refiuced the whole proceedings to a nullity were-- ..: ' - ' ---- ' < \ ¦¦ ¦ - ' ¦ W . Aldam , ( Leeds ) CaptainArehdall , ( County Fermanagh ) William Ewart , ( Dumfries ) Jehn Martin , ( TewkeBbury ) Gaorge Palmer , { Essex ) The following Conservative members who had been absent from the Factory divisions on Monday night , Toted with the Government , and against Lord Ashley , on Friday , March 22 : — , Allixi Peter -- ¦ - Arbuthnof , Hoa .. Hugh
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Bt . Uey , Joseph ( Worcester ; Bell , Matthew Buller , Sir John Tarde ( DevonaMte ) Cartwright ; William Ralph Charteris , Hon . Francis Follett ; Sir William Hsle , Robert Blagden Heathcote , Sir Wm . ( Hanf ?) Irving , Joba JplUffe , Sir Win . G . Hylton . Lascelles , Hon . W . 8 . Mannsell , ThomrsPhili p Powell , Colonel ( Cardiganshire ) Itous , Hon . Captain Russell , OfcarleB ( Reading ) Seymour , Sir Horace Beauchamp Sheppard , Tkotnas Stuart , Henry ( Bsdford ) Waddington , Harry S . Yorke , Hon Eliot Thomas ( Cambridge ) The following Whig and Radical Member * , absent from the divisions on Monday night , voted with the J" ™' . and . against Lord Ashley , oa Friday ,
Carrie , Raikes . Hayter , William C . Majorlbanks , Stewart . Morrison , James ( Inverness ) . Ordj William . Ward * Henry George Wrightsoui William Battle . Mr . O'Connell and Mr . Morgan O'ConnelL absent on Monday night night , voted with Lord Ashley , on Friday , March 22 , Captain Gladstone , M . P . for Ipswich , and Mr , Sturt , M . P . for Dorset , Who had voted with Lord Ashley on Monday night , abaentad themselves from the division on Friday night . Lord J , Russell paired witk Sir J . C . Hobhouae for Lord Ashley ' s amendments ; as did Mr . John S . Wortley with Mr . C . Wood . Mr . Wortley wm absent solely through Illness .
Mr . Aaron Chapman , who had voted With Lord Ashley on Monday , was kept away em Friday by domestic affliction ; and Lord Alfred Paget , who had also voted with Lord Ashley in' the previous debates , was absent on Friday in consequence of the death of Lady TJxbrfdge . Dr . Bowring , the Radical member for Bolton , who voted with the Government on Monday , was absent from tbe division on Friday ( March 22 ) in consequence of the great dissatisfaction his vote ' s of Monday had occasioned in that borough . Webwi that Mr . William H . Stanton , the Whig member for Stroud , who had not voted on the former night , went down into tbe country , on purpose to consult his constituents , and came back again , saying that they had no objection to the ten hours' amendment . He consequently voted with Lord Ashley .
Mr . Alexander Beresford Hope , one of the members for Maidstone , voted with Lord Ashley on Monday , but did not attend tbe Heuse on Friday night , nor did he pair off . Mr . James Milnes Gaakell , M . P . for Weulock , and a Lord of the Treasury , did not vote in the lute divisions . Mr . William R . Ormsby Gore , M . P . for Sligo , voted with Lord Ashley on Friday night Mr . John Bennett , M . P . for South Wiltshire , paired off with Mr . Joseph Hume , in favour of Lord Ashley ' s amendment The Marqais of Granby , eldest son of the Duke of Rutland , did not coruu up to vote with the Government , though soot for twice . Mr . Charles Standish , one of the members for tbe manufacturing town of Wigan , voted with Loid Ashley on Friday .
Mr . Peter Greenall , tbe other menu 3 t tor Wigan , was absent from the divisions both on Monday and Friday night Mr . Henry Maralsnd and Mr . Riehard Cobden , the members for Stockport , were also absent from all the four late divisions . Mr . Vernoa ^ mith paired off in favour of Lord Ashley ' s amendment on Friday last , with Lord Norreys , against it ' Monday , March 25 . In the Honse ef Commons there was a crowded attendance of Members to hear the decision of tbe Government on the subject of the Factories Bill , which was announced by
Sir James GbaHaM , who prefaced bis speech by an expression of the profound respect which the Government entertained for the opinion of the House of Commons , when constitutionally declared . But there was another duty paramount te evea that of yielding to the feelings of a majority—that of an Administration refusing to adopt a policy which tbey really believed to be injurious to the Welfare of the State . The Government had maturely , deliberately , and carefully considered the course to be adopted ; and it appeared to them that there were three alternatives consequent on tbeir threefold defeat , twice on Monday last , and once on Friday . The first course was a compromise ; and aa the House had , on Friday night , rejected both * " ten" and a "twelve" hours limitation , the compromise would appear to be the adoption of au " eleven" hours bill . Tba second course which might be taken , was simply to drop the bill , and leave the law as it now stood .
The third course was I the dropping of the present bill , and the introduction ot a new one , embodying such provisions a « were likely to receive the sanction of the House , With respect to the first , he admitted that in the legislation : of this country compromise might sometimes be expedient ; but then such compromise should be safe , and should promise to be durable ; and the compromise now in question would , he feared , have neither safety ner durability . He affirmed , odco more , that it would cause a reduction of wages from fifteen to twenty-two per cent—a reduction which would lead to more dangerous combinations amongst tht ) workmen themselves . They had been told that a new social condition required new principles of legislation , and on this ground tbey were urged to a limitation of the hours of labour . It would be far better , at once , not to determine the maximum of labour , but the minimum of wages . But the adoption of such a course would be the commencement of a Jack
Cade system of legislation . For , while tbe adoption of the eleven hours would be dangsrous to the state , and detrimental to the workman , it would not settle the ten hours agitation . He gave credit to Lord Ashley for bta sacrifices of political ambition and / connexion in this eausa ; but Lord Ashley had declared tbat hs would never rest satisfied without a restriction to ten hours . Mr . Fielden had expressed his resolve to continue tbe struggle for a restriction to eight ; and the delegates of the operatives , assembled in Manchester so lately hb Sunday last , had resolved that they wonld never abandon their exertions until they had succeeded in currying a ten hours bill through Parliament . So that if a compromise were made for eleven hours there would bo no chance at all of its permanence . Passing to tbe second couYbo which was open to the
Government to adopt , that of dropping the bill , and leaving the law as it now stood , he saw many objections to it . The principle of restricting the labour of young children to six hours and a half daily bad already been sanctioned ; and there were otb . nr previsions which were likely to be approved of , the advantages of which he would not like to lose . Tbere was then the third course , that of abandoning the present bill , and of bringing in another , containing auch provisions as were likely to receive the sanction of tbe House . But the Government were still , with all respect to tbe opinion of the House , determined to resist all limitation of the hours of labour to leas than twelve hours . He concluded by proposing that the committee should be postponed till Friday next , when he would move to rescind the order , and auk for leave to bring in a new bill .
Lord Ashley tken said—Mr . Speaker , I think there can be no doubt that the roost reasonable course for tbe House to take will be that which has been suggested by tbe Right Hon . Guntieniun , merely to allow the House until Friday next to cousider its determination . I , for one , have certainly been taken by surprise ; and although my own resolution aa to the eventual course which I shall pursue has been in no way shaken , yet I own that I am at present undecided as to the course , with regard to tbiB motien . wkich it will be best for the House , and most prudent for myself , to adopt —( hear ) . It is . Sir , totally unnecessary for me to follow the Right Hon . Gentleman through the whole of his able statement The question has already been fully discussed—( cheers ) . Everybody has made up bis
mind on it , and not only has the discussion been ample , but , let me emphatically remark , the whole matter has been most solemnly decided —( loud cheering ) . This great assembly , in their successive divisions , has affirmed the principle thBt twelve hours' labour is not to be endured ; and , therefore , whatever opinion we may be called upon to pass next Friday , I do make to the House a solemn appeal to , staud by Us decision , and to uphold its recorded verdict —( loud cheers ) . Upon that verdict , upon that decision , 1 take my stand , —( repeated cheers ) , —convinced , as I said before , that it is not necessary for me nor for any . other person Uulettl with the subject by further argument . I must , however , before I sit down , express my regret that the Right Hon . Baronet ,
the Secretary of State , should have int reduced into this discussion observations of a character which were carefully excluded from tbe previous debates upon this subject . I deplore tbat the Right Hon . Gentleman should have thought it necessary to go out ot his way in order to describe the present motion as " the beginning a course of Jack Cade legislation "—( Loud and repeated cheers ) . However * Sir . I am not . ashamed of , nor wiill repudiate , the title . Let me . aak . tbe House what was it . gave birth to Jack Cade ?—( hear , bear . ) Was it not tbat the people were writhing under oppressions which they were not able to bear ?—( hear , hear ) .. It . was because tie Government refused to redress their
grievances' that the people took the law into their own bands ; and I tell the Right Hotii Baronet and those with whom be act * that , if th « y take not better care , this will be the effect again ; and that , when they designate tbe people they oppress as rebels , with a Jack Cade for tbeir leader , they are only , in my opinion , adding Insult to injustice—( loudand repeated cheering ) As , however , the Right Hon . Gentleman has Bald that be will postpone the farther « onslderatlon of the quo tion until Friday , I will opt detain-the House any fur . tb . tr at present I have only to repeat , what I said at first , that this question has been moat solemnly decided ; au tbe decision of the House / three times
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recorded , I take my stand ; and , as 1 shall never depart from the conrse I have adopted , so I trust none of those who voted With me will be fonnd to depart from their solemn and recorded opinions . ! ¦ Lord Howick thought tbat the House conld not with fairness and propriety decide upon the question at tbat time . But what was the course the Government were now proposing to adopt ? They were told by the Government that ; they wonld not listen to any compromise . They Would neither adopt a ten nor eleven hours bill , notwithstanding their own inspectors had told them that twelve hours'labour was ] more than ought to be borne . The evidence of the highest medical authorities went to the same effect , and yet tb « Government told them they would allow no reduction . What did tba
Government intend to do ? They bad been defeated on this clause , and how did they propose to take the decision ? Why , tbey took the extraordinary course of saying to tbe Honse , if you choose to regulate labour to a greater extent than we approve of , then yon shall not regulate at all —( cheers ) . Tbat j was what the Govern , ment presumed to say to the House—( lend cheers ) . At tbe present moment , let it be recollected , there was no check at all on tbe labour of women . The inspectors appointed b y the Government hid reported that a check was absolutely necessary—that women who were not , in fact , tbeir own masters , j required and should have tbe same protection as children . Well , the Government said they would regulate this labour by cenflflfng it within the limit of twelve hoars—the House
said tbey would confine it to ten hours—and then tbe Government said to those females , and to the House , you shall bave no limitation nor regulation at all—( cheers ) . He now suggested to his Noble Friend ( Lord Ashley ) that the coarse he should take on Friday night Should be to resist the discharge of the order . If be allowed tbe bill , whiob bad now made such progress , to be withdrawn , what would be the effect ? The Government would introduce a new bill still more objectionable in shape than the one now before the Housethe Noble Lord ( Ashley ) would have to re-propose his clause , and if it were carried' again the Government would drop the bill . If bis Noble Friend meant to persevere in his present course , what then would he be driven to ? To carry on the bill in opposition to Her
Majesty ' s government , He should say , l 6 t them encounter this difficulty rather than go on with the bill as proposed by the Government When the question should be put for discharging the order for the further consideration of this bill , if be were to stand alone , he should say " No . " He believed that the operatives Wished to see their wives and children protected trom excessive labour . Sir J . Graham's argument against the principle of limiting human industry at all was defeated by his own proposal for restricting labour to twelve hoars . His principal object in rising was to urge that if they w » re to carry { further their resistance to- ber Majesty ' s Government , ! the proper course to take would be to resist the discharge of the order of the day . i
Mr . Brotherton bad heard [ with feelings of deep regrot the announcement made by the Right Hon . Baronet . Had he stated that he was ready to propose eleven hours he ( Mr . Brotherton ) would have given bis cordial assent to that proposal ; ' and be was sure tbat it would have met with hearty acquiescence out of doors . Captain Rous made a ridiculous speech , denouncing all limitation of working hours , praising this country as the happiest country in tbe werld , and asserting tbat all the discontent that tsisted amongst tbe poor arose from persons , like Lord Ashley ,- abusing the rich !
Sir R H , I nous wished to ask his Right Hon . Friend who was at tbe bead of [ her Majesty's Government whethsfe when ninety-three of those v bo generally support the measures introduced by his Government thought it their duty to give tbeir support to the Noble Lord the Member for Dorsetshire—was it with the united sanction of her Majesty's ; advisers , that they had ventured upon a course which the Right Hon . Secretary for tbe Home Department termed " the commencement of a Jack Cade system of legislation ? " —( cheering ) . He was sure he Wr 9 giving his Right Hon . Friend ( Sir R . Peel ) an opportunity of which he would gladly avail himself to set himself right with the House . He would , therefore , simply ask his Right Hon . Friend tSir R . Peel ) whether ce adopted the phrase which had been used by the Right Hon . Secretary for the Home Department ? *
Sir J . Graham explained , tbat he had used that phrase , which he had quoted from a periodical work lately published , in referenco only to the projtct for the universal restriction of labour . Mr . BERN at . recommended : it to Lord Ashley to reject the advica of Lord Howick . Mr . Hindley exceedingly regretted the course proposed to be taken by her Majesty ' s government on that qusstion . He fully expected , after what bad taken place on Friday night , that the Right Hon . Baronet would that night have come down with the proposition to restrict the hours of labour to eleven , ( hear , hear ) . The operatives had a perfect right to take the matter
in tbeir own hands ; and as far as his influence extended be would give them his support They ( ihe operatives ) bad now a most glorious opportunity ; and they would succeed in carrying the limitation of factory labour in spite of the decision at which the Government bad arrived . He whs not much persuaded that when the operatives found out tbeir power tbey would rust Upon the head Of the Right Hon . Baronet would rent the responsibility . He ( Mr . Hindley ) would not recommend tbe working classes to adopt a course contrary to peace and good order , but be would urge them to remain united , and they would ultimately obtain the object which they bad so much at heart .
Mr . Fkiirand said it was his intention to reserve what he had to say on the subject of tbe question under the consideration ef the House } until Friday evening—( hear , hear ) . He merely rose for the purpose of referring to an observation of the Right Hon . Baronet ( Sir J . Graham ) , who said that all those Hod . Members who voted for a Ten Hours' Bill were supporting the commencement of a Jack Cade system of legislation . He ( Mr . Furrand ) understood the Right Hon . Bart to adopt that expression . If the Right Hon . Baronet retracted the words , of course he ( Mr . Ferrand ) had nothing more to say npen the subject
Sir J . Graham said that tbe phrase be bad quoted had been applied by him only to tbe ulterior project of legislating for all hinds of labour , and bad not been intended by him ta refer at all to any individual member , still less to a large p » rty of members . Lord J . Russell said be might be permitted to say that he was himself not quite proof against thu charge of having commenced the system of Jack Cado legislation—( a laugh ) , —but he did not at all wonder that his Hon . Friend , the Member for Oxford , and th « se who , with him , prided themselves on maintaining Conservative doctrines in this House , felt hurt at an expression which seemed to imply that nothing but reckless revolution was the object of the measure which they now proposed . Giving tho Government crefl't for their sincerity , they might allow that others were equally sincere in supposing that tbe industry of the country could be maintained by giving protection to the labourer , without supposing the adoption of a new or dangerous prinoiple in legislation .
Air . HuuE waa glad that the matter was to be postponed till Friday next , as it would give the country time to breathe , and to recover from ils surprise . He warned the House against rashly adopting principles which would lead them to interfere with the freedom of labour to an extent scarcely to be calculated on ; and urged freedom of commerce , rather than interference with labonr . ' ¦ Mr . Borthwick . saifl he would » ffer only a very few observations . He regretted that , the Government had not proposed an eleven hours bill , though , for his part , he thought the ten hours system would not be fraught with those dangerous consequences to which the Right Hon . Baronet ( Sir James Graham ) had referred . He should be prepared tbat night to vote for the
introduction of a bill for limiting the honrs of labour by n . illinera and dressmakers—{ hear ) . \ Ksitriction on labour was not a new feature in the legislation of this country —it was as old as tbe reign of Eiizibeth ; and he believed be might say it was as ' old aa the written law , whether described as Jack Cade legislation , or by any other epithet The giant Jack Cade was the Right Hon . Baronet who brought in tbe bill—( a laugh ) . He [ Mr . Borthwick ) and those with whom he had voted , were only his progeny—the little Jack Codes—( renewed laughter ) . The moral effect of the first , division upon the Factory Bill was such aa it would be impossible to resist . He had no sympathy with any Jack Cade system of legislation ; and ] trusted that on Friday next the House would confirm the principle which it had already recognised by its vote—( hear ) .
Mr . Charles Buller adverted to aome comments of Sir James Gtabam ou his speech of Friday night , respecting new principles of legislation being required for a new social atate of things ,, ; and blamed the Home Secretary , in an amusing way ; for not having tbea answered him , instead of waiting till tbatevaning . Sir Robert Peel did understand Mr . Charles Buller to have avowed that he supported the ten touts , because it was the commentement of the application of a novel system of legislation te a new state of things , and which he was prepared to push aa far as practicable . The Government had always looked upon this question as a moat important one to the interests of the country ; and considered that { they were performing the first duties of a Government in resisting a proposition which they thought would prove so detrimental to tbe working population themselves . He hoped that on Friday next tbe House would come to its deliberate consideration , not in a party spirit , bat with a doe sense of its importance . 1
Lord Sandon counselled Lord Ashley to allew the substitution of another bill for tfeis . He repeated , however , his desire to see a ten hours' clause enacted , relying on testtmony ; givM » by ft considerable number of masters . . The testimony of one master , given thus against his own interest , . ought ; clearly to out-balanee the testimony © finaiiy who * opnjeflded ^ onjjrfoi retaining a profit to themselves . ¦ . I ¦;} a : O ¦ ' ¦¦' , ¦' -. ... . Mr . Morrison believed that when the operatives should come to understand this question , and should see that the fall of their wages would be the consequence of tbe change , their wishes would be adverse to a ten boon' clause . f
Lord Sianles ' remarked that thougk there was no difference between the Government and Lord Ashley on principle , as to interference with factory labour , there was a Tery important one ] of detail , which , they considered to be of great consequence to the commerce and industry of the country . It would , therefore , neither be a wise nor a worthy q ouw in tbein to bold any
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doubiful language on tbe subject , or to Iare on toe warding classes with any vague expectations of their ever granting that which they believed would be injurious to the interests of those for whom Lord Ashley benevolently but mistakenly laboured . After a few words from Mr . Hawes , Mr . Aglionby inculcated the duty of interposing for the protection of children , and preferred the ten hours'limitation . Mr . Ewabt was of opinion that if Government had adopted the compromise of eleven hours , they wonld have succeeded in conciliating all parties . Bat if tha time for compromise was allowed to pass away , agitation would increase , and demands would rise proportionately .
Dr . Bowhing was aware of the difference of opinion which prevailed among the manufacturers on tha question , and he knew that a majority was unfavourable and unfriendly to the proposed change ; but then he also , knew the determination and enthusiasm of the working classes , and this led him to the conclusion that the time had now come when the experiment must be tried —( hear , hear ) . After a few words from Mr . Mitchell , Sir . Eacott , and Mr . Brocklehurst , The order of the day for the House resolving itself into a committee on ths Factories Regulation Bill was then read , and postponed to Friday next On the question for going into committee on thd M « tiny Bill ,
Mr . French made a general complaint of the eonduct and management of the Poor Law commission in Ireland , the rates having frequently to be collected by military power , and the whole administration of tba law exciting intense discontent amongst the people . Sir James Graham , censuring Mr . French ' s departure from tbe usual order of tbe House , declined to follow him through bis details . On the House having gone into Committee on the Mutiny Bill , a discussion was raised by Captain Pechell , as to the employment of a portion of the naval force in Ireland in tbe collection of tha poor-rates . Sir JaHes Graham said tbat assistance was given on account of a determined resistance to the collection of the poor-rates in a remote part of tbe western coast ef Gal way ; and on the part of the Government he was prepared t * justify it .
The Bill then went through Committee , as did the Marine Mutiny Bill , after remarks from Sir Charles NAFfBR , and other members . Some other business having been disposed of , Including the third reading and passing of the International Copyright Bill , Sir Robert Peel moved for a select committee to inquire into what' mtani can be adopted for tbe improvement of the law respecting the trial of controverted elections . He intimated that be bad no intention of subjecting to the consideration of such a committee the question whether or not the trial of controverted elections should be referred to another tribunal than tbe House of Commons—that was a matter which he thought should bo reserved to the House itself . After , some observations from Mr . Gisborne , Mr . Collett , and Sir George Grey , the committee waa granted and appointed . Toe House thea adjourned .
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THE METROPOLITAN DELEGATE COUNCIL TO THE MEMBERS OF THE CHARTIST BODY . Brotuebs in B 0 XDa « e , —We have watched with pride-and satisfaction your many gallant aad heroic struggles , sb they exhibit to us your fixed determination to possess the elective franchise . The legislature , evidently with a view of making property more valuable , bave considerably extended the franchise under the Reform Act in cities and boroughs ; tbe Court of Common Pleas having recently decided that all occupiers of rooms or apartments of the annual value of £ 10 , or lodgers paying four shillings per week are entitled to tbe elective franchise . Apprised of this fact , we some weeks weeks since passed a resolution in
oouncil reoommending tbe localities to form sub-cornmittees , to carry out the registration of compound householders , which we regret-to state has not been carried into execution ; but wo trust present activity will make up for past apathy . We now therefore call on all who are so circumstanced to bestir themselves sad make an immediate claim to have their names inserted on tb . es rate books so that at the . next ; registration they may be enrolls" - ! as electors . We are fully aware that at the present time there are several registration secietiesin existence ; but past experience warns us that if we want our business well done we must do 16 ourselves . We call on you to register for the " People ' s Charter ; " the whole Charter and nothing less . Then let each locality form a sub-committee , and
it will be the . business of such sub-committee ; to see tbat all the members of their respective localities , as well as all good Chartists who reside in their vicinity , are placed on the register . You have one merub » rin the House ( called the House of Commons ) who truly and faithfully serves the people . Follow out the plan we now submit to your notice , and instead of one Duucombe , at the next electien you will be enabled to return at lease twenty ; and the people of England , Irdaud , ond Scotland , will be in the direct read to the goal of freedom , where representation being coexistent with tax * tf ° > every man of twenty-one years of age , of sane min < Ji being protected by the elective franchisa and its safeguards , wilt be in possession of liberty , peace , contentment , happiness . Faithfully yours , The Metropolitan Ddlegate Council ,
Ej > munj > Fobd , Sec . For your guidance we hereunto annex some general instructions ; and Bhoul't any luxther be deemed necesfaryf by application to the Metropolitan Delegate Council a delegate will be appointed to wait on any locality requiring such instructions ; or any person applying by letter pre-paid , inclosing a postage stamp to Mr . Edmund SUHwood , at Mr . Wheeler's , 243 J , Strand , will receive an immediate answer . INSTRUCTIONS , &S . A CLAIM TO BE RATED . To the overseers of tbe parish of I hereby give you notice that I occupy 9 Bt Na ., in street , in your parish , and I claim to be rated to the relief of the poor in respect of such premises , in order that I may be entitled to vote , in the election of Members of Parliament Dated this day of 184 . ( Signed ) , £ 10 Tenants' Claim to be Registered . ' HOTICS OF CLAIM . To the Overseers of the Parjsh of I hereby give you notice , that I claim to have my name inserted in the list made by you , of persons entitled under the Reform Act , to vote in the election of Members for tha City or Borough of and that the particulars of my qualification and place of abode are stated in the eolumus below : — Dated the twenty-fourth day of August , One Thousand Eight Hundred and Forty
Street , Liua , or Chi . ' stian 'ic other place in the Surname oi Place ot Nature of Parish , where the the Claimant Abode . Qualiflca- propsrty is situate , at full length . tlon . and number of the house ( if any ) . S ' gned , Insert tbe name of the parish , and the nature of the premises , as house , warehouse , C 8 unting-house ,-saop , workshop , stable , shed , as the case may be ; and , the name of the street , court , ' fee . ; put in the date , and sign ^ be names of the claimant , and bis place of residence , at full length , the copy feeing filled up inJike manner . Giv « the claim to . an overseer , arid carefully preserve the copy . The person who serves the claim should immediately write on the espy to whom the claim was delivered , and the day of the month . If any poor ' s-rate be due in respect of the premises occupied by the claimant , tender tbe amount If omitted from the list of voters on the 31 st of July , claim , to be registered on or before the 25 th of August As the parish officers are not in the habit of dividing premises into different tenements , it becomes necessary , in order to obtain the right to be registered , for the occupiers of shops , workshops , warehouses , countinghouses , and other lodgings or bnildings , to give notice of their occupancy to the overseers , and to claim to be rated . No particular form of claim to ba rated is absolutely necessary , for a mere verbal request to an overseer is sufficient ; but the faregolng form maybe adopted . By section 30 of the Reform Act , the overseers ore reqaired to put the name of the claimant
op > n the rate for the time being ; and the claimant is deemed to have been rated from , the period at which such rate was made ; and if that be tbe only rate made between the day of serving the claim and the preceding 31 st day of July , the claimant , > . ttl be entitled to a vote at the ensuing registration ; By section 75 , every pyerseer or otherl person wilfully disobeying the Act , la liable to a penalty of £ 600 . * he claimant need tiofc asain claim to be rated , so long as be retains the * to « ao premises ; but in case of ' removal , ft new claim , should be Bent in Immediately , with a notice ther ^ ri ^ at follows : — " I have removed froBi a atffo ; -r—In 1 . Street , in the parish ol ¦ V ^ Itpv / ill be better for the claimant that his name be not inserted in tine rate , as then te can never be a defaulter . . ^ ¦ ¦ \; ¦ " 1 ^ ¦ ¦ 'V- '"' : ;] ; \ - '! ¦ ;" : ;" : \ HYDE . —On Suijdiy laBfc , the Chaitjsts met in their large Room , Hyde-lane / t ^ ear read tnV AsbJey ' a amendment Atte ^ the'the speeches " haU been t <^ ii ^ i ^ S ^^^' 3 faa ^ 5 K 4 ofr aetiverWu a jJiacourse . At the " close . ol " the ttieeUhg Sir ,, John Leach was nominated to represent Hyde and MoUram in the forthcoming Convention . , ^ ; BOKT- —On SnndayiasV a very energetic addresa was delivered in the Chartiat Room , Garden-street ,, by Mr . Bell , of Hey wood . ' The same day , a' members ' meeting was held and the feUpwlng persons were 3 wy nominated as fit and proper persons to serve on ; the forthcoming Conven ^ on ^ Hessrit ; William Rlchardflpn Joto Jonea , and Martin Ireland . ~ ,. j
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Masch 30 , 1844 . THE NORTHERN STAR- " J
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 30, 1844, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1258/page/7/
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