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THE POOR HOUSE . Close at the edge ef a busy town , A bnse quadrangnlar mansion stands ; Its looms are filled -with parish poor ; Ita walls are all built by pauper hands j And the pauper old and the p&nper young Peer out , through the grates , in sullea bands . Behind is a patch of earth , fey thorns Penced in from the moor ' s ¦ wide marshy plains By the side is a gloomy lane , that steals T » a quarry now fillwlwith years of rains : But within , within ! there poverty seowls , Kursing in wrath her brood of pains . Enter and look I In the hi ^ h-walled yards Pierce men are pacing the barren ground : Enter the long bare chambers ; giils jk-n <\ vromtn are sewing , without a sound ; - Sewing from dawn tni tbe dismal ere , And no . a laush or a song goes round .
If o communion—no kind thought Dwells in the pauper " * breast of care ; yofchia ? but pain is tbe grievous past—Nothing to come but the black despair ; 0 f bread in prisos , bereft of friends , Or hunger , out in the open sir ! Where is ths bright-haired girl that once With her peasant sire was used to play ? Inhere is the hoy whom his mother blessed , "Whose eyes were a light on he weary way ? Apart—barred onfc fso the law ordains ) ; Barred outtrom each other b ? night and by day ; letters they "teach in their infart schools ; But where are the lessons of great God taught ? XesBons ttwt cMIS , to the parent bind—Hibits of auty—love unbocght ! Alas ! small good will be leaned in schools Whereof a . tnre is trampled and turned to nought Serenieea summers , and wksre the giri
Who Beyer grew np at her father ' s knee ? Twenty antumnal storms have nursed The pauper ' s boyhood , aid where is be ? - She earaeth her bread in tfce midnight lanes ^ JBe toileth in chains by the Southern Sea . O Power J O Prudence ! = Law '—look down From your heights on the pining poor below J 0 sever not hearts whidr &od bath joined Tf gether on earth , for weal and wee ! O senators grave , truthrmay be . Which ye have not lecxned , or deigned toinow 0 Wealth , come forthwith an open hand . ' 0 Charity , speak with & setter sound . ' Yield pity to Age—to tender
Youth—To lisve , wherever its home » e found l 2 ? a . ' I cease J for I hear , in the night to cojce , The cannon ' s blast , aed the rebel drum , Shaking the firm-set English ground . ' Sorry CcrmpalL
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TOTJ REMEMBSB IT—DON'T YOU ? Tor remember the timewhen I first sought your home , When a smile , not a word , was the summons to come ; When yon called me a friend , till you found , with surprise , ^ That our friendship twned ont to be love in-disguise . Ton remember it—dont yoa ? You win think of it—wont you ? Yes , "yes , of all this the remembrance will last , long after the present fades into the past . You remember the grief that grew lighter -when shared , With the bliss , you-remember , could cught be compared ? Tou remember how food was my earliest tow ? Hot fonder fo * " that -which I breathe to thee now . Yon remember it—dont yon ? You will think of it— wont you * Yes , yes , of all this the remembrance will last , long after the present fades into the past . Thomas Havocs Bav ' v .
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IKE SL ^ TERY POVERTY— WITH A PLAN POB ITS ABOLITION . ( Concb-idsd from our last . ) Slaveholder . —jiave I not shown yon that the negro ' s slavery lies in his poverty no less than the poor white man ' s ? Suppose we were to withdraw oar claim to the person ' s of our negroes , and turn them into the streets , and thus subject them to the necessity of begging leave to serve ns : would we thereby either irighten their intellects or improve their morals ? Would their wandering about from house to bouse , and begging for & temporary master , increase their selfjespect ? Is not the necessity of begging / or slavery more degrading * h » m -slavery itself ? . . .- . . JBnt let us consider fee workings of ycur system of
poverty in another light Each poor rs&n among . yen must see , from his youth up , that Mammon ib the god of this world , and that men are publicly estimated according to the fidelity and snecsas with which they Eerve him . 'On one side he seea ihe pleasures that wealth can purchase—troops of servants , "rivers of wine , rivers of oil , and bright-eyed maidens ;"' on the other , the rooB-iHorss—that hell above ^ ronnd where hope never enters—that areary common , where the worn-out labourer is turned loose to die . £ e sees that the former are given to those who are most dexterous in practising upon the credulity or the necessities of their / eHows ; and thai the latter is too offcaa the ¦ RtirI reward of guileless honesty and useful toil . His whole soul is absorbed in tie desire to gain the one and
to escape the other . He cannot attain his nafeiral lights upon the earth—hia just position in societywithout uprooting the supremacy of -wealth , and changing the whole structure of society—a task which he can by do deans accomplish single-handed . Neither 2 » s be the leisure nor the means to bring the scattered millions of the oppressed together in ene grand army , and to -anile them in any osa scheme of deliverance . He sees but this one door of -escape : to find out mea poorer , weaker than himself , snd eaift Ms burden npoa their s&oalflerB . By eradicating from his heart all sympathy for his fellows , he siay perchance rise from thB eoEdilioa of a slave to the dignity of slave driver . He Tnay borrow from some capitalist the means of speculating upon the toil and -the necessities of hi » brethren , ea condition of dividing the spoil with Mb patron . With the gain derived from the labour of one
hireling , or slave dismissable at will , he may speculate npon another—and so go on until he becomes rich , Inspected , hated . I know you regard this as one of the FTfgTIenries of jour system—that tbe ridden are free to nde if they can succeed in msunfing—that the wrecked are free to become wrecker *—the oppressed to become oppressors in their turn . But do you cot see that each sew rider adds to the load of those who support all ? 2 nd that this is the grand reason why the condition of your poor gets worse and worse , the difficulty of mounting greater and greater , every year ? Worst of all , this feature in your system compels each slave to eje with the scowl of suspicion every movement of his fellow slave . It sets each man ' s hand against Mb fellow ; , and every man ' s hand against him . Our Blaves have none hut their masters te fear ; yours stands isolated ^ dreading and hating both the rich and each other .
Aboliibioirist— £ ven supposing your views are correct , why draw such a shocking picture of evils which are incurable—evils which an all-wise Providence S . —Hold 2 I can have no patience with tbe blasphemous charge against Providepce wMch you were about to utter . Providence made this world big enough for iH , and stocked it with a sufficiency for all , if we would only UEe fair play among ourselves . Why is it that you can so readily see God ' s hand in the wrongs done to the poor , while if a poor man steal a sheep from the rich man ' s flock , yon cannot see God ' s hand in the matter at all ? God never instituted poverty any more than he instituted theft among men : consequently it is not an incurable evil . Our savage tribesonce enjoyed universal peenslsry independence : then why may not we ?
A . — "Wtil , -well—if you are eo certain that poverty ib a curablB evil , tell us how it can be removed ? S . —Why , just as yon propose to abolish negro slavery —by withdrawing from urjust power the support ef law—by making law the protector , and not the robber , of labeur—by repealing every social legulation whereby the . rich are enabled to derive wealth from the toil , or to Ifcvy taxes on the existence , of the peor . A , —This sounds well . But before repealing onr present lawB in relation to the rights of soil , we must frame seme better system to put in their place . I know that all writers on natural law—locke , Blackitone , Paley , and all—admit that every human being has naturally , or frcm the Creator , a right to tbe use of the soil ; but these wise men do not Eeem to have discovered any practical mode of enjoying thiB right better dan ths one they found tstabiished . " -
_ S . —Perhaps these wise men , as yeu call them , were wise enough to know that persecution would be their sole reward in this life , if they ventured to shed too ' much light on the matter . Yon do not suppose that God could endow all men with a right to the soil , and yet make it practically impossible tor all freely to enjoy Jsaeh right ? A . —I dare not accuse Him or such inconsistency or weakness as that But to the pobit Sow do yon propose to place each rr \ wn in poesessiorJ of his just pertion of the soil , so that he shall be free fr ^ m tcaoachment , and free to labour for himself ? WouM jo * give the «« ne lumber of acres to all , without regai * 5 to qualitf ? That would be snfaii . Would yon give th- ** mrchmt or the mechanic as much as tbe farmer ? ' 4 * be * they mart all turn fannea , or else let their portions lie * wMte .
S . —Ah I what a fine problem for the crack-brJ *» d kibe of system builders ! Bat yoa will please ** Mffiembej that I do not belong to that fraternity , anc * Pray God I may never catch their infection . Neither is asy complicated scheme Tegnliite to effect my object We may " place each man in ponenion of Ms just portion of ths soil , so that he shall be free frem encroachment and free to labour for himself , " without affecting our existing land titles in the smallest degree . A . —impossible 3 What do you mean ? B . —You must remember that my object is the aboliwon of a specific wrong—slavery—the slavery of poverty . Snppo&e that highway robbery tad been long coun-MMBoed and encouraged by our laws , and that it were fcow desired to abolish the practice—would it te neces-Btft la order to do this , to frame sa agrariai ^ iaw in
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regard te pistolB and blndgeens , and so equaliia their distribution tint all men should be equally matched ? Ho . We would let each man keep as many pistols and blrdgeons as he might choose , but forbid him from rain ? these weapons to extort' from any man his labour , or the fruits of his labour . So in regard to landed property , let the landlords keep all they have got , and get all they can . 1 would merely lake from < tvery man the legal power io exact ground rent from hiffe'loie vvxn Do you see anything so mighty difficult in that ? A . —O ! that would be easy enough . But would so simple a remedy destroy the evil aimed &t ?
S . —The opponents of the measure { for you can strike at no abvse without aroHsing opponents } will soon satiBfy you on that point . Why , sir , this principle , carried -out , would he potent enough to annihilate even ths undisguised slavery of thb south , let our southern legislators say to the slaveholders— "Yoa tell ~ as those negroes are jours : so be it , then ^ : but remember that LA 5 OCB IS THE PBOPEfiTT OF IHE LABOURER ? and beware how you mike your -cluim to their bodies a pretext for robbing them of that : " —how long , hi Buch cise , would the negro be held in bondage ? Examine this remedy in all its bearings , and vuu will find it no * ess efficacious than just A . —But would it bB just ? It lookB very like a quib-Tjle to me .
S . —That is because the distinction is so -tmacl > not because it is fanciful . There is % very broad distinction between the right to hold a farm as a field for your industry , and the right to use it as an instrument to exact labour and service from your brother man . You may annihilate the latter without at all abridging the f eimer . And surely , to make labour in all ^ cases tbe property of the labourer-cannot be ur-jost A . —I am not yet ^ fuUy satisfied , though I can hardly say why . S . —That is because you have never properly considered tfae fonndatioa of all human eights . Observe that every kight of man grows out ef * ome corresponding dutt . The Gofi of Nature has imposed upon each man many dutiea ; and that only can be claimed as a right -which U essential to tbe perferzaancd ol some duty . * Thus , man ' s right to occupy « ad till the ground grows out of his obligation to preserve his life and he is by the
all the faculties w ^ th which endowed Creator ; for he cannot perform this duty -without exercising this right . Our Tight to breathe tbe air grows out < £ the same duty . "So does our right to labour , and to enjoy the fruits -of our labour . Before 1 can claim a right for myself which > I do not concede to others , I must show that the Creator requires me to perform a corresponding duty which he does not require of other * . .... The test by which a richt may always be known is this— What de ? j- is it essential to ^ ike perfermancz ¦ " ? Every pretended right that will not bear this teat is a wrong , and should be abolished . . . . . There can be no corJUding rights , becacse the Creator has not committed the absurdity of imposing conflicting duties upon his children . Ergo , my ri ^ ht to the Bofl eannot destroy your right to your labear , and shosld never be allowed to produce that result in practice .
A . —The hints yu have just uttered throw a clearer light npon the rights of man than I have ever received from any otiier source . But go on . S . —As all men are subject to the same general duties , so % U most possess the sawt ^ exxrc ! rights ; sud in this sense all have equal rights . But the spedf ie nature and extent of our duties depend upon the specific character of our faculties , and on their extent A Calboun or a Channing has duties , and therefore rights , which an idiot has not ; yet tbe idiot has tbe same right to a fair field for the exercise of his one talent that a Calhoun has forhis ^ sn . Thus you see , -when we attempt to define « ash man ' s rights by law , in all their detail , we attempt an absurdity ; for even the same man's sptcific rights are constantly changing with tbe growth and
decay of his faculties . It is by their attempts to do this impossible thing of permanently dfcfining men's sptcific r ights , that legislators have filled the world with / a /« rights , or wrongs ; and all their attempts to correct Buch wroBgs by amending such imperfect definitions only increase the number . Witkvtd " mending one hole , they make twenty more . " Hence I am opposed to any new human law for regulating the distribution of the 8 oiL Tbe new law wouW merely cause new evils , withont curing the old . I cannot say how much land you ¦ ought to have—you cannot say how much I ought to have ; saeach must say to the-other— " Get all you want , if possible ; if not , get what you can . " . . . Bat in thus abstaining from the imposition of all arbitrary restrictions as to tbe qnantity of land tbe individual may-engross , society does not and cannot absolve
him from those natural condiiioac to which his right must be for ever subject He must keep good the foundation of his right , or the right ceases . As he can claim a right to the soil only on the ground that iU enjoyment is necessary to the performance of certain duties : he must perform such duties . He can have no right to seica God's property for the base purpose of withholding it from o ' -hera . Still less can he employ a special right—a right peculiar to himself—to destroy a universal right—a right on wMch rests God ' s claim to his creation—the right of the worker to his work . Ko matter how complete my right to a farm—or to a pistol ; tbe moment I convert either into an engine wherewith to ret yon of your labour , say right to it dies . When a special right is bronght in . eotfiict with one that ib universal , the lesser must taJl , the stronger triumph .
A . —I see tbe drift of ycur reasoning—the practical result to which your aTgument tends . While allowing each man the right to keep as much land as he pleases , you would make him perform the duty of tilling it S . —Yes , allowing him , of cuuise , to reserve sufficient woodland . A . —If he faUed to do this , you would cease to acknowledge his right to tbe land claimed and lying idle ? S . —Certainly , unless he could plead sickness , or some good excuse . A- —Ar ; d if , instead of tilling it himself , he were to attempt to exact ground-rent from the man who should till it in his place , you would confiscate It aa you would a highwayman ' s pistol ? S . —YeSj the overseers of tbe poor for the town In which the land might be situated , or the people of such town at their town meeting , should plate it in the bands of some one who would till it
A- —Yet ypu would allow any man , haviDg more land than he wanted to work , 'to sell his surplus ? S . —Certainly . I think the established theory , though Eiost grossly perverted in practice , to be correct The landholder , we take it for granted , has in every ease expended more or less labeur in fitting bis lend for human occupancy ; and , theoretically , it is this labour , not the portion of eatth with which it ib in a manner incorporated , for which he receives payment But we all know that , practically , under the laws established here by tbe British aristocracy , the landholder , in selling a farm , does virtually sell the power of exacting ground rerU—the power of exacting labour and service from the poor ; and , on an average , nine-tenths of tbe purchase-money paid is in reality given for this power , and not for the seller's improvements . It is solely to this abuse that I object , not to the just theory that is perverted to screen it
A . —So far I think your theory might be reduced to practice , if the people at large should approve it Bat what would you do in regard to house rent ? If I have two houses , must I personally occupy both , or abandon my title ? Must nine-tenths of onr people sleep in the streets , because their landlords are no longer allowed to exact rent , and are not disposed io give the use of their bouses for nothing ? S . —A house iB simply a product of human labour ; and our laws should regard it tbe same as any other product of labour . It is as legitimately an article of merchandise as a watch or a coat . You eeem to thick I cannot concede to one man the right to a dczsn houses withont abandoning my theory of the foundation of human rights . It is not so . The dnty to labour
would be imperfect without the right to a place for storing the products of labour . The jeweller requires very little space for this purpose ; tbe cooper requires more ; and the housebuilder more still ; yet the builder ' s right to a sufficiency is as good aa the jeweller ' s . Again—it is every man's duty to accumulate as much labour as he deems necessary for his support in time of sickness or old age . The duty involves the right to storeroom for Buch accumulated labour , whether accumulated in the form of houses , or in the more compact form of gold . But while conceding to the fullest extent the right of
accumulating labour , alias wealth , I would not allow the accumulator to take advantage of his poor brother ' s necessity , as he now does , to exact more labour than he gives in return . Neither wenld I do anything in the way of legislation to encourage the mean practice bo prevalent in your city of living in borrowed houses . LeaBt of all would I permit the f xaction of ground rent in the shape of house rent I would do all I could to induce men to jeftthe houses they do not want for their own use . I would require house owners to give the tenant three months' notice before they could turn his family into the streets , and would give them no remedy at law for the collection of rent ,+ thus leaving them to
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* It ib believed this rule is without an exception . At first sight one might Bay the right to take a walk for pleasure , or the like , is not dedncible from any specific duty ; but a closer examination shows , that as the enjoyment and diffusion of innocent pleasure is the great end ef our being , whatever contributes to this end , whether much or little , is therefore a right—a power necessary or auxiliary to the performance of a duty . f As the application of this principle to all debts —or the project of making all money contracts debts of honour—has already been agitated in our state legislature , the following opinions in reference to this subject will be read with interest : —
John Adams , in a letter to Judge Herttell , Feb . 1823 , After stating that be " sheuld feel a diffident hesitation leaving a public opiaion upon this question , ** [ tbe x Njiitien of imprisonment for debt ] says , " If the quea-Qoq \ otr were whetAer eredit be tolerated in society at all , emcepi * " * ^ absolute hazard of Vie creditor , I should sot he * . " ** * * " * Tbe foUo ^ ing extract from the writtnes oi * jE ? FEBS 0 JI « t 0 WB tbat his BagacionB and liberalmind bad arrived at a similar conclusion : — " Desperate of ^ nfiing «* Be' fcom a free worse of justice , Hook forwai ^ & * abolition of all credit £ meaning all credit not bS * 6 ^ exclusivel y on the integrity of the debtor ] as the onl > ' remedy which can take place . How happy a people we . ^ during the war , from Jbe single circumstance that * ' « WBjd no * * Ufl & debt I "
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sell their surplus houses , or to take what rent the tenant might ha able to pay in advance , or to be content with a rent so moderate that public opinion would enforce its paymeEt , or to keep their houses empty while the taxes were eating them up . I would thus strive to stop that accursed system which now compels your poor white slaves to pay for a house ten times over without getting it at last Sach regulations would bring down tbe price of houses to their natural valuer a house that was baiitwith 500 days'labour could be bought for 500 days' labour , as it ought to be ; and every man worthy to live at all might then Boon have a house of bis own to live in .
A—We all feel that men's homes are too much an article of speculation at present ; and , by carrying out your suggestions , we should bo doubt greatly abridge that evil . But I have another question for you : Would yoa permit tbe ealti ration of land by Aired labour ? Would you let the large landholder eDJoy his right in person while be performed its correlative duty by proxy ? If so , would it not be the same thing , in fact as » Howing the exaction of ground rent ? S—Tbe laws which we now have prohibiting highwaymen from exacting road rent do not at all restrict the rights of travel ; and I think we raight just as easily prohibit the exaction of ground rent without restricting any legitimate right of capital or of labour J You cannot deny the right of one man to hire another
without stopping ali « xchange , and m&feing every man a hemit There are many who are only fit to work as hirelings . There are others who have a peculiar talent for ¦ directing labour wisely , and whose duty it therefore is io employ that t&lent Besides , there ia no necessity for restricting the trade in labour , even if all restrictions on trade were not inherently wrong . 'Tis enough tbat we prohibit the engrosser of the soil from peopling land that he is too lazy to till or -to oversee , with tenants to whom be renders no assistance in their labours , -and yet exacts one half or all their work for granting them the liberty of working . £ his simple measure , accompanied with the enforcing of the landholder's obligation to-cultivate the soil be claims , would . place the birring an a new tooting , end enable him tc get a full equivalent for his work .
A—Don't make too uure -of that . If year measure would * quite prevent the capitalist from extracting a proflt'from the hireling ,-he would no longer hire the poor at-all . S—You do not yet see the bearings of that measure in their foil extent ^ Why is it tbat the poor hireling now sells h > B labour to the . capitalist for less than it is worth—giving ten hours' work for the product of ono hour ' s work ? Simply because he is under an irresistible necessity * to sell his wealth- ' /• eitas labour ) imrasdiately , while the rich man Is wholly fret ) from such necessity . Thepoor man ' s wealth is latent , and as powertess while in that state as the latent -fceat of an icicle . ; the rioh man ' s -wealth is tangible , and ripe for enjoyment The poor man must sell his latent wealth , hia labour , or
starve ; the rich man mast sell his ripe wealth , orenioy ithimself ! Were tbe rich subjeot to an equal necessity with the poor , the poor could drive an equal bargain with them . N « w if society , in all its laws , would recogniza the beautiful truth , that every right is merely n power necessary -to the performance of a duty , and that no titan ' s claim U > any right should he respected unless Ke shoud faithfully perform thai duty for the performance of which the right claimed was civai by the Creator , then would the rich and the poor , the capitalist and tkelabourer . be at ence subjected to jlN equal secbssity , and placbc on an equai footing . Tha landholder would be compelled to perform the
duty of tilling his ground in order to preserve his right of holding it All who have engrossed more than they can till WGuld have to sell their surplus , or give it up to the public , or hire men to assist them in their work . Capital could play the ^ log in the tnangec no longer . There would be the same competition among the rich to make sale of their surplus land tbat the » would be among the poor to make sale of their labour . The rich , in erder to avoid selling tfceir lands at what they deemed a sacrifice , would have to compete against each other for hirelings bo stroDgiy , that every hireling could obtain for his labour all that it was intrinsically worth . Nor would these great results be temporary merely . They would continue toe . ever .
A—I Bee ! I see ! You have disclosed a thunderbolt that must shiver the sceptre of Mammon to atoms . I cannot contemplate it coolly . - ... -Yet would not the measure operate harshly in many cases ? € —What ! harsh to enforce the bounds which God himself has set to the right of accumulation , ? harsh to enforce God ' s own check upon human avarice ? No ! no ! the harshness lies the other way—in allowing the -sods of Mammon to run riot upon the earth , robbing the child in the cradle of its inheritance , taking tbe strong man ' s toil for nought , and leaving him , when exhausted by years of drudgery , no refnge but the poor-house or the grave I This is harsh 1 Yet in enforcing this check apon avarice , I would of « ourse give it the moBt liberal interpretation possible towards minors , and widows , and all who are aged or infirm .
A . —Oae thing more . You stated some tine back that the liberation of our white poor would bring about the emancipation of the negro . You have not yet told me how . S—Fie ! fie I Can yoa still suppose tbat negro slavery is caused by the occult influence of printed words bonnd up in white calfskin , and labelled "Luws of Soutfc-Carolina ? " All slavery consists in tills— that men are compelled to bow down before and acknowledge some false right Each one feels in his heart that the right is false , and at the ' same time knows tbat he cannot resist it single-handed ; knows if he could even overthrow one , he weuld still be subject to Qt&ers no less oppressive . He knows that to be truly free , ha must have some infallible t&Bt by which ALL false
rights shall be stripped naked—a test , too , which ail men can appJy—which all mejc must in their hearts acknowledge . Such test is the principle of graduating tach man ' s rights by the same scale by which be himself graduates his duties , and making tbe legal existence of the former to depend upon the performance of the latter . Do you suppose this test can be employed withont being communicated ? Will not one man learn it of another , and one nation of another , until it shall be known to ail ? The negro has thus far been kept in bondage btcauge you have never given him a distant view of freedom ; for tbe stupid negro knows , if Abolitfonists do not , that to be turned out of doors to wander over the earth like a dog without a master is not freedom .
A- —What a mighty change in tbe aspect of society would the adoption of tbat one regulating principle bring about 1 Why , you would hardly get any man to take over one hundred acres of ground as at present ! Tbe right to the land once fully separated from the right te rob these who occupy and till it , what nation would go to war to increase its territory ? The true moving cause of all wars would be removed ; nation would no longer rise up against nation , or man against man . 'Tia wildnesa to think of bo great a change ! It cannot be brought about
S . —Pray , do you find tbe world around you just now remarkably well pleased with things as they are ? The mass of men were never so anxious for " a change , " aye , and a great change , as now . The whole world is pining for a social revolution . It will come npon us , too , like a thief in the night Who but must see all the old symptoms of approaching revolution around him »— " the four pillars of government shaken "" much poverty "— . " mnch disoonteDt ; " and in additton to all this , the giant power of steam has destroyed the ancient depend&nce of capital npon labour ; thus producing such a terrible dearth of drudgery that the working classes must achieve a social revolution or starve . But even should we set aside these pregnant signs of the times aa things of no moment , we still have the strongest possible testimony tbat a great secial revolution is near at hand . Yon are yet a believer in the Scriptures ? A . —Yes .
S . —And the prophecies therein concerning the overthrow of the empire of Mammon , and the reign of universal righteousness and peace—do you not believe these also ? A . —I am ashamed of having given yon occasion to remind me of these glorious promises . Yes , yeB !—we have God ' s own word that justice shall yet triumph over iniquity—that men shall beat their swords into plonghshares—and that the same hand that sous shall re p the field J S . —In my opinion negro slavery , hateful and unjust as it is , will yet be found to have contributed greatly to the establishment of that happy state of society which we are told shall prevail over the whole earth . A . —How so ? Can God bring good out of thai evil »
S . —Look back at all the kingdoms of the earth , and what do you see ? Each is but one great system of SLAVERY which has for 4000 years trampled down tbe children cf men , and { under which the labourer has had more voice in the laws or mandates issued by the master class , than the poor negro in the orders given him by his driver . Ho has no legal rights except such rights as the master class did not think worth taking away . He has been forced to commit murder at their bidding , and to hazird bis life in their quarrels . Oar fathers opened a door of escape from the infamous
system of slavery . They established a system of government under which the labourer would have full power to repeal those aristocratio laws that so long held him in servitude . The aristocracy of tbe old world , and their confederates in the new , have ever since been making the most Btre&uous efforts ( sometimes secret , sometimes open ) to subvert that system of government , before the working classes should learn to appreciate and to exercise the power it placed within their reach , and thus teach their brethren all over the world how to unhorse their riders . In all their efforts to
subvert the Constitution , by inducing Congress to usurp powers sever delegated to it by the States—such aa tbe power of chartering a National Bank , or that of embarking the government in those stockjobbing schemes
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t Tbe rightefemployingbirelings , for purposes like that ol making a fire , and every other right , may be abased , it is true ; but it seldom would be if the forfeiture of the rlghtwere the certain ^ penalty of its abuse . The best regulation ever deviled to prevent its abuse waa doubtless that of Moses , requiring the payment of the hire * ling ' a wages every night ; but no specific enactment can prevent the abuse of this or any other general right If necessary , I would therefore give the people of each town power to declare the right forfeit , by a vote at town meeting , in the case of any person who they were fully satisfied had abused it within their jurisdiction , er osed it to the injury of tbe poor .
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called "Internal improvements , " or that of compelling the consumers of manufactured goods to pay heavy taxes to yoar manufacturing companies through the operation of a protective tariff—I need not tell you that they have been mainly thwarted thus far by southern influence . The influence © f the farmers and working classes of the norlh has baen trifling compared with taafc of yoar banks and Bpeculators . Your poor have but little leisure to study the great truths of political science , and but feeble means of consulting or acting together . Your rich have an opposite interest ; for the poorer the labourer the cheaper can they get hia labour . But at the south , the rich no less than the poor , are sellers of labpur , and of course it is for their interest to defeat all the projects of your aristocrata and speculators to depress the sellers of labour . Hence it ia that the southern planter and the northern hod-oarrier or
journeyman mechanic are so generally found on the same side . Hence , too , the hatred of the British and northern aristoeracy against negto Biavery . We have done for the Constitution and for the labouring interest what we could not have done had we been Bufejected to the same incessant bodily toil as your sellers of labour at the north . The northern poor may therefore thank negro slavery that the combined aristocracy of tba old world and the new have already succeeded in covertly robbing them of all political power , and destroying their every chance of self-emancipation . They now can , and speedily must , do one of two things : either suffer out government to become a government of usurped powers—a domination of the plunderer over
the plundered—or else abolish alt those imported laws that are at ^ ar with the spirit of onr Constitution ;—laws contrived by feudal " lords , " their mental prostitutes and attorneys , for the aggrand z . ment of Capital and the enslaving or Labour . They will do tbe latter . They will teach Capital that tbe ekutence of its rights must depend upon the performance of its duties . They will thus place present Labour , living Labour , upon an eqial footiDg with accumulated or past Labour . The empire of "Wealth will ceaie . The chains of Mammon will be broken . Every man will be free-tfree to exercise any right he may choose , provided he-perform its correlative duty . The sun will once more shine upon a happy world .
A . — € « d grant it may be so . But look at the clock . I have proved myself a better listener than talker this evening , and you have rewarded me by opening a vast field for reflection—perchance for action . I shall long remember this interview . Good night .
EVENINGS OF A WORKING KAN . This ia the title of a work just published , stated to be tho result of the occupation of the scanty leisure of the author—John Overs , a working man . Mr . Charles Dickens has contributed the following preface to tbe voluma ; and it ia hard which to admire most—tbe modeot intelligent spirit of the unknown writer , struggling with , difficulty and clinging to literature , aa alike the hope and the charm of bis life ; or the generous and kindly encouragement afforded by the successful and celebrated author to his humble competitor : — ;
"The indulgent reader of this little book—not called indulgent , I may hope , by courtesy alone , but with some reference also to its titio and pretensions—may very naturally inquire how it comes to have a preface to which my name is attached ; nor ia the reader ' s ri ^ ht or inclination to be satisfied on this head likely to be much diminished , when 1 state , in : the outset , that I do not recommend it as e book of surprising originality or tranecendaut merit That I do not claim to have discovered , in humble life , an extraordinary and brilliant genics . That I cannot charge mankind in general with having entered into a conspiracy to neglect the author of this volume , or to leave him pining in obscurity . That I havo not the sm&lleat intention ef comparing him to Burns , the exciseman ; or with Bloomfield . the
shoemaker ; or with Eben ^ asr Elliott , the worker in iron ; or with James Hogg , the shepherd . That I see no reason to be hot , or bitter , or lowering , or sarcastic , or indignant , or fierce , or soar , or sharp , in his behalf . That I have nothing to rail at ; nothing to exalt ;* nothing to flourish in the face of a stonyhearted world ; and havo but a very short and simple tale to tell . " But , such as it ie , it has interested me ; and I hope it may interest the reader too , if I state it , unaffectedly and plainly . " John Overs , the writer of the following pages , ia , as is set forth on the title-page , a working man : a map
TVho earns bis wet > kly wages ( or who did when he waa strong enough ) by plying of the hammer , plane , and chisel . He became known to me , to the best of my tecolleetion , nearly six years ago , when he sent me some songs , appropriate to tho different months of the year , with a letter , stating under wbat circumstances they had been composed , and ia what manner be was occupied from morning until night . I was , jnst then , relinquishing the conducting of a monthly periodical ; or I would gladly have published them . Aa it was , I returned them to him , with a private expression of tbe interest I felt in such productions . They were afterwards accepted , with much readiness and consideration , by Mr . Tail , of Edinburgh ; and were printed in his
magazine . ; " Finding , after some further correspondence with my new friend , that hia authorship had not ceased with these verses , bat that he still occupied hia leisure momenta in writing , I took occasion to remonstrate with him periously against his pursuing that course . I pointed ont to him a few of the uncertainties , anxieties , and difficulties of such a life , at the best I entreated him to remember the position of heavy disadvantage in which he stood , by reason of hia self-education and imperfect attainments ; and I besought him to consider whether , having one or two of his pieces accepted occasionally , here and there , after long suspense and many refusals , it was probable that he would find himself , in the end , a bnppior or a mon aontpntad man . On all these grounda , I told him hia persistance in hia new calling made me uneasy ; and I advised him to abandon it as strongly as I eould .
" In answer to tfaie dissuasion of mine , he wrote me as manly and straightforward , but withal aa modeat a letter , as ever I read in my life . He explained to me how limittd his ambition waa , soaring no higher than the establishment of his wife in some light business , and the better education of bis children . He set before me the difference between hia evening and holiday studies , such as they were ; and the having no better resource than an alehouse or a skittle-ground . He told me , how every email addition to his stock of knowledge made his Sunday walk tbe pleasanter ; the hedge
flowers sweeter ; everything more full of interest and meaning to him . He assured me , that bis daily work was not neglected for his self-imposed pursuits ; but was faithfully and honestly performed ; and so , indeed , it was . He hinted to me , that hia greater self-respect waa some inducement and reward : supposing every other to elude his grasp ; and showed me , how the fancy that he would turn this or that acquisition from hia books to account , by-and-by , in writing , made him more fresh and eager to peruse and profit by them , when hia long day's work waa done .
" I would not , if I eould , have offered one solitary objection more , to arguments so unpretending and so true . " From that time to tbe present I have seen him frequently . It has been a pleasure to me to put a few books in his way ; to give him a word or two of counsel In hta little' projects and difficulties ; and to read bis compositions with him , when he has had an hour or so to spare . I have never altered them otherwise than by recommending condensation now and then ; nor have I , in looking over theBe sheets , made any emendation in them , beyond the ordinary corrections of the press : desiring them to be his genuine work , as they have been bis sober and rational amusement "The latter observation brings me to the origin of the present volume , and of this my slight share in it . The reader will soon comprehend why I touch-tbe subject lightly , and with a sorrowful and faultering hand .
" In all the knowledge I have had of John Overs , and in all the many conversations I have held with him , I have invariably found him , in every essential particular , but one , tbe same . I have found him from first to last a simple , frugal , steady , upright , honourable man ; especially to be noted for the unobtrusive independence of his character ; the instinctive propriety of his manner ; and the perfect neatness of his appearance . The extent of his informrtion—regard being had to his opportunities of acquiring it—is very remarkable ; and the discrimination with which he has risen superior to tbe more prejudices of tbe class with which he ia associated , without losing his sympathy for all their real wrongs and grievances—they have a few—impressed me , in the beginning of our acquaintance , strongly in hia favour . " The one respect in which he is not what he was , ia in hia hold on life .
" He is very ill ; the faintest shadow of the man who came into my little study for the first time half a dozen years ago , after the correspondence I have mentioned . He has been very ill for a long , long period j bis disease is a severe and wasting affection of the lungs , which has incapacitated him , these many months , for every kind of occupation . * If I could only do a hard day's work , ' he said to me the other day , how happy I should be !' " Having these papers by him , amongst others , he bethought himself that if be could get a bookseller to purchase them for publication in a volume , they would enable him to make some temporary provision for his sick wife and very young family . We talked the matter over together ; and tbat it might be easier of accomplishment , I promised him that I would write an introduction to his book .
" would to Heaven that I could do him better service I I would to Heaven it were an introduction to along , and vigorous , and useful life I Bat Hope will not trim her lamp the leas brightly for him and his , became of this impulse to their straggling fortunes ; and trust me , reader , they deserve her light , and need it Borely . ' "He has inscribed this book to one whose skill will help him , under Providence , in all that human skill can do : * to one who never could bare recognised in any potentate on earth , a higher claim to constant kindness and attention , than he has recognized in him .
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MADAME D'ARUSMONT . 10 THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . There are now , in all our half-oivilizad countries , two powers ia the Government—the Tory lanOboJdicg power , and the Whig financial power . The -first of these dates in Britain , as in every other country ,-ftorn , the first rise of . agriculture . It waa £ iet founded under the Roman government , and grew to greater 'ferce under the Skxoh . T ; he Norman invasion broughtte it a new accession of religious , as well aa watlifecpewer and feudal organization ; changing the lbndowners from those of a weakened , to those of a stronger vace , but only temporarily disturbing the condition- Of the mass of the population . At the same time it advanced in England tojthe rank of a powerful and « vor rising nation , which it cannot be said to have ever occupied before . Under the Anglo-Saxons , themseives'fnvaders , it was unable to protect itself from the stronger invasion of Banish or other sea and continental robbers . i
Toe second , or financial power , dates distinctly and goveramentally , from the transaction of 1663 , and marks the accession of a foreign Prince to the British throne , by aid and under cover of an omnipotent Parliams : it . j Thia transaction consisted of a compromise made between the old landed interest and tbe new industrial , commercial and professional interests which had been straggling , during a course of centuries , into life , and by their continuous efforts ., and one violent explosion ( in . 1340 Charles and the : Commonwealth ) , Bad burst asunder the bondB of the Christian Catholic feudal system . This had become teo narrow , oppressive and ignorant to contain a society ever expanding with new and powerful interests as created with and by the d&velopement of the thoughts , wants , and orta of rising civilization . :
The same causes which impelled to the colonization of 1 ? orth America , and to the birth therein of a first really sovereign people , could not but foroe a modification of the order of things } ia Europe . True it is that thia modification benefltted but little the mass of the population , but rather submitted them to toe burden of a sew and all but unlimitted class of riders , who were now admitted to take their places at the Government table ; which means at all times , in all places , and all cases , a table more or loss well covered with the loaves and fishes—the same being subtracted , by force or fraud , from the labour of society . ThiB subtraction , by one of these twe modes , force or fraud , constitutes indeed the essential nature of Government ; and can only give way , under a better order of things , when government shall be exchanged for administration , and when every sane , sound , and useful member of society shall have an understanding of , and a voice in , the affairs which regard him . \
The transaction , as being passed without any comprehension of the matter by the labouring classes , could not but involve a sacrifice of their interests . Knowledge is power , and in the present warring and wicked state of society , a nation , a people , or a class without knowledge is always trampled on . Let tbe British people acquire it naw , and they may see to effect another and a better compromise ; one which shall not only embrace all existing interests , but in whose beneficent results net one creature wearing the hnman form shall be forgotten .
But to resume . The ; public debt , funded or unfunded , of Great Britain , as now governmentally made and acknowledged by act of Parliament , and which would at this day absorb , for the full payment of its Interest alone , all the labour of the civilised world , the barest subsistence of tbe producing labourers subtracted , dates , together with Us manager and agent the Bank of England , from the accession of William of Nassau to the British throne . That prince was not selected without deep n flection by the Tories of England , perplexed at once by the ! an manageable race of Stuart ( who held religiously to the doctrine of holding their
crown and all their powers from gift of Almighty God ); by the accumulation of regal debt , which they knew not how to cover without coming on their own fortunes , drained as these ! were by the civil wars and other causes , and by the [ deep and general dissatisfaction of the industrial , commercial , and monied classes . In this dilemma they tnrned their eyes to the triumphant Captain of Continental Protestanism and ouccessful assassin ol tne iiispuiMic ana nepuDiicuua of Holland , who had already ope ed the compound system of war , debt , credit and inflated commerce , of which it was now proposed to transport the bead seat of Amsterdam to London .
This transfer of the Prince and of the great scheme associated with him was purchased by a round sum of money paid to Holland . This sum , together with the crown debts of the exiled Stuarts , being scored on the opening leaves of the great book of tbe nation ' s liabilities as the first items ] of tbat debt which was ( by the hocus pocus of an omnipotent Parliament and & Government Bank ) , to represent henceforward tbe monied capital of the British nation , and to command , as based thereupon , the credit of the world . Bat now there was an important change in the government principle involved in this , which it would be useful for the people to distinguish . This change had two sides , a bad and a good one . The bad side is that which has been forcibly felt by the masses to this hour . The good is that which they may turn to account for the future .
Under the old Tory Kings , England was a monarchy ; that ia , a Government holding of the monos , one ; an uneasy monarchy it is true , but still a monarchy in principle and in fact . The Sovereign was responsible to Heaven theoretically , and ( Heaven being a great way off , and not very definitely situated in the most chimerical chart ever drawn of the universe ) , to the people practically . This Charles ; I . experienced , when he answered for malversation with his head . The consequence of all this waa despotism with continual resort to anarchy . The people bad a good chance of getting the upper-hand . But then to keep it by turning it to fair and wise , that is , just , account I ah I they wanted the knowledge , the unionj the practical experience , the deep reflection upon , and ] understanding of , the nature and importance of principles !
Under the new Whig race of monarchs—foreign in origin , alliances , and affections ; politically null and void ( since they who can do no wrong can do no right ) , placed nominally at the bead of the nation , but in reality , at the head of the aristocracy . The sovereign n « w held his crown and his means of ' subsistence from the Parliament ; heaven ) appearing no more in the matter than as a flourish of rhetoric , Dei gratia , and so forth . As he who feeds us rules us ; the sovereign has become a puppet , of which the wires are pulled by tbe Lords and Commons . The advantage here gained to the fundamental principle is immense . Let the people before all thinga , guard that principle , and push that principle , for it enda in popular sovereignty . Tbe long , intricate , astute , daring , and persevering policy , opened by tho Tory power at the period of the Whig accession , and from thence carried steadily forward , it is not now indispensable to unravel . Under this head let these general observations suffice .
If its immediate effects at home have been as deplorable as those abroad ; if here , it have annihilated an independent yeomanry and crushed down whole masses of the British people into a foul and degraded populace ; if abroad , it bave iuudeiminod the thrones of ancient kingdoms , and tfcie cradJes of popular governments ; if it have stifled all religion in the souls of populations , crrzad their intellects with Theological chimeras , perverted their moral sentiments by commercial fraud , and bowed down their bodies to the earth beneath the yoke of oppression ; if it have raised
vanity , and meanness , and mediocrity in all but cunning and crime , to wealth &t > . d honour , and driven pride , and greatness , and wisdom to the shade ; if it have demoralized the whole of the species , savage as well as civilized , and steeped the earth with human gore and human tears : If such have been its ostensible and immediate effects , still its ultimate tendencies , as now checked and influenced by other causes , moat hereafter te such as to induce the birth and the spread of a new and higher order of civilisation over the whole face ef the earth . i
But it is necessary to say a word in elucidation of the precise objects held in view by the Tory power in Britain . These were : — j 1 . —To monopolize the whole commerce of the globe , and thai to render the whole industry of tbe globe subservient to the ruling power in England . . 2 . —To employ and so to pacify the activity and ambition of those classes which threatened the repose of the rating land-holding interest . 3 . —To concentrate all ! the capital and credit of the country in the hands of the Government ; the Government consisting of the same land-holding interest , and that interest being veatecl in a smaU , and ever-diminishing number of families .
The third clause in this ; schema seemed for a time the most difficult part of it , { until a sudden discomfiture of the first has finally endangered the whole . With respect to the third , a thousand accidents abroad and , as encouraged by these , a thousand accidents at home have
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forcoi concessions Irom tbe ruling power , and made occasionally the balance tremble as if the secondary power was about to fling into air its Creator . To avert the catastrophe of a revolution such as in France prostrated the old feudal fortunes and threw all Europe into confusion , the policy baa ever existed bo to entwine and identify the interests and vanities of all the heads of the monied industrial and commercial classes with those of the ruling power as shall lead them , at all moments of crisis , to identify with it individual salvation and induce them to immolate to that individual salvation , the interests of the classes which they represent' But the Tory power has yet a further and more direct hold over , the Whig power . The fact is , that these are in much conjoined . The landholding
interest is also , to an immense extent , the fondholdlDg interest ; the surplus funds , arising from enormous estates , rich offices and sinecures , being scored on the book of the nation ' s account current . These , how * ever , from being often passed into the bands of daughters , yonnger sons , and collaterals , constitute ( where not thrown back by marriage alliances , as ia more generally the case , into the same Tory interest ) another set ef claimants . Bat again ; individuals of all classes , the industrial , the commercial , and the professional , and , among these , a most interesting , as in the present monstrous order of things , a most helplesa class in society ; orphans , single women , and the aged of both ssxes , stand as creditors on the immense boos ? of ths nation ' s liabilities .
In order to render tbe general position of things evident to the popular comprehension , it yet remains to be observed that , on the old and long successful schema of governmental and national rapacity , aa upheld by a false capital ever swelled by Act of Parliament , and a false credit based apon that falsa capital ; by extensive colonies and dependencies spread through the richest soils and climates of the globe ; by a commerce upheld by fleets and armies ; bjl strongholds and fortresses scattered around the globe ; by ever extended conquests ; by treaties and alliances passed under tbe caanon ' s mouth ; and more than ally by that scheme of debt , and of loans and « f credit baaed upon that debt , which has made it the interest of foreign government to uphold that of Britain at
the expense of their own honour and of the ease and welfare of their people . And , yet farther , by a tariff ot duties upon all imported articles of general use , and which even now , as reduced by recent acts of Parlia > ment , amount to four hundred per cent , upon everj pound of coffee , from two to three hundred upon every pound ef tea , the same upon sugar , without noticing thoae , yet higher , upon tobacco , peppers , spices , and all those tropical productions which have been ever employed in Europe as the Barest and moat disguised mode of making the mass of the poor and of the middlft classes support the expences of a government of which every lucrative office , with all military , naval , clerical , judicial , and other preferment is absorbed by the families of the same class which holds the land and wields
the power in the House of Lords and its dependant Commons . It yet remains to be observed that by thia old and long successful scheme of foreign robbery , human butchery , colonial oppression , home oppression and home extortion , the means of supporting tha same have been drawn from all the soils and industries of the earth , ns leas from the productive classes of Great Britain and Ireland . But , at the time present one part of this scheme , that which regards foreign countries , is giving way . Powerful nations have withdrawn and are yet withdrawing themselves from the commercial grasp and diplomatic and financial control of the British Parliament The consequence is , that a large part of those supplies , until lately drawn from abroad has now to be found at home or la be dispensed with . Tiiia is the sum of the matter .
But now , if found at home , these supplies , off what and off whom aro they to come ? Off the landed estates and off the incomes of those who hold them ? Bat , if the Tory landownsra are called to pay the in « tereat of the debt they have created , they will clearly * in so far as they own tbat debt , have to take oat of one pocket what they put into the other . And again ; in ao far as they do not own it , they will have to take tha interest out of both their pocketo to pat it into the pockets of other people .. In short and in fine , thej will bave to take on their own shoulders those burdens which as yet they have not touched with one of theic fingers .
The matter being ao , what is the course followed by the Tory land power ? Why it is spunging tlie debt of Us own creation , and this in a sly and indirect nunner , so as to distress , and finally to ruin , all moderate and narrow incomes ; and so alao as to threaten annihilation to the fortunes of those heads of tbe industrial , com * mercial , and professional classes which , after all , do really represent the interests of the labouring mass no less than tbe intellect and tbe liberties of society . Now that every Lord spiritual and Lord temporal , whose name , or tha nama of any of his immediate family , may stand on the list of public creditors should spunge the same from therecorda , would seem fair and honourable . Bat that , instead of this , be should vote a three per cent , income-tax to take effect on widows and orphans , and families in moderate circumstances .
and Bmall land owners , of whom there are so few , and no land owners of whom there are so many ; and which last have ofttimes sold their properties , in city os conn try , in ships , or manufac . nres , or trade , or any of the thousand forms of value or of industry , and transferred the same to the public funds in fall confidence of their great faith : tbat one , or any , or all of tho ruling land power should do this , must seem to cast a stranga and foul stain of fraud on tbe honour of baronial escutcheons , and on the purity of episcopal lawn t Tha frequent and arbitrary reduction of the rate of interest , and now , even upan those reduced dividends , a direct tax of three per cent , constitutes a commencement , and a bold and a broad one , on the part of the governing power , of an intention finally to sa > w > o <> a d * M ( tha phrase is already in fashion ) from which it now fore * sees , to the fortunes of its constituent members , loss and not gain !
Let this process be carried forward , and to what will it amount ? To a silent and surreptitious destruction of the mortgages held by the nation on the estates of the ruling Letds spiritual and temporal . Will it be said that such deeds of mortgage are not individually made oat , signed , witnessed , sealed , and legally registered ? There is more than this . The estates of the omnipotent land power are governmentally pledged , given and surrendered in tbe wholesale , in legislative acts , signed by the three powers of the Monarch , the Lords spiritual
and temporal ,. and the Commons ; and the same are witnessed and attested by the whole civilized world t Tbe parties who contract a debt are clearly bound for the debt in all their possessions ; bat when the contracting parties constitute a national government , and the party contracted with is the nation itself , the contracting parties are clearly bound , in honour and duty , to redeem the pledge , or to vacate the seat of power , surrender the administration of the public fortune , and place their own possessions at the discretion of the cation whose confidence they have abused .
Under risk , Sir , of absorbing all your valuable columns , I pause . Yet a few observations addressed to the good sense and right feeling of tbe sennder portion of the British nation and I have done . I am , Sir , Yours , to . F . W . D'Arosmont . Dundee , July , 1844 . Errata . —Will yon have the goodness to correct an important error in tbe last letter in the Star ; I know . noE whether a mis-xoriling or a misprint . Fifth paragraph from the beginning , instead of" Binding political principle , or religion , love of country , " make it read " love of liberty . " The love of country marks the second civilfzitlon ; love of liberty tbe opening of the fourth .
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A New York paper states that the British Government has organised in upper Canada some companies of black troops , which are commanded by white officers , and stationed along tho line of the , Welland Canal . A Weaver named Knight , who waa a prisoner ! for debt in Kidderminster gaol , succeeded in escaping therefrom , on Sunday week , by making an excavation under the floor of hia cell and the walls of hia prison . Tbe same man made his escape from tho same prison , in the same way , in 1810 . It is reported that Government intends to fortify the whole extent of the channel-coast of England .
Teetotalism . —The success of the temperance societies is truly astonishing and truly gratifying , as the happiest effects must result from the abandonment of intemperate habits by all classes of society . The inveterate drunkard will soon stand alone , an object of scorn and contempt , no longer countenanced 'by society as a good fellow , nor tolerated on the score of conviviality , he will pass his life of vice without friendship , pointed at as a thing to be avoided and despised , and stagger into a prematura grave unpitied and unwept . Although the healta . must be benefited by the adoption of temperate habits , yet great eaution should be observed , as a sudden abstinence froms timulanta sometime produces so altered an action in the stomach . liver , and biliar j Becretions , that constipation may ensue ; to such we earnestly recommend that excellent aperient Framp- . " tons' Pill of Healfcb .
- The Ibish State Tbuls . —The judges will nofc all be in town until Friday , the 23 d of August ; their lordships shortly afterwards will have a meeting to consider the questions propounded to ¦ them by the House of Lords , and itia generallj expected that judgment in the case of Mr . D . O'Coanell , and the other traversers , will be given either on Thursday , the 29 th , or Friday , the 30 th of August . As before stated , when the public business of Parliament is brought to a close , both houses w adjourn from time to time , until the judgement aa the writ of error is . pronounced . There will be no formal prorogation until them . —Standard .
Fhost , Williahs , and Jones . —Oar Monmouta correspondent has received a letter from a friend in Hobart Town , dated Maron 8 , 1844 , in which tho writer states— "I often see Frost , Williams , and Jones ; the former lives a few doors from me , at a grocer ' s ; he is in the counting-house ; Williams ia a constable ; and Jonea is a gaard to tho mail . The above may ; be relied on as correct . -Gloucester Journal ,
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" I have little more to say ot it . While I do not com- ' mead it , on the one hand , as a prodigy , I do sincerely believe it , on the other , to \ possess some points of real interest , however considered ; but which , if considered with reference to ita title and origin , are of great interest . : " If any delicate readers ahould approach the perusal ! of those * Evenings of a Working Man , ' with a genteel > distaste to the principle of a working man turning author at all , I may perhaps be permitted to suggest ' < that the best protection against such an effsuce will be ' found in the universal education of tbe psople ; for the enlightenment of tbe many will effectually swamp any intereat that may now attach , in vulgar minds , to the few among them who are enabled , in any degree , to overcome the great difficulties of their position . !
" And if 6 ach readers should deny the immense importance of communicating to this class , at thia time , every possible means of knowledge , refinement and recreation ; or tbe cause we bave to bail with delight the least token that may ariao among them of a desire to be wiser , better , or more gentle ; I earnestly entreat them to educate themselves in thia neglected branch of their own learning without delay ; promising them that it ia the easiest in ita acquisition of any ; requiring only open eyes and ears , and sis easy lessons of an hour each ? n a working town , which ; will render thsm perfect for the rest of their lives . " Charles Dickens . " "London , Jane , 1841 . " [
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* The following is the dedication : —This little book is affeotionately dedicated to Dr . Elliotson , by one who has felt his : kindness to those who have no other claim upon him ( and on such a man can have no higher Claim ) than sickness and obscure condition .
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August 3 , 1844 . THE NORTHERN gIVAB . f g
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Aug. 3, 1844, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1274/page/3/
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