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THE NOfiTHE&N STAR. SATURDAY, JULY S, 1844.
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Co Meafcev8 ann ©amgjpon&ty
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THE STATE TRIALS-WRIT OF EOT-
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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THE LATE RIOTS AT LEEDS , At the Leeds Borough Sessions , on Friday last , the parties , nineteen in number , who "were said to have been engaged in the late riote hetwren the military and police , were placed at the bar before Thomas Jlower Ellis , Esq ., Recorder . The trial excited ibe greatest interest , and the " mcnster" indictment contained no Ies 3 than twentj-iwo counts . 21 r . lngham , Mr . Pickering , and Mr . Gathorne Hardy , appeared for the prosecution : and Mr .
Overend , Mr . Monteith , and Mr . Pashley appeared for the military , for Manassah Flatow , and John James . Mr . Ingham opened the case for the prosecution , and entered at length into a narrative of the transaction , showing ihe great uproar and violence by which the riot was characterised , the particulars of which hare appeared in the Star . A vast number of vitntsses were examined , extending the enquiry over a period of four days , during which a great amount of evidence wa 3 adduced , tending to criminate several of the parties .
The Counsel for the defence sererally addressed th « Jury in powerful and effective speeches , and ealkd many witnesses who clearly proved an alibi for several of the soldier * . At-the conelus 2 on > at two o ' clock on Tuesday afternoon , The Learned Rxcokder proceeded to Enm up the case , and after some few general observations on the nature of the charge , and the law as ii bore upon it , le recapitulated the whole of the evidence which had been adduced on both sides , and closed his remarks ii a quarter-past seven o ' clock . The Jury then retired , and were locked np until twenty minutes past ten o ' clock , at which hour they returned into © otixt and delivered their verdict . The names of the Jury having been called , and the raisoners duly placed at the bar , the following verdicts were returned i—j
Soldiers . —Michael Coghian , guilty j William ¦ O'Brien , guilty ; John Moran , guilty ; Patrick 31 'Cleneghan , guQty ; John Cosgrove , not guilty ; "Wm . Seattle , not gaiiTy ; James Turner , not guilty ; Thomas Fitzgerald , not guilty ; John Mcffat , not -g * ilty ; Chas . Judd , not guilty : Friend Vickerman , not tnilty ; Robert Harwood , not gnilty . Cmiiiss . —ilanassah Flatow , guilty of a cornanon assanlt ; Daniel I > avin 3 , guilty , reeomirended to mercy ; John Keating , guilty , recommended to mercy ; Benjamin Cawood , guilty , recommended to mercy ; "Win . F&rrall , not gailty ; Silvester Forre 3 t , not gniliv ; John James , not guilty . Those prisoners found not guilty were ordered to stand , down , and witnesses were failed who gave those-prisoners found guilty a good character , ¦ with the exception of the prisoner O'Erien , for whom no effort was made .
The Learned Recorder sentenced them as follows : —Wm . O'Brien , to ba imprisoned one year in the House of Correction ; Michael Coghian , imprisoned eight calendar months in the House of Correction ; John Moran , imprisoned eight calendar months in the House of Correction ; Patrick M'Cleseghan , imprisoned eight calendar months in the Bouse of Correction ; Manassah Flaiow , fined £ 4 , and imprisoned till paid ; Daniel I > avins , imprisoned eleven days ; John Hearing , imprisoned seventeen days ; Benjamin Cawood , to be imprisoned till the Tiring of the Court . The fine for Flatow was paid , -and he wa 3 discharged . The proceedings terminated at eleven o'clock on Tuesday night .
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DlSCESSIOS OS THB COKS luWS IS LsTOB . —A public < iiscu 5 sion took place in the Bszaar , Briggate , on the evenings of Tuesday and Wednesday , between > Ir . T . S- Macintosh , author of the * El ? ctrical Theory of the Universe , " and Mr . John "West , of Sheffield , on the following proposition : — " Would the-adoption of the principle of Free Trade , under existing circumstances , benefit the people of England ? " Mr . Mackintosh maintained the affirmative , and Mr . West the negative . The arrangements were , that each speaker should be allowed half an hoar in the opening , and alternate quarters till the close ; Hi . Mackintosh to open the debate , and Mr . West to dose , each party to have the choice of their own chairman . Mr . Mackintosh named Mr .
Hartley , and Mr . West named Mr . Harris . Mr . Mackintosh opened the discussion with a statement of the principles upon which he conceived a qnestion so important ought to be debated . He stated that there were two parties now before the public , each advocating a policy in accordance with the guiding principle of the party . One party advocated the principle of Free Trade , the other what Was called Protection . He maintained that thos ? two principles , like many other extreme opinion * , jneet in the middle ; that if men are free all round , they are equal ; and if they are protected all round they are equal also ; that no advantage or disadvantage under these circumstances is gained by either party ; but that if one party is protected whilst the others are left unprotected , the protected party gainB its advantage by fobbing the unprotected . He further maintained that the price ( not the Talue ) which
We receive for the goods earned out by our ships is to be estimated by the quantity and value of the goods brought in : in other words , that our imports , as a whole , is ihs price received for onr export ? : and that our restrictive laws tend to favour a large export , and a small import trade ; that to this cause t&iffig is to be ascribed the depreciation in the Talue of our manufactures , which hava been increasing in value , for a number of jear _ 3 , under tbe malignant ifcflaenoe of these restrictive laws . 2 &i . West , in reply , said that Mr . Mackintosh had fairly stated the question , as one of protection or turn protection ; and if all dasse 3 were protected alike , there wculd have been no need of that discusson ; but whik Capital was protected by law , and represented in Parliament , and Labonr unprotected , it was quite true that the gain 3 t > f the capitalist was made up of tba robbery and plunder of the unprotected labourer . Mr . Mackintosh had said that
Free Trade m ^ ani perfect freedom action , and that ** all laws were restrictions upon human liberty . " He ( Mr . V * . ) asked , could society exist without liirs ! and Tvaai was the end of all law , but protec ^ Con and regulation I If therefore it was admitted that laws were necessary for the existence and benefit of soeiety , and this even Mr . Mackintosh was compelled : o admit , for he said they were necessary evils , th ? s , so far as the abstract qaestion was eoncerctd , 'ha disenssion was at an esd : for it was impossible tha ; perfect Free Trade , as dtfired by Mr , ilackinS osh , could be brought into operation . As tc the argument , that what our ships brought in as Imports , wa 3 the price of what they took out as Exports , what did it prove , bat that vre were noi receiving the vxlvs we ought to recerre ; for since 3733 we hadincreased onr export trade Eve-fold , anc for the increase had received but one and a halJ
timss the Talue we received for the one-fifth quan-. tifcy in 1758 ; and yet Mr . Mackintosh would wisn to ; extend the system , and prove that it ira 3 a benefit to live by the loss . —This was the , substance of the arguments entered into in detail , during the two , evenings , each gentleman maintaining his position with good temper and great abilij j ; and the audi- ¦ enees , which were both numeron 3 and respectable , ; listening with the greatest attention , manifesting > neiiher approbation nor disapprobation . At tbe ^ conclusion , Mr . W . Brooke moved the following , resolution : — " That this meeting , having patiently listened . to the arguments brought forward in favour > qf , and against , Free Trade , is more than ever con- { vineed that if those principles were attempted
to be practically carried out , under existing circumstances—they would be highly injurious ; to the great body of the middle and industrious ; classes of this conntry . " A gentleman in the body ' , of the meeting moved as an amendment— " That no i Tote be taken , but that the meeting now separate . " j The amendment was put , and lost by an immense ; msjor ity , and the orisLnal ; motion carried all but : unanimously ^ th ere being but five ot six hands held ' . np sgainst it . Mr . Brooke then moved— " That I this meeting corceives it to be the duty of al ! parties j really desirous of benefitting the country at large I to agilok first of all for the enfranchisement of the whole people , as being the only means of abolishing ' alt monopolies , ano thereby doing justice to all elasse 3 of society . This meeting therefore pledges ' itself to agitate for no measure short of the People ' s ; Charter ; being fully persuaded ihat from the almost ! t
universal ^ approbation which hasbeeu given to it by ? the working classes , it is ib . B only measure to insure ; a hearty and unanimous support , and there- j fore the most likely to be the first obtained . " . Tbl 3 was earned unanimously , with great cheering . I At the conclusion of the discussion Mr . Joshua Hob- j son remarked that as Mr . Mackintosh did not appear ' to be satisfied , and as the subject was by no means exhausted , he wonld himbdi undertake to meet Mr . Mackintosh for the purpose of further debating thoi question ^ if bis pr&posaJ n ? e : with the approbation of ' > that gentleman . Mr . Mackictosh rose and said he ! accepted the proposal with much pleasure , because \ he had a persnasion thai ultimately all parties would i by this means come to a better understanding upon this question . —Mr . West moved a vote of thanks to ; ihB chairmen , and Mr , Mackintosh seconded it , which was carried unanimously , and the meeting eparated highly delighted with their intellectual
The Nofithe&N Star. Saturday, July S, 1844.
THE NOfiTHE&N STAR . SATURDAY , JULY S , 1844 .
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THE POST-OFFICE SPY COMMITTEE . Ij ever there waa a case in which deep insult was added to great injury , it is manifest in the insolent and unblushing manner in which the Government has put the mask of secrecy upon its open confession of guilt . It is not a week since Ministers attempted to shelter themselves from all the responsibility of felony by reliance upon the subserviency of their spaniels . Finding however that while the public must tamely snbmitto Acts of Parliament forced upon them throngh " votes of confidence , " that it was nevertheless unwilling to submit to a national insult even at the bidding of
a majority , our stroDg Governmeat" ha& been compelled to admit that the practices resorted to at the Post-office have been such that they dare not submit them to more extensive scrutiny than to a jury chosen by the accused J It was bad enough to learn that there was a secret department in the PostofSee , to which Pirn , Pby and b s myrmidons had , or supposed they had , access under authority of Queen Anne and her Parliament ; but it is still worse to know that a sechet » kw have b » en selected from a British House of Commons by the accused Minister as the tribunal to which the grave and heavy charges preferred against him by the Hon . Member for Finsbury are to be submitted .
The Committee consists of four out and out supporters of the present Government—four of the most servile props of the last Government—and the O'Consob Dos thrown in as a kind of nose to this shapeless maek . We have asserted that in 1839 , and at other periods during the Whig administration , the very same espionage , the same fraud , the same in justice , and to the same extent too , was practiced by the Whiga ; and therefore a kind of
compromise , or a double exposure , is what we have now to look for , from the secret Post-office conclave . If a strong case , founded upon Mr . Duncoxbe ' s charges , Bhould be made out against the present Government , they beiDg the parties in power , will have a fnll opportunity of so blacking and bedaubing their predecessors as to make their own sins white as snow compared to the scarlet iniquities of the Whig spies .
But then another qaestion will press itself upon the public in either event : and that qnestion is , uhether a sacred trust is to le violated without further chastisement than that which the accused can administer to a portion of their accusers . The Honourable Member for Finfbury ' s name has been rejected ; and , we think , properly rejected by the accused . Wo eay properl 5 : bcc&UBe we hold , that if not the duty , it ever will b « the endeavour , of those charged with crime to challenge jurors upon whose subserviency they cannot safely calculate But what will the country pay to the ^ fact of the plaintiff being shut out of court , and the accused being allowed to pack their own Jury !! Under all the circumstances , we would strongly recommend Mr . Ddxoohbe to abstain from further
interference , until the secret conclave ehall have reported . We would advise him by no means to subject th ose witnesses upon whose testimony his case was based , to the examination of a secbet comhittke , and to the certainty of utter ruin . It now appears that this Post-cffice disease has been imported from Ireland . Mr . Labouchebe said " THAT THE PCST-OrFICE ACT IN 1837 HAD INSERTED
INTO IT WORDS fS&D IN THE EARLIER IRISH ACT INSTEAD OF THOSE 0 SED IN THE EARLIER ENGLISH acts . " The act of 1837 was a consolidation of oraer sets , and the Wbigg inserted in their act those words which were most objectionable in the earlier Irish Acts . And no doubt under this consolidation Sir James Graham considered himself in the situation of the Irish Magistrate , who , lest be could not be present in perFon , gave a " general * order to " fire" to some military heroes . The two
cases are so analogous that we cannot abstain from telling the story . Sir James Graham to please the King of Sardinia , gave a " general warrant" for the opening of Mr . Mazzini's letters ; and under this " general" authority , the subordinates in office U 3 ed their own discretion for a general inspection of all letteis ; our owa amoDgst others having come in for a full share of inspection—inasmuch as we received three that had been opened on the very morning of the day upon which Mr . Duncohbe first broached the subject in the House .
But to our story . During the Wbiteboy times in 1822 , a number of gallant cfBccrs dined at the house of a magistrate in the South of Ireland . After the bottle had freely circulated , the heToes , inspired with the thoughtB of glory , began to pant for an encounter with the unarmed Whiteboya ; when , after much vain boasting , one more dissree-t and perhaps more sober than his comrades , in discussing the probabilities of the coiifiici which was anticipated on the
morrow , asked : " Aye , but what the devil shall we do if we chance to meet the Whiteboys when there ' s no magistrate to give us the order to 'fire' ? " Whereupon " mine host" rose in hie glory and vociferated " 0 , by J s that shan ' t stand in your way ; for mind I give you the order now ; make ready ; present ; fire : and I give it you to remain in force as long as there ' s 3 Whiteboy to be shot . " We vouch for the authenticity of the fact , on the word of one of the valiant guests .
Jihonld the Report of the Secret Committee ever come to light , we shall be curious to discover what has become of the several letters which we have been obliged to assure our correspondents have never come to hand ; and perhapa another fruit of this investigation may be the restoration of the £ 4 Postoffice Order that found its way out of a letter addressed to Mr . O'Connoh , and opened at the Gardiner ' s Lane Station-house during hi 8 confinement there . As soon as Mr . Prat , the proprietor of the Evening Star , learned where Mr . O'Connob
was confined , he took him some seventeen letters that had arrived for him by that morning ' s post ; and upon requesting to be allowed to deliver them to Mr . O'Connor , Mr . M'Mtjllen , the Manchester 8 py , and his brethren of the London corps instantly took the letters , opened them , and read them ; and only upon the magistrate ' s order , after Mr . O'Connor was admitted to bail , did they return the letters to that gentleman , all of which contained Post-office Orders , and one of which orders for £ i has been missino to the pjes 3 afc day .
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Thus it is that subordinates are ever emboldene d by the iniquities of their masters . Indeed it is not wonderful . " Cum Dtuxs faciunt talia , quid turn Millies fdclenL " ' When the Generate do such things , what will not the Soldiers do ? We cannot conclude without repeating the stinging satire of Mr . Waklet who said " that he thought secrecy was an extraordinary mode of satisfying public curiosity ; " and without further tendering our cordial and hearty thanks to his bold
and eloquent colleague , Mr . Duncombe , for having " winded" " dragged , " " unkennelled , " " hunted , " and fairly " run down" the fox . who , with all his cunning , has been compelled to confess his guilt and to admit its enormity to be too great , too black and scandalous , to meet the public eye : while wejjfurther congratulate him upon having included the whole batch of vermin in his sweeping allegations , as it iB not fair that P kkl Bhould have all the honour arising from sophistry , and none of the odium chargeable upon connivance .
Quern facit per aliem , facii per se . u Who acts by another , acts himself " , is a good legal maxim . If a farmer ' s dog kills bis neighbour's sheep , the farmer may hang the dog if bopltases , to save his pocket for the future ; but the law holds him responsible for the damage . So with a mad-bull , a wild cow , a vicious stallion ; the respective owners are respectively answerable for whatever damage they do ; and , if Sir Robert Peel chooses to keep a wild man to annoy the public , however he may alarm individuals , Sir Robert Peel alone is liable to all the consequences that oocur from his recklessness : and , therefore , as long as Sir James Graham is retained as part of the Prime Minister's menagerie , so long will he be responsible fox hip conduct both abroad and at home .
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In England a Minister feels bound , as a good citizen , and as a faithful servant of the Crown , to set an example of strict obedience to the law ; and in a case like this he would most cheerfully embrace the additional bonds which every man of honour is delighted to weir . If the law once forbid the opening of letters by a Mmister , it will be henceforth impossible that a letter shall ever be opened . Now the case is different in other countries . We may instance France —certainly second to none in intelligence and honourable feeh ' Dg—in Franoa Ministers will sometimes do
what the municipal law forbids , and what the law of honour does not warrant . We have the proof before us . M . Guisnt , as high-minded a man as breathes , has lately said that by the law of France post letters are , and have always been inviolable . . Now , we have no doubt that M . Guizot has spoken the truth , and in the spirit of truth ; we have no doubt , in other words , that M . Guizot has never ordered a letter to be opened ; bbt that other French Ministers have been so scrupulous we utterly deny , because we know , and are is a con dition to prove , that under the Tkiers
Administration , and daring the month that followed the ratification © f the treaty of July , 1840 , English letters were opened in the French post offioes , not by hundreds , but by thousands . This we are in a condition to prove ; and if the fact be disputed , wo appeal to the evidence of the English consuls along the coast ; in fact , we believe that in the month of August , 1840 , no English letterd crose the Channel either way without being read . The thing was so notorious , that the emute of Louis NapoleoH was given as the excuse ; but the practice was begun before that event , which did
not ocour until the 6 th of August . The English laughed at their clumsily re-sealed letters , and some young Oxford men , then sojourning on the French coast , whom we have the pleasure to know , amused themselves and mystified the local post offices by writing letters in Latin , Greek , and Hebrew to their English friends . The Latin letters were commonly detained a day or two , the Greek six or seven days , probably making the journey to Paris ; but the Hebrew letters never came to hand . Mr .
Duncombe , if as careful of the inviolability of letters in the French as in the Eoglish Post Office , may have these facts proved before the committee . Let not men , then , run away with the notion that a law in France or in any other country is the same thing with a law in England . We see that in France tho law a . ad practice wore in open contradiction four years ago , and yet no one complained ; but in England it is made a grievance if the Minister do not restrain himself a long way within the limits of the laws .
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the reader has already exclaimed : " and is ^ fdll , the complete , the irrefutable defence of V * conduct of the Coal Kings in the recent strife f miaed by fche Durham Chronicle" ? / ^^ | We thought that the controversy would noj a I without exhibiting the triclrs of the AttofiJ ^ r the ' laming" of the pedagogue , who has . b « I ? j . l to Johnson and Walker for hto brief oafou . ! : * his clients . We understand that tfixoN , thj-jjjff laughed when he saw Johnson enlisted ; jjj H imitation of our friend Punch , with his . ftnmW 9 his nose and his fingers distended , eie ] J * B " Hookey . " when he came to Walker , ' m — -=- .
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Errata . —In the letter of the Rev . Mr . Ry « i ^ * i appeared in our last number , for " oratlonj , "' £ second line , second paragraph , read " owS 1 and in tbe fourth line ot ihe same paranjrki I " administration" read ' admiration . " ^* 1 j . W ., London . —His song won't do to print H MR . Moib , Glasgow . —From oui old andk , B friend we have received the folio wing note , rSH to the letter addressed to him last week w 11 O'Connor : — "My dear Sir , —I beglear « - fey B you that I shall make a reply to th 8 commit B addressed by Mr . O'Connor « Te the CSb 6 j 4 H Glasgow , ' so soon as I can find the time to dt | kH I make this intimation lest any person might ita * ll from my silence en Saturday first , that itis i ^ B intention to take any noticeof it—I am , mj feaffijlf very respectfully yonrs , James Moir . " ' re
A . C . Sheffield . —If be can prove thai hetaHhg house on the terms set forth , there is do SosittMB that he Btopped the rate out of the rent . If W . Cooper , London , writes to inform ni tbt M Tuesday , tbe 9 th of July , a benefit will be gheaM the Hall of Science , City-road , for Mr . Allan Dwa . ! port He aaya thafc Mr . Devonport has po ^ l claims on the readers of the Northern Star . p { J the last forty years he baa been mixed up vitbp ^ ij tical associations , and bas straggled for the pbTiy | moral , and intellectual improvement of tbs peo ^ as his numerous writings testify , fie bos now Kacilj l the venerable age of 70 years , and is no loDgerd ' - to labour for his own support This benefit lift up , that by a long pall , and a strong pall , Mr . Djt port may be saved from the fanga of the infer Poor Law Commissioners . The entertainment *
consist of songs and recitations , given by gentlen from tbe varioas theatres . Allan Davenport , London , as well as many o § parties , bas totally mistaken the matter connee with the prize offered for the song . The offdi not ours . It was made by the Editor and Props ! of the Miner's Magazine . The offer was inserts ! the Star , from tbe magazine , in the conned review of one of tbe numbers of that pabllcti The terms of the offer were , that the song waits the production of a Collier , and competitor ! tbe priza were to send their productions to
Editor of the magazine , —not to us . Mr . Daves ] has therefore himself to blame , if he bas mitsai stood tbe offer , or the party making it : for a en reference to the Star would . have shewn nil tt points plainly enough . As for his commnniati we are entirely ignorant concerning it . We h no remembrance of its even having been recelra all ; and if it bad come to band , addressed si states it to have been , it might have been weeki we saw its contents . A . Westpield . —Bis letter shall be laid before M O'Connor . 1
Q . Cudl [ ff , Swansea . —We cannot at presentafil rooHi for bis long communication . I j . Smart , Aberdeen—By a letter from Mr . Xsl inserted above , it will ba seen that that gentlaa intends to say something on the matter which III O'Connor animadverted on in Iast-SYar . We shjIrJ serve Mr . Smart ' s communication , till we see ifcJ course the discussion may take . I W . Haker , OLDSiM . —The short address be tjcil of we had not room for , last weak . It bas beeamfl laid . Will Mr . Hamer forward another . Q . is the Corner . —We do not see that tts ^ K cation of his letter on the conduct of the Drfai Grocer , in first offering to credit the Miners tiiob beforetime traded with him , and then refused ; »« J * do much good . The facts are known in the loolitj and there the conduct of the Wallace in name te no in spirit , will be duly appreciated . David Kemp , Ossett . —We cannot give themfoi
mation be seeks . I Dr . M D 0 ¥ alls Subscription . —At the rik m offending our Manchester friends of tbe Victim Foil Committee , who decry all individnal appeals for m or support , we give insertion to the following notifl Tbe Manchester Commifcte acting on behalf of I P . M . M'Dooall , ( with a view of enabling himei » * to resume bis professional duties in Manchester ! of adopting some course likely to prove benefiow himself ) beg to state that at the request of wB localities tbe subscription lists will remain m until the first week in August , when all raM tions may be forwarded per Post-office OidevB able to P . M . M'Douall , under cover , to ( M Taylor , 28 , Stamford-street , Stretford Nevfl Manchester . . H
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FOB THE EXECUTIVE . I &m From Mr . Wm . Mortimer , Mill Bridge ... X S From Mr . Davison , Ayr ... ... ... 0 FOB- THE MINERS ON STRIKE IN NOBTHUMBEIW AND DUEHi . lt . ¦ From the Roy ton District , near Manchester 2 ¦ Those Agents who have received their accouW requested to send the amounts due by them , or cannot have more papers . I
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THE QCEEK V . o ' CONNELL AND OTHEB * I HOUSE OF LORDS , Thursday , Jcir i I This being the day fixed for the bearfns *• great appeal case , in the matter of the W&M Daniel O'Connell and others , the entrance uj « House of Lords was crowded with personaate&m
in ihe case . , J At ten o ' clock tae Lords present were > ft «^»; Chancellor , Lord Brougham , Cord CotteDh » % wr » Campbell , Lord Demnan . Lord Auckland , ^ M ; Redesdale , Lord Glenelg , and Lord Csmofl * £ ¦•/ following Judges were also present : —Sir -p& " m :-Tyndal , Lord Chief Justice of the Common ri »» Mr . Justice Patteson , Mr . Justice Wilbatt »» . ; Justice Coleridge , Mr . Justice Coltman , -Mwa »' »; . Maule , Baron Gurney , Baron Alderson . M ^^ I Parke . „! -J ; The following are the names of the coff . f ; .
gaged for the Crown : —Sir William mfr ? J torney-General ; Sir F . Thesiger , Solicitot Genewl ¦ . Mr . T . B . C . Smith , Attorney- General ft / Sf Mr . H . Waddington , Mr . Napier , and Mr ° 1 The following are the names of t , « jf ? , fi - ' counsel : -Sir Thomas Wilde , Mr . M . »¦ f . " ! Fitzroy Kelly , Mr . Sergeant F . S . »« W' * - - Charles Crompton , Mr . David Leaby . » £ ¦ " ¦ William Smith , Mr . J . S . Close , Mr . » - <* S » and Sir Colman M . O'Loghlen . Agents- | Mahony , Mr . Ford , and Mr . Cantwell . ¦ In answer to the Lord Chancellor , ¦
Sir T . Wilde said , with a view to to ^ gjM . of the House , I would suggest to your ^™* ffi « - - Mr . Peacock and myself should appear Bw * £ * . O'Connell , and with regard to Ae « dwJjjgjtt who have different counsel , I would pnVfSTfm Hill should be heard for Mr . Steele , and jbt . ¦ for the other defendants , , . n I Lord BROUGHAM-That is four counsel in » ¦ . Sir T . WiLDE-Yes ; and we have jjg ' , ^ . . view to the convenience of your ^^^^ m ! that , upon several points , we shall D 0 ' ~^ iupo # : yoar Lordships ; but there are others ot ^ 0 m . ancethat each counsel will address jonri *; . «¦
-UP Tne b L 0 RD CHANCELLO R-When youeof ••«¦ £ reply , will you reply fox all the jJf ^^ ItieBWVi .. Sir T . WiiDE-No , my Lord . My ^^ U * f ± Mr . Hill and Mr . Kelly , will also address j ¦ ., ^ LoRD CH . NCELLoa-T hea we Bh . ll ^ ^ r replies ? ¦ Sir T . Wilde—Yes . , T « ill sn « g l The Lord Chancellor— Then \^ Zt j m Wtm ^ circumstance material for your o ° n ^ r d » y ; » 1 ^ is , that the circuits are fixed for wea LfOra W * ' if you do nos complete your argumeoi ^ tm b . nesday , eo as to get the opinion « ' * jb ' . to fid " A Judges before that time , it will be lmp ^ during the present session . . , ^ i - Sir T . WiLDE-We will bear injnin ^ bef ^ portance of getting the opinion ot « " > « ' & < ; ' that time ; and with that view we ww w » ^ | V . argument as much as possible , ana . - > .
consistent with justice . , jx jntiip 8 ! ^ The ATTORNEr-GENERAL ( for Bngl «« tfa 4 t fcH ? that he believed the ordinary rale w * | j , Crown had the right of reply * . £ at i »| j LordCAHrBELL-I had occasion to n ^ ca s « ^ writ of error for the Exchequer ia a r « ^ l ed fN was ruled that the plaintiff in nf * ! *«©*« & reply . In Frost ' s faae , i * ? f ' J rep lied , » lh General , the counsel for the prisoner re ^ m ^ each had a separate reply . ^ necessary 9 The Lord Chancellor- ^ m a ™ % ^ torn * termine that point at >*^ Kv " Whoto' » % m General has a right to reply on therwn % m can coraidor th * t point , bereatter a » ¦ have nothing to do with it . a ddressB Sir T . Wilde then pr < x » cdedw r hfiiiiB ««»¦ elucidationof the obj ^ tiona "S ^ ne **™ the legality of tho convictions . iO > f ^ mdiBftB man Occupied the whofc ^ t ^ &Jk . Tae * argument at fiveznmntes to Ire « JJad # I ther hearing of the argu ^ eat-was adjouiu . morrow attewo ' oiwH . ¦
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SHAMELESS ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF GUILT . WAS IT NOT TIME TO INTERFERE ? . In the Government Ob « an of Thursday , the Morning Herald , there appeared the following open but shameless confession of guilt , in relation to the letter-opening practices of the present and past Governments . Most true is the old adage : " When rogues fall out , honest men get their own" ; i . e ., when one confederate in guilty praotices is implicated before the public , he generally : tries to " save his bacon" by tolling' of his fellows , more especially if the latter should put on the airs and bearing of Simon Pure , and affect a virtuous indignation at the villanous proceedings of the found-out rogue . So in this Gaso
of PoBt-office Bpjism . Sir James Graham has been trapped into an acknowledgment of the practice . His confession has both surprised and alarmed the publio of all classes and degrees ; and that alarm has been materially excited and strengthened the conduct of the late "Whig Ministers , in relation to the present Home Secretary . They have affected an indignant horror at his conduct : and now comes his turn to " tell-tale . " Hero in the Herald we have it ; in the organ of the Home Office . Here we have the re-crimination , Betting forth the horrible facts , that" the Whig Ministers opened letters of persons with whom the Ministers affected krstand on friendly terms , and uhose political support they courted . ' * that " all Mb . O'Connell's letters were OPENED AND READ BY HIS WHIG FRIEND 3 AT THE VERY
TIME WHEN THET HELD OFFICE BY FAVOUR OF HIM AND his tail ! " and that the reason why the investigation conceded by the Government could not be an open One , is , that " a publio investigation would involve some dozen of Noblemen and Gentlemen , ( who have served the office of Home Secretary or that of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ) , most inconveniently with their friends , lr forcing revslatiojss that would lead to a commerce of crimination and re-crimination by no means edifying or profitable to the community ! " Hera
then , is oome proof of the extent of the practice ; and here is more than , proof that it was time some one interfered to put a stop to that practice . ; The British public may learn from the following Ministerial effusion , something of the nature and extent of their obligation to Mr . Dcncomib for being the means of exposing the " dark doings" of the " Inner Ofllfte , " and in so wielding tbe facts placed at his disposal , as to make it impossible for the power to open letters ( lawfully ) longer to be continued in the hands of any set of men .
The article from the Herald we give without abridgment . It is of too mnoh importance to be lost eight of . We trust Mr . Duncohbe will treasure it up , and see if the secret inquisitors take the facts confessed to in it , into thoir inquiry : and , if not , Mr . Duncombe can make good use of th « m in the House . Here is the Ministerial confession : — The Post Office grievance , as is represented , has arrived at that point to which all from the first saw that it must come . A committee of nine unexceptionable inquisitors , five of the Opposition and four Conservatives , bas been appointed to investigate thoroughly the practice of the Post Office in its relation with the Home Office as far back as the means of inquiry exist . The investigation is to
be necessarily a secret one ; the security of the public service calls for this , but the duty owing TO SOCIETY COMMAHDS IT STILL MORE IMPERIOUSLY . W « have living some dozen of noblemen and gentlemen , -who have served the office of Homo Secretary or that of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; but all of them , we believe without an exception , hove ordered letters to be opened , and in the time of Whig Government some of ihe letters opened were letters of persons with whom the Ministers effected to stand upon friendly terms , and whose political support they courted . We do not , see why we should disguise a truth , openly confessed within tho last fortnight in the most august presence in the country , all Mr . O'Connell ' s letters were opened and RKin by
HIS WHIG FRIENDS AT THE VERY TIME WHEN TMKY HELD OFFICE BY FAVOUR OF HIM AND HIS TAIL . We repeat it ; ihe confession has been made in a presence in which toe are sure no one would speak falsely , and made by a nobleman who must have had full knowledge of the state of the fact , and whom ,-, what ever we may think of him in other repeefcs , we know to be incapable of falsehood . Tho nobleman in question is in a condition to defy Mr . O'Connell ; for though he accepted support from that person , and allowed his colleagues to communicate with him , he never admitted the agitator to his own society ; but others , who have taken similar liberties with the letters of political partisans and men for whom they professed friendship , cannot take such high ground , and a public disclosure of thkir PROCEEDINGS WOHT NOT ONLY INVOLVE THKM
INCONVENIENTLY -WITH THEIR FRIENDS , BUT FORCE THEM TO revelations , se defendendo , that their friends might not at all relish ; in short , A PUBLIC INQUIRY IN the matter would lead to a commerce of crimination AND RECRIMINATION BY NO MEANS EITHKR EDIFYING OR PROFITABLE TO THE COMM 0 MTT . The majority of Opposition Members eu the Committee ia an assurance that the inquiry will not be conducted with any partial : bias to the present Government , and the nomination of such a committee is proof that tho Government has little to fear . Mr . Sheil , it is true , complains that there are no lawyers on the committee . This ,
however , we consider its best recommendation . The question submitted to the committee is a simple jury question—Has the interference of Sir James Graham with the Post Office deviated in kind , in manner , or in amount , from tho example bequeathed to him by his predecessors ? If it has deviated , Sii James is condemned according to the degree of the deviation . If it has not deviated , Sir James stands absolved ; and his aocusers must lake up the character of malicious slanderers . As to the propriety of continuing the law in its present shape , or repealing it f that is a qnestion wholly separate and distinct , and one which the House would never confide to a select committee .
What were the use then , we ask , of having lawyers on the committee , of whom every one of themselves —every lawyer knows , that they proverbially make foe woret witnesses and the worst jurors ! One train of thinking is enough for one head at a time ; but a lawyer is sure to perplex himself with two—the proof ot the facts and the application of the law , to both the process of proof of the facts , and to the facts proved—this , at least , is our solution of a phenomenon universally observed and acknowledged
— namely , that lawyers tmake bad witnesses and worse jurors . Whatever the result of the inquiry , there will , as we have said , stiil remain a grave question for the legislature—ought the law to remain upon its present footing ? We have not ourselves been able to come to any satisfactory conclusion upon the point , but we know this , that if post letters Bhall be rendered by law inviolable in England , England will be the only country in the world where post letters will be in fact invested with this inviolability .
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THE AMERICAN MOVEMENT . We can only this week do little more than direct the attention of our readers to the copious evidence given in our sixth page of the march of the National Reform Movement in the United States . The reports of the meetings holden we have , and shall fully transfer to our columns ; and from those reports it will be seen that steadily and surely this new party is gaining the support of publio opinion . We solicit the attention of our readers to the able comments of the Editor of The People ' s Rights in reply to an article which appeared in the Star of tbe 27 th of April last . The candour of the writer , in stating the
real strength of the movement at the present time and the difficulties that prevent a rapid progress at the outset , is worthy of all admiration ; showing , as it does , that the men who have devoted themselves to this glorious cause are of the right stamp to sooure ultimate success . That they are no " vain babblers , " nor thoughtless enthusiasts , regardless of truth , or unheodful of the difficulties of their enterprise ; but men , resolute men , of clear heads and determined hearts , capable of " organising victory ; ' and who , foreseeing the toil before them , have set their hands to a task they will accomplish , —the effecting of their country ' s—mankind ' s
salvation . Any lengthened reply to the comments of our contemporary on the slavery question is unnecessary , after what we have advanced in previous articles written subsequent to that to which oar contemporary replies . The perusal of them has , no doubt , ere this , convinced the Editors of The People's Rights that there is but little difference on the question between us and them . We agree with nearly every word in the article in our sixth page , and heartily approve of the oourse now being purpued by the Reformers of America .
We do not understand the recommendation of our contemporary " to examine the American census for the proportion between blacks and whites , and to re-pernse the constitution of the United States . " What bearing the number of the slave population can have upon tho question of the . h / stice of their enslavement , and the right of their masters to keep them in bondage , we cannot imagine . To us it matters nothing whether they are many or few . The enslavement of one human being is no more justifiable than is that of a million ; nor because millions are enslaved , can that justify the bondage of any one of humanity ' s brotherhood . We
have read the Constitution of the United States ; and we know that the Immortal Declaration of Independence on which it is based , declares that "ALL men are * orn , and ought , op right , to rfmain , Free and Equal . " Now we understand all men to mean all the nations and peoples of this earth ; and thereforo including th 6 African races as well as the white men . We know that that Constitution professes to guarantee to all protection for "life , liberty , and the pursuit of happiness "; nor can We see in what way its roperusal could induce us to hold any other opinions on this qaestion than those we bavo already expressed .
We know that tho " White Slave States * ' have nothing to do with tho " Black Slave States "—that is , that the former have no power to abolish black slavery in the territories of the latter ; but wo also know that there is such a power as public opinion , which may , even in the Northern States , be Drought to beneficially operate upon the Southern States ; and within the latter states that opinion may yet bo called into being , and fostered until it accomplishes the emancipation of the African helots .
We know that slavery is a Monarchical Institution ; but we also know that several Slave States have been added to the Union since the overthrow of British rule ; and we know that what rapacious , brutalizing Monarchy institutes , should be bprooted by enlightened Republicanism ; and this has not been done in the southern states . We would not give freedom to the African , a 9 the canting and short-sighted Abolitionists would do
simply release him from the service of a master bound to protect him , and hand him over to a master who would work him , or starve him , at will , and from whom the law exaots no other care than what cupidity prompts . We would give him no nominal freedom . We would give him his right to a fair portion of the soil ; the vote to protect that right from domestic plunderers ; and arms to defend both vote and land from all who threatened to assail either .
We repeat , we heartily concur in the policy of the National Reformers . The Land before all ; the Land for all . Without it , there can be no real liberty : with it , liberty must beoome universal and imperishable . The Agrarian ball is rolling ! Day by day , by slow but sure degrees , it gathers strength . From a copy of The People ' s Richls of the 1 st of June , we
see that the working men of Ostego County , State of New York , have deolarod in support of this movement . New York , Williamsburgh , Albany Van Rensselaer , Sohoharie , and Ostego have " PRONOUNCED" for the movement . The firBt open-air meeting was to be holden in New York , on tbe 5 th of June ; and this step will doubtless tend to rouse the " Empire City" from centre to circumference in support of this glorious object .
The candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency have been addressed on the Land question , and the National Reformers are waiting their answers . Henceforth this will be the grand test for publio men . A short time , and those only who will give their adhesion to the principles of the National Reformers will be able to obtain the support of the millions , ; a support indispensible to public men , where the , millions rule and the people ata- ^ or may be—sojEREiaum
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_ -i- - i ^^ ' i IRELAND . —REPEAL ASSOCIATION . j MOND AY , . i At one o'clock Mr . Smith O'Brien , accompanied iy Henry Graiten , M . P ., Mr . O'ConneU , Mr . Daunt , Sir Simon Bradstreet , Bart ., and other gentlemen , ; entered the Hall , and was received with the usual i demonstrations of applause . Nicholas Mather , Esq . , was called to the chair . . , j Mr . Q'Nem Dauntiiaflded in £ 43 from Liverpool , * nd announced that tbe corporation of Dablin had elected Mr . O'Connell Lord Mayor elect —( tremen- j dons applaose ) . ' . i Halt-past Fits O'Clock . —The rent for the ; week will be about £ 2 , 000 . - } - The Conciliation Ball has been densely crowded ] H-ds ? The meeting has been fully as numerous , « ad' ^ B meeting cnaracterised by as gress eatim- i SotiIIb aby held snoe the impnsomnsnt of Mr . 0 * OMUiell . I
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JTHE IRISH REGISTRATION BILL . Whilb tbe purblind newspapers both of England and Ireland were either eulogising or wondering at LordjELioT ' s Irish Registration Bill * we were the first to open the public eye to its extravagance and injustice . We were the first to invoke national hoaiHityjto the measure . We believe we were the first jo petition against it ; and it is now our pleasing duty io contratulate the country on having witnessed the death of the monder . OnlMonday night Sir Robert Peel attempted to go through the farce of reading the Bill a second time when ' Mr . Duncombb moved its death aa an amendment , ; which was carried against the proposition of the Prime Minister : thus plaoing both countries under another signal obligation to the Honourable Member for Finsbury . _
It will be remembered that we opposed both this Bill and the Masters and Servants' BUI at one asd the same time : and now we may rejoice in the defeat of both monster measures ! There is yet a strength and power remaining in publio opinion when ! duly exercised and well-direoted . Bravo Duncombe !!!
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THE DURHAM CHRONICLE AND THE I COAL KINGS . Anxious that our readers should understand both sideB of every question , and the Durham Chronicle having undertaken to justify its employers , we give , without the curtailment of a line , the first attempt of our friond in this herculean performance . We trust that the reader will abstain from laughter while he peruses tho following , intended as a defence of the conduct of the Coal Kings upon all questions at issue between them and the pitmen with
reference to the present strike . Our friend opens thus , upon the presumption that Mr . Roberts has been the author of those articles which appeared in the Northern Star upon the tyranny of the Coal Kings , of which , however , we again assure our defeated and now annihilated adversary , Mr . Robeiits ntver wrote one word , one line , or one syllable—nor was one line in any one of our artioles upon the subject even suggested by that gentleman . Our friend commences thus— " We will now proceed to impart to him a little instruction "—and then continues as follow .-:
—What is a Monopoly 1 Dr . Johnson informs us , that it is V the sole privilege of selling . " What is a Monopolist ? " One ( says Walker ) who by engrossing , or patent , obtaics the sole power or privilege of vending any commodity . " But , " The Coal-Trade Monopoly r » What is thai ? Any thing different , or that may be excepted , from the above definitions of monopolies and those who enjoy jtbem ? How do tbe Colliery-Owners of Durham and- Northumberland merit the distinction of monopolists ? How is tbe trade in which they are engaged entitled to be branded as a monopoly ? They are
embarked , it is true , to a much greater extent than any other body of men in this important traffic : tbe capital they have invested in it is enormous—their operations are gigantic . But what power have they , by patent , statute , or prescription , to exclude tbe collieries © f Scotland , Wales , Yorkshire , or Lancashire , from the market ; or to prevent direct and immediate competition with tbenuelves , as it were upon tbeir own ground ? They possess no such authority : they never did possens it ; and tbe ; therefore never did , not could , exercise it , either for tneir own undue gain , or to the public disadvantage .
Had there been tbe monopoly complained of , the Coal-Trade would have remained in its " primary comparative insignificance , instead of having gradually extended itself to its present colossal dimensions . Bat what bos been the fact ? In 1753 , there were about 14 CollierieB . In 1770 , tbe first Coal-Trade Agreement took place . In 1800 there were 40 Collieries . In 1836 76 do . In 1843 130 do . Thus , we see , that neither the- parties who were engaged in tbe trade , prior to tbe middle of tbe last century , nor those who first entered into tbe agreement , since fashionably designated as " tbe Coal-Trade Combination , " bad power to prevent that fuller and more perfect developement of its resources and energies which has gradually taken place , in what , then , exists tbe monopoly ?"
There is nothing to prevent any man , with capital and enterprise , from purchasing a tract of coal , and entering into competition with existing establishments , beyond tbe risks which all have to encounter who embrace such speculations . Or if one person do not possess the needful requisites , what individual resourses cannot accomplish may be attained by tbe co-operation of numbers . Whoever asserts tbe contrary , violates truth and sports with public credulity . But : it may be said , that if tbe Coiliery-Ownera cannot keep tbe trade to themselves , tney compel parties
entering it to combine witb them in keeping up prices , and thus practically visit all the evils of monopoly on tbe consumer . Nothing can be more fallacious than this statement No advantage is secured to the Colliery-Owner by the " combination" that might not quite as surely be obtained by a tacit understanding . It is but a means of adapting tbe supply to the demand —the 1 principle upon wfeicb . every prudent man manages bis business , whatever may be tbe- nature of bis dealings ; and which it would take something more tban an Act of Parliament to suppress .
It is material to enquire , however , whether prices are kept up at an inordinate rate through this alleged " combination . " We have seen that the number of Collieries bas greatly increased ; and we may state the additional fact , tbat the quantity of coals sent to London has been nearly doubled since 1800 . That the profits of tbe Coal-Owner are not unduly large may be taken for granted—since , were they so , tbe introduction of fresh capital would speedily reduce them to tbe ordinary level of other pursuits . In uo other country in the j world is there so much dormant capital as in this ; and if tbe Coal-Trade offered such a temptation to the rapacity of the monies-interest , as many designing persona are found to > epxesex > t and some simple ones to believe , we may be assured tbat profits would soon be as low as the widest range of competition could possibly make them .
So far , however , is it from being true tbat tbe Coal-Trade [ yields exorbitant gains , that it may be gravely doubted whether there is any other branch of public industry , of equal magnitude , or in which an equal amount of capital is invested , in which tbe profits are so small . At all times , it requires . nearly as much to pay London charges , and deliver coals from tbe ship < o tbe consumer , as the Colliery-Owner receives to pay rent of mine and every kind of working charge , and to cover bis risk , interest of capital , &c Sec And if—as is frequently tbe case—coals sell at a considerable loss
to the ] CoUiery-Ownei , tbe chargea in London are not tbe least abated . It may stagger belief , but it is a fact well worthy of remark , and on « to which we pledge ouraelves , that the Coal-Factors , only about twenty in number , receive far more for the agency tban is paid to the whole of tbe Viewers , and every other description of Colliery-Agent , in the North . We admit the right of the inhabitants of London to complain of tbe price of coals ; but the abuse lies at their own doors , and the parties who thrive on tbe system should alone Incur tbe opprobium now so exuberantly bestowed on the Northern Colliery-Owners .
It is surprising to see how little is accurately known on this subject . Tbe space in tbe publie mind that ought to have been stewed witb sound and useful information , is either a barren waste , or crammed witb crotchets and fallacies no less lamentable , and far more injurious , than ignorance itself . Mr . VVarburton—in the course of tbe debate tbat arose upon Lord Harry Tane ' s motion for thu repeal of tbe duty on coal exported foreign—talked with most marve lous simplicity about' tbe quantity of tbe best coal remaining embowelled in the earth ; which he declared would not last for more than sixty years—scientific computation , on the contrary , giving it a duration of thirty times that extent ; while Mr . Hume threatened , tbat if it
depended upon him , he would compel the Collery-Ownera to produce four millions of tons , instead of half the quantity , per annum . Thus , oee of these gentlemen was guilty of the falsification of a geological fact ; and the other would subvert one of the most valuable principles of commercial freedom . The Legislators has no pewer to fix wages : it bas no just pretension to assume tbe direction of any man ' B private affairs , by determining either the amount of his produce , or the rate of bis remuneration . Witb quite as much reason and justice might it pass an Act ; to compel every farmer in the kingdom to send his stocks of grain and cattle to market on the same day- —or every
ship owner his ship to the same port by the same tide — or any similar monstrous extravagance?—as prescribe a given quantity ; be it more or less , which the Colliery Owners Bhould raise of the commodity in which they deal . Parliament baa a duty to perform ; but it is one very different from this—namely , to . pass measures calculated to expand the consuming power of tbe country , as the most legitimate and effective epur to productive industry—leaving the elements of commerce , capital and labour , supply and demand , to adjust and regulate themselves . Any attempt to carry legislative inter ' ference beyond this , trill begin in error and terminate in disappointment
We : have exceeded the limits we proposed to outselves { when we sat down ; but may advert to another point or two connected with j tbe subject at an early opportunity . There Coal Kings—what do yon think of your Advocate and his defence of your nefarious practices Don't jyou think that you have reason to exclaim : " Save us from our friends 11 Comment upon suoh a pack of rubbish is oat of the question , as doubtless
Co Meafcev8 Ann ©Amgjpon&Ty
Co Meafcev 8 ann © amgjpon&ty
The State Trials-Writ Of Eot-
THE STATE TRIALS-WRIT OF EOT-
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MONIES RECEIVED BY MR . O'CONNOR . £ e . d . TICTIM TVXto . From Cbajtlsts meeting at the SI ip , StetIhouse-lane , Birmingham 0 7 0 STTBSCR 1 PTIONS , &C From Buford ... ... 0 12 .. Lamley 0 2 6 _ Arnold 0 18 « . Carrington 0 3 4 _ Calverton ... ... 020 .. Marylebone 0 8 It -. Hindley 0 3 8 -. Norwich 0 8 3 CARDS . ^ Hindley 0 3 0 RECEIPTS BY GENERAL SECRETARY . CARDS Mansfield 6 3 Dewsbury 5 0 Long Buckby 3 6 Birmingham 2 0 Leicester 8 0 Bilscon 1 10 Trowbridge 5 3 Camberwell 0 6 Cheltenham 2 6 BemondBey 1 0 Strond 3 0
SUBSCRIPTIONS . C 3 p of Liberty , Brighton 0 4 0 Wadswortb-row ... # 50 Ketterirg 0 3 0 Oldhsm 0 7 7 Merthyr Tydril ... , o 5 0 MISSIONARY FUKD . Tunbridge Wells ... 0 7 6 Cap of Liberty , Brighton , per Mr . W . Flower 0 7 0 victim fund . C 3 p of Liberty , Brighton , per Mr . W . Flower 0 10 0 The Enrolment and Account Book , price 4 s . is now ready , in accordance with the decision of the late Convention . It is imperatively necessary that each locality furnish themselves with the above . T . M . Wheeler , Secretary .
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4 THE NORTHERN STAR . - ^^ - , _ - _ - —— ^ LjJ ^
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 6, 1844, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1270/page/4/
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