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parliamentary 3htttIIt^n«. (Continued from our seventh page.)
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Leeds :—Printed for tbe Proprietor, FEARQV8 6'CONNOB, Esq. of Hammersmith, Coantf
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ROBERT PEDDIE TO THE CHARTIST PUBLIC.
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LOCAL MARKETS.
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On Wednesday , the 22 nd of May , 1844 , will be Published , Price 2 s . 6 d . Cloth Boards , TIHE DUNGEON HARP , by Robert Peppie , J . being a number of Poetic Pieces written during his cruel imprisonment in the dungeon of Beverley , with a Preface and Introduction , by Mr . D . Ross , Teacher of Elooution , Leeds . Also , a Brief Narrative of his Abominable and Unchristian Treatment in Prison . Robert Peddib takes this opportunity of returning his sincere and heartfelt thanks to the people of Scotland , for the generous and noble response they have been pleased to make to his humble call upon them for support in his Literary Speculation ; and begs to intimate to his numerous Friends that bis Subscription List contains orders for upwards of 800 Copies—a fact as honourable to the people of his Mountain Land , as pleasing to himself ; seeing that they have been obtained without the patronage of one influential person , or one newspaper puff . He further intimates to his Subscribers in Edinburgh , that he will deliver their copies on or before Saturday , the 25 th May . On Monday following , he will calf upon his Friends in Haddington ; and in Du&bar on Tuesday ; on Wednesday , North Berwick ; on Friday , Falkirk ; on Saturday , Campsey . Tbe week after that he will do himself the honour of calling upon his Friends in Glasgow . Qn Wednesday , he will be in the Yale of Leven ; on Thursday , Greenook . His Friends in other parts of Scotland will receive information by advertisement when they may ezpeot him . To the lovers of Literature and Liberty in England and Scotland , who may be disposed to honour R . P . with their patronage , he intimates that he has only about 200 Copies to dispose of . Those inclined to aupport him will do well to send their orders soon , either to 15 , West Riohmond-street , Edinburgh , or to Mr . D . Ross , Leeds .
Parliamentary 3htttiit^N«. (Continued From Our Seventh Page.)
parliamentary 3 htttIIt ^ n « . ( Continued from our seventh page . )
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Hi . S . CBATryoRD presented a petition froa the Naticra" CompleteSuffrage Union , signed by their president , Joseph Stoige , praying for manhood suffrage , Tota by ballot , repeal of ~ -tba property qualification of members of Parliament , payment of members , equal electoral districts , and annual Parliaments ; also & petition from a pnbl c meeting of the Inhabitants of Liverpool , signed ky the chairman . Lawrence Heyworth , praying far an exttrsion of the Parliamentary ^ offrage , and such other provisions as may be necessary to secure a foil , fair , and free representation * t the people , Iobd 2 SHXBT presented petitions In faxoat of the Tea Roots' Factories Bill from the clergy , magistrates , and ether * of the tcsrn of BasingBtote , and the cltrcj , magistrates ! mlllo'wnera , ami inhabitants of Accr-. rzioju Inniasbire . Xojvd JocELTii presented a petition from Tenby , in favour cf the Ten Hours' Factory BHL IH 5 FACTORIES BILL ( 2)—ATJJOTJB . XID DEBATE .
Sir J . Graham moved that the adjourned debate on Xi-ni Ashley ' s clause in the Factory Bill be resnmed . Ms M . J 5 il ?* : es said it bad been hiB lot to « onverse trith lolitJci&ns of various countries on the subject © f trade sod commerce , and it had often occurred to him that ii we as & nation could be induced to regard ourselves in the light in which we Were viewed bj others , TFe should not feel disposed entirely to leave ont of our COnb- ^ rTsti ' in the estimation in "which other nations ielii us . He "would now ask bis hon . friend at the othtr side -what "was the lightin which be would regard negr * sTarery in America ? Could it be vTmatter of snrprise that other countries should regard our factory sysl : m in a somewhat similar light ? Let the house Tec . U-ci what was saiJ by odb Ot onr poets , Gowper , ¦ wntfl spe&fciBg of themtans by which some branches of our commerce were carried out in his day . He said of efox c ^
rameTce—. — " disclaiming all retard »» F -t mercy and the cemnion rights of men , *• 3 aild factories with blood , conducting trade •¦ At the sword's point , and riyeing the white robe •¦ 0 : innocent eommeicial justice red- ' The r- proaeh which the slave trade of that day cast on our rational character had sites happily been removed by ibr ; abolition of slavery . Let the same thing be done v . ith the factory syattm . It was curious to loot back a- the debates of that day and to find that arguments Mmilai to those now used agaiuBt the motion of hii a -v ; e friend were at that time urged with equal "Wararn to put it bey or d all doubt that the abolition of theii . iTe trade would be a death-blow to some of oar most important commercial interests . Similar
arguments were sow urged against an abridgment of the labors of young women and children in our factories . Tho ^ f " -xiuments would , be firmly believed , be fonnd eqn-i j fallacious at the present time as in that former period to which fee referred . He would not believe that the Legislature which had voted j £ S 0 , 000 , OOt > of the ^ u niic meney to pr ocure the abolition of slav e ry in our colonies , and in doing bo risked the security of our a ; , at important Weil India interests , wanld eventual y Lesitate to abolish every trace of slavery in our dem rfc institutions . The expenditure if those £ 20 oo . 000 for so worthy a purpose was a noble nse of rictcs . It had been truly Eaid , that " riches are stench as they are food ; they are the means of procuriiii roth . " What was the distinction between the
slave and the free man ? In the case of the slave his timfc ^ sasLis master s—his wife left htr family to work for her master—she children were ta > "en away to work ; but the frte labourer was free indeed to starve , as he was free it > rob or murder , if he chose to take the risk of the law . Slavery might be said to corsist in one mutt tolding hiB life at the will of another . But what -was . ?! e ? It was the the living hcur . It was the jx > Wct of receiving religieus instruction and moral education . This constituted the chief distinction betwetn ' -he frteman and the slave . It became the Lsgislatuits , then , to remove the evils which the factory sysieis piesented to the improvement of thB freeman With i 2 * much zssl and earnestness as they had shown in removing slavery . His Noble Friend had brought this
quetnon forwsid , because it was impossible that , by ' any « ther means education could be given to children j and j * nag persons in factories . They might do all they > could to give education and recreation ; but under tta j present system in factories the young could derive no ' lwcefit , for they had no time for improvement . Unless ' fliat objection were got over , nothing would be done for 1 the young in our factories . It had been said , with a ! ¦ or ! of triumphant air , on a former evening , that the \ evils now complained of with respect to factories were not nKxasarily inherent in them , for that persons em- \ ployed in factories in other countries , where the lours of ' labour were the same er * ven greater , so such com- ; plaints were made . Had either of those Right Hon . j
JJ&rouets , who no doubt referred to the establishment at Xowell , in New Bcgland , read 3 dr . Godley ' s letters , j they would Lave found that they had drawn erroneous \ conclusions . Mr . Qodiey , af ttr referring to the system ; at Lowell , went on to say—• ' At the same " time , when j the txaruple of Lowell is quoted to show that the j evils which have in Europe universally attended the j xn&nufacturirg system are not inevitable in it , I cannot admit it to be at all conclusive- The experiment 1 baa been tried under eEinenUy favourable eircum- j stances , ana in a country where the working class has advantages unknown elsewhere ; nor can I conceive j that wben it shall be fully peopled , when the wages of ; labour shall have fallen , and when the manufacturing j
-shall come to bear an important numerical proportion to ' the agricultural population , the favourable contrast ' which the X-w England factories now present to those f ¦ of Scgland , France , and Germany can continue . At ! present the factories are supplied by perpetual immigra- [ lion from the agricultural districts ; fanners' children i come in Iran the surrounding states , spend three orj four years texe , eccumul&ts & small capital , and go off | to msrry , settle , or embark in other pursuit * , leaving ; their places to be tupplied by a fresh influx of h . ealthy i xnral bleed . " ThU statement would show that the J . comparison made by the tltght Hon . Baronet as to onr j system and the fourteen hours system at Lowell-did not I MX all hold good in their most important points . Neither ]
did he think the comparison with the operatives of the canton of Si . Gall good ; for there , being for the most ! part Roman Catholics , they had not only rest on the j Sunday , but also on every saint ' s felt and holiday , ] hick might , on the average , be equal to & second Sun- j day in each week . Now . against the a priori case ; Ktade out by his Noble Friend ( Lord Ashley ) , what i bad been tfce arguments brought on the other side ? One Hon . Isiember contended that oui factories were each an Arcadia , and needed no improvement The abstract question of improvement , however , had been , be thought , for ever stt at zest . The principle had Jjeen admitted , and by a bill brought in by the Bight Hon . Baronet the Home Secretary . It appeared that the Son . Member would go tons far , —that the
advantages which were to be givea in the labour ot young women were to be taken out in children . { A laugh . ) Ihe principle of legislative interference with free labour was now admitted beyond recall ; but it was aiked , —it yon interfere here , why not elsewhere ? He Tronld contend , that if they possessed the power—if they could do this act of mercy , on them rested most undoubtedly the responsibility of not doing it Be believed there did not now exist the least ground for thinking that there was » feather weight between ns and our foreign commerce ; but if a feather weight were to determine the question , he should at once say , that that feather weight would soon come in some other way , and produce its efiWct by a different agency . After all , thafieather was not worth fighting for . The
improvements of machinery would soon render it & matter of no importance . Every day machinery was approachiug to simpler forms . The improvements were such and jso rapid that our manufacturers could hardly keep pace ¦ with them , and probably the time was not far distaDt , ptihaps not ten or twelve years , when some chemical preparation would be substituted for coals . He was -quits ready to acknowledge that no effort should be spared to preserve to us the enjoyment of our manufacturing weendancy ; the more especially did he feel the force of this , when he recollected the probability of onr beujgiiTaJleajii « veTy branch of our machinery . With the application of chemistry and of voltaic electricity , every form and variety ef scientific improvement must come into full play , and this weald become the more
easy to foreigners as they now were at liberty to import machinery from this country . Believing confidently la the successful result of this measure , whether then or at acme future period , and agreeing with the Noble Lord the Member tor Studerland that the people of £ ngland had never determined to have any great measure of a social ox political nature which they did not ultimately gain , be hailed thU Bill as the harbinger of a better system of legislation than had hitherto prevailed . Some Hon . Members had declared their intention of Toting that night differently from what they had voted on other occasions . He was not going to make himself thea sensor j but he implored them to remember that ia the opinion of the whole country , they would for the future be maiked men , and that
the factory question "would henceforth be xe-Mroed in eonnexion with , fchea wanes—ibea , new ) . Tfc . Wabd replied to the imputations about " theotist * " " political economists , " "long chimneys , " and » o fora , with whith tfa » advocates of the " Ten Hours " Interlarded their speeches . Even Buch a man as Mr . Msnts talked lightly of the value ol cur foreign trade ; and Mr . Gaily Knight , who belonged to a -class the fains of whose landed property " long chimneys' had doubledj and who had given three Totes on the " Ten Hoars" before be began to rtflsri on the subject , bad at last been taught xtflecdea by the very political eco-» o » 7 he affected to despise . It was easy to get sp a Case , npported by an appareai show of statistics ! a » -
fcoriSy ; buta » the factory labourer bad > MB shown ts > e better rather than worse off thaa other portion * of ftb » working community , they bad no priUsoe for interference . There -was k * rdly anything , however contradictory , which might not be got xp ia the way of evidence wken raeScal men and lawyers set about it He was looking the other day at the sanatory report whieii bears Mr . Chadwiek ' s name , and he found in that report a case get up against the trade of the tailors quite as strong as that which the Noble Lord jQad represented to the House against factory labour ; yirt thin -was dose upon the opinion of a medieal mas Tritoee name he ( Mr , Ward ) was told -was an Buropean cue , tong& . be ( Mr . Ward ) confesaed be never beard ii before , H . Patisaier , who vest to the fcry-bottom
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of the tailor ' s employment , and who proved that a tailor was a sert of walking concentra \ ion of all the evils that a man cc-uld have . He proved tha * this trade caused pthisis , emaciation of the lower limbs , a peculiar walk , affections of the eyes , and other affections , all tending infallibly to shorten life . The tailors , when they beard this , were indignant —( a laugh , and hear , bear )—and Mr . Brownlow contradicted the statement , and said that the tailors were exceedingly active and particularly fond of football and cricket , and that in one of their strikes they had furnished the large t number of fine men for the Guards , and that the only evils which prevailed among them arose from habits of intemperance and impure air . It was possible always to get up a case against
any employment ; and they ought not to disgust men with labour by pointing out the evils to which all kinds of labour were * ul > jsct Unfortunately , in this country labour was the condition ef life of women and children as well as men , and though th « y might wish to alter their system , and though he believed it to be in their power' to alter it and improve it more by measures in the power of the Chancellor ef the Exchequer than by a ten hoars' clause , by altering and improving our fiscal system , still he believed that nothing was so preposterous and hopeless &s to attempt a remedy for existing evils by dealing simply with the effects of the system in which those evils existed . The Hon . Member for Liskeard had told them that they ought to pat an end to female labour—that there were oU > er occupations for which females were better fitted by nature . No doubt female labomr was a bad thing , but it was part of a bad system , and only a proof that the system was bad . The only remedy was by adopting chose
measures he wished to apply— by resorting to emigration and by cheapening food ; bat there could be no more fatal mistake than to think that they could improve the condition of the labourer by adding to the restrictions which their system already imposed en him . They had been told by Mr . Charles Buller that it would be easy te retrace their steps if necessary . But all experience showed that a commercial market once lost was never regained . Lord Ashley boasted of having " ligted a candle in Bngland ; " which was too true ; but he trusted there was a power in that House capable of extinguishing it He believed the principles of free trade would be found the only salvation for the working rUwiMt "Bat these reasons be sbou-d oppose the motion of the Nobk Lord . He hoped the result would be that the motion would be successfully opposed and defeated , and he must say that he never gave a vote with greater pleasure than he should give that which be should record upon this occasion —( hear , hear ) .
Mr . M'GSACar considered that the Government measure and the Government arguments were wholly at variance ; non-interference , rather than a twelve-hours bill , should be the result He had himself duiing the Easier recess , in company with Mr . Homer , endeavoured to make himself personally acquainted with the feelings of the operatives in the manufacturing districts ; and he read replies to various questions , from which it appeared that the operatives regarded higher wages for long bonrs as going further to the " doctor , than into their own pockets : and that they were ready to submit to a reduction in wages , for the sako of time ' for healthy recreation and moral improvement For a country which gave J 20 000 , 000 to relieve the slaves in the West In . ; ies , which went further than that , and in the act for the emancipation of the slaves limited the hours of labour—not to ten hours a daybut to forty-five in a week , and which cave the power
by a subsequent clause , in the case of mitcondnct , to increase the labour by not more than fifteen hours , making in all sixty hours ef labour a ~ week—for a country which did that to stop short when its own population was concerned , and to stand so very strongly when the question was one of mere pecuniary giin , Was , he thought , most anotaalons—( bear ) . He trusted sincerely , that in spite of the many difficulties with which this question was beset , —despite of the strong feeling which had been exhibited from the advocates of either side , the measute of the Noble Lord might be carried into effect , not to satisfy party or political purposes merely , but in order to instil into the pesple of this country a confidence in that House and in the Government , and . to carry ont those great measures for the improvement of the moral , the physical , and the intellectual condition of the people which were shown by every inquiry that had been made u > un the subject to be most imperatively necessary—( hear , bear ) .
Mi-Maksees Scttok ( Undersecretary in the Home Department ) , was in a position to state that , out of 1 * 0 operatives questioned by Mr . Homer , in the presence of Mr . M'Geacht , no less than 70 declared that their wages would not bear any reduction . The adoption of the ten hours would strike off one-twelfth from our export trade ; and taking the numbers actually employed in all the factories , which are subjected to the Factory Act , at 24 » , 000 and their average individual wages at 10 s weekly , the total annual ram wonld be six millions , from which they proposed to strike eff ¦ £ 157 , 000 . He opposed Lord Ashlty ' s motion .
Mr . Hawk said—The arguments of the Hon . ? entleman who'had just sat down had the common vice « f all that had been urged on that aide of the qutetion . The speech of the Hon . Gentleman if good for anything was good against all interference , and yet be , among many others , advocated a Bill which for the first time interfered with a large portion of the adult labour of this «* nntry—Jhear , hear ) . The question with him now was , whether a tenheurs * bill would be a safe and practicable me&snrb , what were the evils , if any , that would necessarily flow from it , and what the counterbalancing advantages that might be expected from its adoption ? Let not the House forget what had been done on this head for the last ten years . They had already some experience in factory legislation to » hich
they might appeal All the arguments now used seainEt interference were as strenuously urged in 1833 . The factory act restricting labour to some extent h&d been In force for now more than ten years : had it not &een attended with great advantage t He was not going too far when he said that the trade bad enormously increased , the number of the employed had increased , and generally wages had also Increased The present f uestion was brought before tbe Housewas forced upon the House by Government itself , and it must now be carried out . He looked upon it , not as an isolated measure , but as one of a series , conducive to the increased well-being , moral and physical , of the working classes and the prosperity of the euuntry , which tbe House must of necessity , if this were
adopted , take into discussion in more or less rapid succession , and must , moreover , pass—( hear , bear ) . He looked upon the measure , not merely in itself as a plan for tbe limitation ef labour , but as a decided step onwards to an inevitable cenrse of improvement in our legislation as to trade and commerce—( bear , bear )—to a removal of the restrictions , not merely on the hours of labour , but on tbe operations ef labeur , tbe capital , and tbe energy of the country—[ hear , bear ) . There w « a abundant evidence to prove that if , in co » j unction with tbe limitation of tbe hours of labour , measures were taken to ^ iden the field for industry and eapital , the limitation of the hours of labour , even though accompanied with a reduction of wages , would be far more than compensated by giving a generally increased
demand for the results of labour . The Hon . Gentleman here entered into a number of calculations in support of his view ot the cmestion , for which we cannot find room . He ( Mr . Hawse ) looked upon the present as an invaluable opportunity presented to Parliament of opening up a system of enlightened legislation , which shoolJ , while it greatly benefitted tbe empire , conciliate too working classes and attach them to the institutions of the country—( hear , bear ) . At present , no one , who duly considered the accumulation of property in one direction , and the misery , distress , and ignorance in the other , could fail to retard the state of the
manufacturing districts with anxiety , with alann ; and ne ose shonld regard it without a desire to yield to the reasonable demands of tbe labouring classes —( bear , hear ) . When tbe Bight Hon . Baronet proposed to interfere to a certain extent with labour , was it too much that they eh-uld ask him to go further , and Seal with the whole question ? The Bfght Hon . Baronet might credit him that if be dealt with it properly , and adopted a general system for honestly aid sincerely improving tbe social and moral condition of the working classes , any evils that might possibly arise from it would be nothing compared with the benefits which it would confer—( bear ) .
Lord Pollikgton was one of the members who had availed himself the Easter recess to improve his knowledge , and bad been confirmed thereby in his conviction , that tbe first duty of the House was to protect the weak and helpless . Perish the Com Laws , if they rested on bo weak a basis as tbe overtoil of tbe operatives He coald assure the Noble Lord that he had no more sincere supporter in the House than he ( Tiscoont Foliington ) was . Mr . L-iBoccHEBE confessed himself appalled at the result which eves the friends of tbe proposed limitation admited was to be expected from it—the reduction of the people ' s wages . He would not take upon himself the responsibility of voting for a bill which must thus frightfully distress tbe whole mass of the manufacturing people . It was said that this was only an
experiment , and ttat if it failed , tbe Legislature might retract its steps . But what was meant by failure ] The loss of our foreign trade ; and when that trade was once gone , no retracing of steps could bring it bask again . He feared that the present tendency of wagea was downward ; and therefore , even if the principle ol this clause were admissible in other circumstances , this was not the time far rtsarding it It was said that the state of society rtquired new remedies ; but he was not prepared to discard Adam Smith from bis library , and ubstitute tbe lucubrations ef Mr . Sadler and Mr , Oastler . The excessive lakes * now complained of wai no new atril : it bad been the condition t , f humanity Ib all ages . The first duty of tbe House was to protect the people from delusion : a aeiabw of PaxUamtat should be always lor tbe laaay , tkosgb aot always with the
Hr . J . S . T 70 XTLXT said that a delation bad beer spoken of as existing with rwpt « t to this meuue , bul the delusion appeared to be amongst the opponents o : the measare , who were so positive in anticipating set tain resslts from ft . He should suppert tbe motion o his Noble Friend tbe Member for Dorsetshire , and h < was anxious to state to the House his reasons for tha v&te . He gave bis support to the Noble Lord tbi Member for Dorsetshire , not without some pain—for i was naturally a matter of regret to bint to find him self opposed to those with whom he was usually glac to act , to find himself in an attitude of hostility to
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Government which usually bad his strongest confidence ; bat he had made up his mind to this course after a due consideration of the subject , aud after mature deliberation . He would not presume to say that the question involved no difficulty , nor would he condemn those who differed from him in opinion on this subject . The possible , he would not say probable , difficulties that might arise from dealing legislatively with tbe subject might mislead some persons . He knew those difficulties existed , and , therefore , be felt it necessary to deliberately and calmly consider all the arguments that bore on : the question before he gave his vote . ( Hear . ) He had presented a petition two years ago , signed by S 00 of the mUlowners of the We » t Riding of Yorkshire ,
stating that fourteen honrs' occupation a da ; , including two honrs left for meal time , and for going to and ffom work , Iefsonly two hours for attention to religious , moral , and domestic duties ; that ten hours out of the twenty-four was too short a time for sleep and for the proper observance of those duties , and that in their opinion there was no necessity for such long hoars of labour , and that the continuance of them would be unattended with any profit to the employers . In that district many of tbe employers bad themselves ' voluntarily shortened the hours of labour . Being convinced that the Noble Lord ' s proposition cuold be adopted with safety , he should persevere in bis support of it without much apprehension of the consequences predicted by those who were opposed to it .
Mr . Bright commented on tbe document issued by the Short Time delegates in repiy to the statements of Mr . H . Ashhworth . He asserted that the statements in the document of the delegates were false and slanderous . To * hat document was appended a sketch representing tbe processes of spinning and weaving , and a diagram intended for the purpose of bearing out the statements which bad been made as to * the number of miles the operatives had to walk . He did not hesitate to declare that that diagram was calculated to produce a false impression , and that it bore no resemblanoe to the truth . If it had been brought forward to prove something with reference to some other trade and some other country , it would have conveyed quite as accurate an * impression as it did of the operations in question . The Honourable Gentlesian proceeded with his speech , attacking Lord Ashley ' and Mr . Fielden in very coarse terras , charging them with beiDg ignorant of tha
questions on which they addressed tbe country . He alluded to several persons who had at different times been connected with the Ten Hears' agitation , charging them . with being disreputable characters . The Mon . Gentleman also abused tbe Northern Star , and asserted that for years past a vast conspiracy had been carried oo against the manufacturers . This was the opinion of the master manufacturers themselves ; and he must say , that since his coming into that House , seeing the votes that had been given , and having some idea of tbe motives which influenced those votes , he was brought to the same conclusion—that there was a bitter and a hostile fueling against that portion , which as it was the most populous , so also was it tbe most important portion of the empire . . He asked , then , of tbe House whether it would not be better to pursue another tack ? Whether they ought not to come to the determination of sanctioning no principle of action that could interfere with the freedom of trade .
Lord Ashley wished to address tbe House for one moment enly , in explanation . The Hon . Gentleman had charged him with gross , be thought with violent , and he almost thought , with wilful exaggeration * - ' (•» No , no , " from Mr . Brightl . Well , then , with grosB , with exceeding exaggeration ; and how did the Hon . Gentleman prove this ? by saying that " he bad affirmed that labeur was so increased as to be actually double what it bad been some time ago . Let them take this as a sample , for he did not mean to refer to anything else the Honourable Gentleman bad said . What he himself had said was this , that in tbe weaving roomB a vast number of persons bad their labour increased ; was it double ? or one-third ? or onehalf ? Xo , " but full 10 per cent" That was precisely what he had said , and be now left the House to decide who was the gross and intolerable exaggerator—( cheers ) .
Mr . Shaw said , that as upon the present occasion he must give a vote painful to bis feelings , be hoped tbe House would allow him a few minutes , and he would not take longer , to explain it He had before voted in the several divisions with bis Noble Friend tbe member for Dorsetshire ( Lord Ashley ) in favour of tbe Ten Hours' clause . He had not taken that course without much and anxious consideration . He had weighed all the difficulties of the case . He bad not sbut his eyes to the danger , upon general principles , of interposing between employers and their workpeople to regulate labour . Had the Government been able , and felt justified , to take their stand opon the great principle of non-interference against tbe perhaps too seducing and sometimes imprudent impulses of
humanity and benevolence , he might have hesitated more , but Government had sot done that —( hear ) . They did interfere on behalf of women and young persons ; bethought rightly : but still , in fact , they interfered , and then the question became one of degree , and not of principle— ( bear ); practically this—if you did interfere , wbac would be an effectual interference?—( bear ) . The question still resolved itself into this , —if they were by legislation limiting the hoars of labour for women and young persons , what was the right and re&-sonab . e limit ? ( Hear , hear . ) For his ( Mr . Shaw ' s ) part , then , if te was to prescribe the number of hours beyond which the comparatively helpless class of women and young persons were not to be allowed to labour , he could not reconcile it to his feelings or his
judgment to fix a period beyond tb >» t which they were all familiar with as the ordinary day ' s labour of matured and robust men in these countries—namely , ten hours , exclusive of meals and rest ( Hear , hear . ) He ( Mr . Shaw ) confessed that he bad been much moved to tbe determination at which he had arrived in the present case by a deep convicrioa that , seeing the txtremes of wealth and poverty , tbe excessive luxury and crying destitution which appeared in more vivid contrast in our social system than at any former period of the history of those countries , be did , he said , feel that the time was come when we ought to take some further step in legislation towards protecting tbe most helpless , and ameliorating the condition of the most snffering classes of our people—( cheers ) , and
experience , precedent , and the very countenance the Government gave to tbe principle of the measure , seemed to point at tbe present as the safest direction in which to take that step—( hear , bear ) . Wader these circumstances he { Mr . Shaw > felt constrained to persevere in voting as he bad done before in favour of the principle of the limit of ten hours' daily labour for women and young persona—( heat ) . He bad no fears from what be had heard since this debate commenced , that this question could break up the cabinet ? and in voting against ministers on this occasion , be claimed that respect for his consistency which the Premier , on a former occasion , had demanded for himself . Whatever might have been the consequences , be should , however , have felt bound in consistency to vote for the amendment
-Mr . C . Wood opposed Lord A 8 HLET s clause , which would limit not only the working hours of women and children , but ihose of the whole establishment He was persuaded that the ultimate tffsct ot this proposal , if adopted , would be a large reduction ef prodace , and eventually , if not instantly , of wage * . He entreated the House to remember tfee distress so lately prevalent in the manufacturing districts—a distress chiefly arising from tbe wunt of foreign demand ; and be warned them not to re-produce by their legislation so calamitous a state of things . Other measures , among which was the removal of all restrictions on trade , were undoubtedly desirable ; but he did not regard this step as properly leading to them Mr . CoeuftANE supported Lord Ashley ' s proposal .
Sir R . Peex said the real question was , whether the Legislature should compel the daily stoppage of all machinery at the end of ten hours . The Government were taunted with having let in the principle of interference ; but , if they had been wrong in interfering at all , was that a reason for further interfering to substitute ten hours for twelve f Ho was content to discuss the matter wholly as a question of degree . The Government were twitted also with inconsistency in xefer . en . oe lo the Coin Laws ; bat surely an existing restriction on the corn trade was no necessary reason for a new restriction upon labour . Gentlemen talked of tbe proposed limitation as a small thing . Yet they were about to deal with 35 , 000 , 000 of the foreign exports , with
machinery equal to 100 , 000 horses , and with the labour of about 450 , 000 persons , whose average wages were 103 . a week—a total of £ 225 , 000 . Upon thiB amount a diminution of two hours' labour in each day would be 16 per cent ., or £ 36 , 000 a week taken from the labourers . All this would be withdrawn from the retail trade of the distriots . He would take the case of a single mill , about which be had made inquiries . The masters bad a lease of the water power there , which had been taken by them under the law allowing twelve hours' work ; and for the now proposed ammunition of time they woald be able to claim no abatement in their rent . There were 475 persona employed in that mill , of whom more than 200 had been attracted to it from rural distriots by the high
rate of wages ; and now you propose to abridge those wages by one-sixth . He had been told that thero was nothing in tbe argument deduced from the equally or Btill more irremediable evils of other occupations . But see how tbose other occupations would be affected by this enactment . Being a tax upon machinery , it would be a premium upon haudloom weaving ; and how would this temporary stimulant to the hand-loom weavers improve their comfort or morality ! This olaea of weavers , whoso time you could not oontrol , worked fourteen hours a-day when they could get work j but for many months in each year tbey could get no work
at alL They toiled in damp unwholesome oellars , described by a witness as being unfit for tbe dwelling of dogs or cats ; aud though at a distance from factories , asd even from large towns , they were in ft state of demoralization , which included all the vices of the factory system , and contributed exteusively to fill the gaols . It was said that under this limnavion of time as much produce would be created as in the twelve hours . There might havo been some approach to such a result had the labour tesn chiefly manual ; but machinery could exhibit no such results . He preyed this by returns , ini figures , of work actually done , which returns were made Without reference to this question , and before it was mooted .
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A saying had been much admired in this debate , that what is morally wrong cannot be politically right . But what did that mean ? He could understand it with respect to some great political enormity , like the revocation of the edict of Nantes . But was it meant that legislation ought to interfere with everything that was morally wrong ! There were many things morally wrong which it was obvious that no law could reach —such as intemperance , and envy . And who was to draw the line of this moral wrong I In a despotic country , there was no oppression , even to the Inquisition itself , which this doctrine would not justify . He denied that there was any intrinsic immorality in working twelve hours . You contended for ten ; bat what would be said to your own
morality by the man who argued that any number of hours above eight was immoral ! Then yonr rule was no safe guide for legislation . It ia not that we wish to Bee women work twelve hours ; but that we think there is more moral wrong , under the circumstances of existing society , iu interfering with the hours of labour , than in suffering women to work twelve hours . Sir R . Peel theu noticed Lord Ho wick ' s argument of Friday night upon foreign trade , professing his own inability to understand it . He quoted from a Belgian work an account of the hours of labour in different countries : these ranged from 72 to 90 per week , while in England they were confined to 69 . We had Been during the late distresses the effect of short hours . There was now a
revival of trade , but with it thoro was a desperate competition ; yet , with a limitation of labour already lower than that of any other country in the world , wo were now proposing to bring the number of hours to a point lower still . Statements had been made about spinners walking M milos a day ; he knew something of factories , and he believed that no one such example had ever occurred , and that the real distance walked was on an average eight miles—a length of walk rather conducive than prt judioial to health . He noticed , with reprobation , the speeches of some members , whoso argument had been that the peeple were determined to have this concession . The Hon . Members ( or Finsbury and WeymOuih complained of the Government for their
opposition to the measure . The member for the latter place ( Mr . Bernal ) exclaimed , "You cannot deal with men as with chessmen ( cheers ) ; you cannot square them in masses to your rigid theories of political economy "—( cheers ) . And the other Hon . Gentleman said , " Give way in time . The people are determined to have this : it is in vain to resist them—( "hear , " from Mr . Ferrand ) . The sooner you capitulate the better—( ' * hear , " from tbe same Hon . Gent . ) It will be extorted from you at last : the people wish a Ten Hours' Bill , aud have it they will " -- ( repeated cries of " hear , " from the Hon . Member for Kuaresborough ) . Sir , I regret deeply to hear suoh arguments —( hear ); I grieve to hear men of the experience of the Hon . Member for
Weymouth denying that the settled p inoiples of political economy as to the employment of capital and the occupation of labour—the results of wisdom matured by experience—denying that these sound principles should guide us in the complicated relations of this great commercial community ; I regret to hear such as him abjuring these principles as the leading maxims of our iegtsiation —( cheer *) . Depend upon it , it would be a bad substitute for them to take the popular feeling and popular will as the guides of our legislation on matters of this kind—( hear ) . If we arc to accede now to these demands on the ground that it is the prevailing wish and feeling of the people , aud that they are the best judges of their own interests , how long will it be ere similar appeals
are . made to us , on the same principles , for other concessions ! Already , indeed , are the foundations laid for fresh demands . Hero is a circular issued by a body as important as the workers in cotton factories , " The Miners' Association ot Great Britain and Ireland "—( hear ) . They make these demands—C * hear , hear , " from Mr . Ferrand ) . —To which it appears the Hon . Gentleman , of course consistently upon his principles , is prepared to yield , but to whioh I am not , They aro urged , however , upon the same principles as those on which we are now appealed to ; and , if the presumption bo that those who are employed know best their own interests , of course our yielding in the present case would bin provide a precedent for repeated concessions to all
similar demands in future periods—( hear , hear ) . This , then , is the address of the turn-out Miners ; they enumerate their grievances , and thus enunciate their proposed remedies : * ' We ask , yea , we would say , demand , first these boons , as the redress of those grievances—first , we wish to work eight hour * per day and no more— ( assenting cheers)—secondly , we wish to receive 4 s . a-day wages —( laughter , - and hear , hear ); thirdly , we wish to be paid weekly——( hear , hear );—fourthly , we wish to be united for our security , " " Friends and fellow-country mm !—we now appeal to your sympathy , and ask you , in the name of justice , whether to be buried in the caverns of the earth , inhaling the most noxious air for eight hours a day be not enough ?'—( hear , hear ) .
Whatever is morally wrong cannot be politically right—( laughter from the supporters of the Ministry , cheers from others ) . " We ask you is 4 * . a-day too much for digging out of the bowels of the earth so useful a commodity as coal , our lives all the while in the most imminent peril—( hear)—every moment threatening us with the most horrible death —( hear)—and no provision for our wives and children "—( bear , hear ) . Now , on the principles which we are now asked to concede , we should be bound to yield to demands of this nature urged by the popular voice , and to enact that labour fur more , than ei ^ ht hours per day in mines , aud for lesa than 4 s . per day , should
not be allowed—( crieBof "Hear , hear" ) . Sir , I believe nothing would bo more injurious to these people than an acquiosence in their demands—( hear ) . I will net act upon the assumption that they are better judges than the legislature—( selected for the purpose)—of what constitutes their best and comprehensive , interests ' . —( cheers ) . I will not abrogate the functions of a legislator because they wish for , and demand , these improvident euaomentB—( cheers ) . I protest , then , against the doctrine , that we are to conoede because it is the popular will—( cheers ) . If we are satisfied that it is not for the popular interests , then it is our painful , but necessary , duty to resist —( hear ) .
Lord John Russell commenced by denouncing the part taken by the Government in these discussions . After so much had been said in the discuseion ef this question with regard to principles , he aBked the House to consider what was the principle ou which they wished to proceed \ Were they inclined to say that the production of manufacturesthe attainment of wealth—should be their only object ( ** that was the view they took , let them adopt thy drstem to which the Right Hon . Gentleman had referred &s prevalent in Germany , in France , and in Prussia . —let the period of work De seventy-two hours , eighty hours , or ninety hours ; and , if manufacturing production was their objeot , undoubtedly th « y would tucceed . True , many
myriads of children must be swept away by a constantly recurring mortality ; the countenances of the " factory population might b > . ar the impress of disease , which was last burrs ing them to the grave ; all sense of moraliiy—all knowledge of religion —might be lost or disregarded ; but they would Beoure their object—they might leave all foreign competition at a distance —( hear)—their productions would be unrivalled in the world , —and their manufacturing prosperity would increase to a degree hitherto unexampled . Hut the House would nut agree to that principle ; they would not adopt the fourteen , fifteen , or sixteen hours system of other countries . The principle for whioh he , and these who adopted the same views , contended , was
the very prinoiple on which the present law was founded . But they were told that if they adopted the Noble Lord ' s proposition , they mi ht throw aside ; Adam Smith , and fill their libraries with more , modern paraplets and book ? . Whatever Adam Smith might say on this subject , he ( Lord J . Russell ) did not think he had pointed out a distinction between twelve hours' work and ten ; that be had shown that twelve hour's work was ia accordance with the principles of politioal e-onomy , while the ten hourb' Bystem was opposed to them , —( hear . ) He ( Lord John Russell ) contended that the existing law , aud the proposal of the Noble Lord opposite , were founded on the same principlethe principle of regard : for national health and
morality . The Noble Lord ( Lord Ashley ) contended that children , or , as they were termed in the language of the law , " young persons" between the ages of thirteen and eighteen , could not , consistently with the maintenance of their health , and nun their instruction in religious and secular knowledge , be employed at work for twelve hours a-day , being fourteen hours in all in the mills . The Noble Lord therefore proposed that the labour of these young persons should be limited to ten hours . He ( Lord J . Russell ) asserted that this proposal was founded upon views of national health , religion , and morality , —considerations which the Legislature ought to hold in . as high regard as any considerations of national wealth . He admitted that there would not be the same
wages given for ten hours as for twelve ; but he set against that loss the domestic and moral advantages of the ten hours . The difficulty respecting foreign competition was undoubtedly a serious one ; but he thought there were ways in which it might be met ; and among these he held it perfectly legitimate to insist upon the alteration of those Corn Laws for the maintenance of whioh it was that your labourers were condemned to their two hours of extra toil , Theso were his opinions , and he was charged with inconsistency by the Right H « n . Baronet i he Secretary of State for the Howe Department , because he
had stated views on a former occasion totally different , he admitted , from those he now avowed . He had Only to say on this subjeot that he had changed his opinion . ( Loud cheers . ) In reconsidering and reflecting on this subject his opinions had changed—( . oheers ) . The first question was , whether in that change of opinion he had been influenced by any unworthy motive—( cheers ) . There waB but one member who in the course of this debate had insinuated such motives both against him and some who sat near him . With respect to thai Hon . and Learned Member ( Mr . Roebuck ) he would say little , because he had entirely taktn himself out of the sphere of our mortal and peccable nature—( cheers
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and laughter ) . ; With great candour , and at the same titSe with great modesty , that Honourable and Learned Member
said—¦ jM Fools rush ia'' declining to quote the rest of the line—( a laugh ); but it was very clear , as lawyers put it , by way of inuendo he meant " fools , " euch aa the Noble . Lord the Member for Sunderland , " rush in , where angels , " meaning thereby the Honourable and Learned Member for Bath , '' feared to tread" —( much laughter ) . With great appropriateness the Honourable and Learned Member claimed to himself the benefit of the comparison —( hear , and a laugh ) . But , putting aside allj dispute with the Honourable and Learned Member , because he only pretended to be fallible and unerring on this subject , he cam * next to the Right Hon . Baronet , the Secretary of State for the Home ] Department , who had quoted the remarks he ( Lord John Russell ) had made on this
subject in former years . He had stated formerly what were his : views . He had stated them both when in effioe and after he left office ; but his opinions , he repeated , were now changed—( cheers ) . Did the Right Hon . Baronet mean to say that consistency upon every subject was absolutely necessary to the character of a politician!—( cheers ) . He might refer ; to great examples in former days , who had not been afraid to state that they were inconsistent on j certain subjects when they were charged with such differences of opinion—( hear , hear ) -but the Right Hon . Gentleman himself wfeo appeared there as the organ of a Government composed of men of whom he said at one time it would be inconsistent with his honour to act , because they
had always opposed good government and promoted bad—( oheers ) -4 surely he had changed his opinion , having pronounced , as he thought , a somewhat rash judgment on that occasion—( cheers ) . He did not think that a change of opinion on such a subject aa this was jafter all so very extraordinary . It was not that' he wished , as the Right Hon Baronet reproached ; some , with desiring that they should yield merely because this was a popular question . He did noc ask the House to consider any suoh grounds ; but ho did think they were bound seriously and year by year to consider what ought to be the future fortunes of this great country . ( Cheers . ) Commercial and manufacturing prosperity should ever be dear to them , but that was not all that should
be dear to them . ( Cheers . ) The right hon baronet ( Sir J . Graham ) had said there were 450 , 000 persons , with others dependant on them , who were engaged in manufactures . It was on account of these number ^ on account of their being crowded together in large towns , and because they had not sufficient means and leisure to obtain religious and secular instruction , that hie was induced to vote for some plan by which they ! might in future be cemented and bound up with Jthe institutions and welfare of the couutry . ( Cheers . ) He felt persuaded , if the Legislature were to neglect this subject , if it were to look to nothing but manufacturing wealth and commercial prosperity , and to say il mattered not what happened so long as the country possessed these , that they would some day or other awake from ttiat
pleasant dream to the sad reality of an inunonse mass of people estranged fr m those institutions , s&tting no value on that ! which was held to be sacred , and guided by the wildest demagogues , seeking to effect the worst and most mischievous desires . He wished , by eome proposition like that of the noble lord , to give tha young time by which they might receive both a better groundwork of domestic affection aud more ample means of instruction iu wuas e \ ery citixen of a free state , and above all a state like this , where public discussion was so general , must admit to be advantageous—he might say necessary , for the welfare of the country . ( Hear , hear . ) With these considerations , and in this spirit , he should cheerfully support the noble lord , whatever might be the fate of his amendment . ( Cheers . )
Sir R . Inglis vindicated the apophthegem respecting moral wrong ; and political right-Mr . Collect objected to the whole bill ; but meant to support Lord Ashley ' s clause . The house then divided—Against the limitation to ten hours 297 For it ... i U 9 Majority against it ... ... 138 [ There was considerable confusion in the house for some few minutes after the gallery was ra opened . The other business , as will be seen , was at once proceeded with , and ) while Mr . Brotherton was speaking Lord Ashley , who had hitherto tat in his usual place , rose from hia seat apparently with the intention of
going out of the house . While the noble lord for one moment stood on the floor , before he moved to leave , he was met by a loud exulting cheer , a sort of phouc of triumph , from a considerable number of members . Lord Ashley , who appeared taken by surprise at such an unusual demonstration , looked for a moment round the house , and then resumed his seat . Before this there had been all the usual shouting which occurs when a large majority has been declared ; but several minutes had elapsed at the time when it was renewed , and , apparently , directed in a personal way against Lord Ashley ] Mr . Broth ekton moved an additional clause to follow clause tittyl-four , which was however negatived without » division .
Mr . Granger moved an amendment to the effect , — That clause 70 , giving a power of appeal against certain convictions shall be extended to all convictions under the act ; and to move the necessary alterations in clause 70 , when so extended . Sir J . Graham hoped the hon . and learned gentleman would nut press his motion . Mr . Granger persisted and the house divided . For Mr . Granger ' s motion ... 2 © Against it ; 124 Majority I 95 On the question that tbe bill do pass , Mr . Hindley said , it was not his intention to divide tho House } on this question ; but he rose to express his deep regret at the result of the last-division . He hoped that the question would have afforded an opportunity for a compromise—that there would have been a settlement that would have been advantageous to the country , and have united the masters and men in that harmony which now he feared would be for a long time disturbed . Mr . J . Martin said he should divide the House . The House then divided .
For the motion .... 136 Against it .. 7 1 Majority — 129 The Bill then passed , The other orders of the day were then disposed of , and the House adjourned at two o ' clock .
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HOUSE OF | LORDS— Tuesdat , Mat 14 . The Marquis of iNoKM . vrfBY , in a speech implicating generally the " spy system" in Ireland , adverted in detail to the case of a stipendiary magistrate , Mr . Grey , who had been dismissed in consequence of the allegations against him as to his conduct in a particular case . I Lord WHARrfCLiFRE defended the conduct of the Lord-Lieutenant ; and after a discussion , and some rather lively interchange of personal observations between the Earl of Winchtlsea and the Marquis of Nobmanby . thejmotion was agreed to , the House rising at eight o ' clock .
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HOUSE OF COMMONS-Tuesday , May . 14 On the motion of Lord Marcus Hill , a new writ was ordered for Kilmarnock burghs , in the room of Mr . A . Johustoue , deceased . Irish Registration Bill . In answer to a question of Mr . J . Collett , Sir R . Peel said that the bill could not be taken before the Whitsuntide holidays .
THE MINERS ASSOCIATION Mr . Ferrand having alluded to the handbill from the colliers quoted last evening by the right honourable baronet the First Lord of the Treasury , asked whether he had any objection to produce it , and lay it on the table ? Sir R . Peel replied that it was a mere printed handbill , which he could not lay on tbe table ; out , if the honourable gentleman wished to have a copy for the purposes of debate , he ( Sir R . Peel ) would take care to furnish a copy [ hear , hear ] . Mr . Bright presented a petition , signed by upwards of 1 , 400 of the inhabitants of the borough of Huddersfield , praying for an extension of the Parliamentary Suffrage , and for such enactments as are
necessary to secure a full and fair representation of the people . : Mr . S . Crawford , having presented similar petitions from Leeds , Leicester , the Tower Hamlets , and other places , prooeeded to move for leave to bring in a bill to extend ! the parliamentary suffrage , and to secure the free representation of the people . As he had entered fully into this subject when his motion was before the house on a late occasion , he would not long detain the house . The great prinoiple of government was that men were entrusted with the natural right of others to exercise for fchetr benefit . In principle , therefore , he contended for universal suffrage , although it must ' necessarily be iu some respects limited . Everyman ought to have a share in the appointment of . - those who made the lawB which he was boand to obey , and the natural rights of men must be limited only for the public good . He maintained , therefore , the prinoiple of universal suffrage , only limited by snoh regulations asin some cases
, , the manifest good of the community required . Tfie hon . gentleman defended vote by ballot , and the equal distribution of electoral districts . The great practical object , however , which he had in view ia the change he now ; proposed , was the admission of the working classes to the franchise . H <* considered that the working classes were aot sufficiently protected by the present state of the representation . They required a protection which the use of the olectorial franchise and their coasequent influence in that house would give them , whereas he held that they were now in danger of oppression . He saw no reason for refusingjthe franohise in the fact that the working classes were poor and unlearned . They required the more protection because they were poor and unlearned . It j was not necessary for a voter to understand state polioy ; it was enough if he were able to judge of the character of those who offered themselves for his suffrage ; and if want of learning
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were a fatal objeotion , he would ask whether many of the present voters were not wholly unlearned ? To show that the working classes needed protection the very vote to which the house had eome , that morning was to him sufficient proof . Three several times had the house declared by its vote that there shonld be a limitation in the hours of labour . Those rotes given in kindness for tbe working classes had been revoked by a majority of 138 . What was tBe reason why they were rescinded ? Did the working classes ask for the revocation ! Had they not the unanimous feeling of the working classes expressed at all the public meetings , approving of the limita « tion of the hours of labour , and urging members to
give to their proposals continued support . If they looked a& the last report from the committee on public petitions , they would find that the people had numerously petitioned for the limitation . Yet those votes were rescinded , because one section of that House was too powerful , and the other section too weak . It was because the money party had power over the gsvernment , and the government , having influence with members , commanded the House to rescind the previous votes , and so those votes were rescinded . It thus appeared that tha House was a lery good representation of the Government , but not of the people . Could he believe that this would have happened if the representation had
been free ? Could he believe that Members would have suddenly changed their votes and their opinions if they had had the prospect of a return to their constituents to be freely elected ! He was not so absurd as to gay that there could be no improvement in the representation short of what he proposed , but it was hia duty to tell the House what the full demands of the people were . The House relied on its majorities and voted against popular rights , but he warned them that there was a mas 3 of discontent abroad which might lead to results the most disastrous if the grievances of the people were not
redressed . They complainedithat theyrwere obliged- to obey laws which they had no share in making , and to pay taxes which were imposed by Parliament to which they did not send representatives . The Honourable Gentleman concluded by moving for leave to bring in a bill to extend the Parliamentary suffrage , aud to secure the t free representation of the people . Dr . BowRiNo had great pleasure in seconding the motion of his Honourable Friend . At this moment , when great discontent prevailed amongst the people , this was a subject which ought to receive the peculiar attention of tha House . Tho Hon . Gentleman
concluded by seconding the motion . Strangers were then ordered to withdraw , and the House divided . The numbers were—For the motion 31 Against it 97 Majority against the motion 66 Mr . Duncombs postponed to this day week a motion of which he had given notice , " To call the attention of 'he House to the petition of Charles Price and William White Thompson , complaining ; of > . he illegal conduot of certain magistrates of
Warwick , when summoned before them for the non-payment of church-rates on the 15 n instant . " The next business was a motion by Mr . Watson , who brought under the consideration of the House the uature of the recent Act , 5 and 6 Tia . 0 . 10 $ , awarding compensation to the six clerks in Chancery , whose offices were abolished . He moved for a select committee to inquire into all the circumstances attending the passing of the Compensation Aot , and into the nature , duties , and emoluments of the officers , and the propriety of continuing their compensation .
The new Solicitor-General , Mr . Thesiger , defended the Act , mainly on the ground of " vested interests ;" and after a debate , in whioh Mr . Jervis , Sir James Graham , Mr . Williams , Mr . Charles Buller , and Mr . Warburton , took part , the motion of Mr . Watson was rejected on a division by 84 to 68 . Sir D NoRREYg moved , according to notice , the nomination of the committee on the Irish Poor Law . The motion was opposed by Sir James Graham , and after a discussion in which Mr . Bellew , Mr . F . French , Mr . Shaw , Mr . O'Ferrall , Mr . Redington , and Lord John Russell took part , the House divided— For the motion ..... 10 Against it 42 Majority —32 The County Rates Bill was read a second time , after a few words from Sir J . Graham and Mr . R . Yorke .
On the motion of Mr . W . Gladstone , the Houbq resolved itself into a committee on the Customs Duties , pro forma , in order that the bill might be introduced to-morrow , and the discussion , taken on . Friday . The resolutions were agreed to . Adjourned at one o ' clock .
Wednesday , May 15 . The Salford Improvement Bill was read a third time and passed . Mr . M . O'Cosnell presented a nomber of petitions from Ireland , against Lord Elliot ' s Irish Registration Bill . After the presentation of several petitions on different subjects : — An Hon . Member moved that the house be counted , and there being but thirty-four Members present , the house adjourned at half-past four . Thursday , May 16 .
After the presentation of a number of petitions on subjects of no general interest . Sir C . Napier rose to bring before the House tho present state of the naval establishment of the country , and after a speech of some length concluded by moving , that this House recommend that previous to the preparation of the navy estimates to be submitted to Parliament in the year 1845 , that some plan of retirement for officers in the navy on tbe top of the respective lists should be devised , so as to make the naval service more effective , and to afford the opportunity of rewardicg old and meritorious officers . The motion was opposed by Sir R . Peel , and after a discussion , in which Captain Berkeley , Sir George Cockburn , Captain Pecbell , Lord Ingistre , Captain Harriss , Mr . Hume , Mr . Sydney Herbert , and Captain Carnegie , took pare , the House divided . ' Mt *
For the motion 28 Against 71 Majority 43 Mr . Gladstone , in a Committee of the House , proposed a new schedule of Customs' duties on articles imported into the Isle of Man , the object contemplated in the Bill to be introduced being to prevent smuggling . The schedule was agreed to , and time is to be allowed for the inhabitants of the isle to express their opinion on it . The House adjourned at ten o ' clock .
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WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET . Friday , May 17 th . —There are good arrivals of Wheat to this day ' s market , and aa the demand a limited , a decline of Is per quarter has been acceded to , in order to effect sales . Little business passing in Barley at last week ' s prices , and no alteration in the value of Oats , Shelling , or Baans .
Leeds :—Printed For Tbe Proprietor, Fearqv8 6'Connob, Esq. Of Hammersmith, Coantf
Leeds : —Printed for tbe Proprietor , FEARQV 8 6 'CONNOB , Esq . of Hammersmith , Coantf
Middlesex , by JOSHUA HOBSON , at hi « Printing Offices , No * . 12 and 13 , Market-street , Briggate and Published by tbe said Joshua Eoason , ( for the said Fbabgus O'Connor , ) at hto D » eT « ling-house , No . 6 , Market-rtreet , Briggate 1 an internal Communication existing between the said No . 5 , Markefc-street , and the eaid No * 12 and 13 , MarkekstreeV Briggate , thus constituting tfce whole of the said Print ng and Publishing Offis one Premises . All Communications must be addressed , Post-paid , to Mr . HOBSON , Northern Star Office , lee d * ( Saturday May 18 , 184 */)
Robert Peddie To The Chartist Public.
ROBERT PEDDIE TO THE CHARTIST PUBLIC .
Local Markets.
LOCAL MARKETS .
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g THE NORTHERN STAR . May 18 , 1844 . ^ f
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 18, 1844, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1264/page/8/
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