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THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1844.
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Sfzttign ;£x3tote!n£nte,
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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' " FROST , WILLIAMS , AND JONES . rmEAT MEETING AT 2 TEWCASTLE-0 N-TYNE , TO PETITION FOB TBE RESTORATION OF THE WELSH PATRIOTS . We tale tie followin g from the Tyne Mercury , » nd trust that this meeiing is but the first of a series of renewed efforts on the part of the English people to dojustice to the too-long neglected Welsh m artyrs : efiortB which we trust will result in the ¦ srisned-for success . Englishmen have too long slept , thoughtless of the sufferings of their friends and brethren ; the men of Newcastle hare been the first to arouse , and we irnst their noble example will be immediately followed . Let the men of London , ^ Manchester , Birmingham , Leeds , and every Chartist localily look to it , and be np and doing .
On Monday evening , there was a numerous meeting , principally composed of the operative -classes , held it the GaildhaU , the object being to petition tie throne for a recall of Frost , Williams , and Jones , from banishment . In the absence of Sir John Fife , Mr . William Cook , of Gateshead , was moved to tie chair , and briefly Adverted to the object which had called them together , expressing a Jiope that the prayer of their petitions might be jpranted . Mr . Wm , Banlells , Mr . Cocfcburn i Mr . Sinclair , and othere addressed the meeting . They contended that , even considered only by tne technical rules of law , the verdict against Frost and his eompeers was informal , and argued , that as the proceediags against O'Connell and the other traversers had been reversed by a Writ of Error , so the same opportunity should have been afforded to the exiled Chartists . The objection made by the counsel for
the prisoners , that the Crown had not furnished them at one time with a complete list of the witnesses for the prosecution was admitted by nine out of fifteen jndges to be fatal to the conviction , but they added that the . application was made too late . Resolutions were then moved and carried to the effect that Frost , Williams , and Jones , had not been allowed the fnll benefit of defence , as awarded in all such cases , and that the reversal of-the judgments on the writs of error in . the casts of Gray , O'Connell , and others , convinced the meeting that the judgment passed on the transported Chartists should be reversed ; and that the memorial now read be adopted and forwarded to the Secretary of State for the Home Department , for presentation to her Majesty . Thanks having been voted to the Chairman , the meeting broke up . The following is a copy of the memorial : —
TO THE OJTEKTS MOST EXCELXEKT iUJESIT . The humble and dutiful Memorial of the inhabitants of IJe-B-CMtls-upon-Tjne , in Public Sleeting , in their Oulldhall , assembled :
3 JO 5 T HU 5 IBLT ASD DPTIFtllT SnS"KITB , That we , the Inhabitants of your Majesty ' s town and county of IfewcssUe-upon-Tjne , ia public meeting assembled , approach your royal presence with sentiments of the deepest and most sincere loyalty , veneration , snd affecSon , to express unto you out extreme delight on learning the decisions of the House of Lords on the Writ of Error brought before them in the eases of &ray , O Connell , and others , by ¦ which we gladly perceive that the loved principle of onr forefathers—* ' Th&V no British subject shall hB haraed either in person ot property until every legal right guaranteed to him by the laws » h * have been first itrictly complied with . "
In the reversal of the judgment by theb Lordships , "wt . find it solely caused is the case ot Gtay by the Judge before whom the case was tried having denied onto the prisoner the right of peremptory challenge to a Juryman , such omission and denial being held by their Lordships &a a full snd tufficitnt ground for vitiating the whole proceedings . In the reversal of the judgment by their LordshipB in the case of D-ixiiel O'Connell and others , we find it clearly laid down that the omission of a few names from the Jury list was sufficient to overturn the whole proceedings , snd that , in fact , any omission or withholding from a British snhject sny right or form guaranteed to him either fcy the common law or by statute of Parliament , was in all cases suSdent and good grounds for vitiating and rendering of none effect the whole ef the proceedings , findings , and judgments .
Xenr Memorialists most humbly and dutifully beg lea re to bring before joar Bcyal and gracious consider-* Hod the eases of John Frost Z pbiirian Williams , and "William Jones , who , in the year 1 S 39 , were tried under a Special Commission issued by your Msjwty in MonsioutB , and were removed under &n order of transportation for I > fe to your M 3 jesty * s South Australian Colonies , where they still remain , although it Is now fnlly manifested by the late dec'sions of the House of Xords in the aforesaid cases of Gray . D-nntl O ' Connell , and others , that the proceedings , rindin ^ s , and judgements in the case * alluded to in the Special Commission at ilonmouth , in the year 1 & 39 , cugfct to cave been quashed , rescinded , and rtverstd , insfmueb that the said parties , John Trost , 2-ptaniah Williams , acd
William Jones , were not deaji with " agreeably to the positive enactments of the statute law in such cases made and provided as by a statute oL Parliament , passed in the reign of your Ro 5 al and illustrious ancestor , Edward 3 rd , of peat an glorious memory , it was -enacted , thst on a » 5 British strtjeci being charged -with High Treason , the Crown should be compelled , ten day * Before placing th « jarty on triBl by jury of his peers , to furnish him at ose time with u copy of the indictment , together with a descriptive list of the witnesses intended to be brought forward in support of the same , which not having been complied with , the said parties , on their being brought before the Special Commission , ol jscted to the Crown being permitted to examine a single witness ;
but that judgment of acquittal ehjuld be entered up , and -wiilcti objection one ol the Jadgea then present , 2 &r- Justice Williams , held to be fatal to tne -whole proceedings , hat was then overruled by his two learned brethien , and the trials allowed { illegally , as is now shewn by the decisions at the House of L ? rda ) , to proceed . The case was snfewquently brought before the fifteen Judges , in your Majesty ' s Court of Exchequer , when nine out of the fifteen Judges solemnly declared that the objection was a good objsction i ! taken at a proper time ; while six of that learned body most solemnly declared that it was tat en in time , and that the findings , judgments , and proceedings were vitiated , and ought to be quashed- notwithstanding -which , the arid parties were removed to a penal colony .
Tcur Memorialists , therefore , most dutifully an 3 humbly pray that you * MBJ ^ sty will take the whole ¦ circumstances of the ense , as connected trith the present deeUJons of the Honse of Lords , into your benign and merciful consideration , and that you will be pleased to extend your Royal clemency to the said parties , John Frost , Z phaniah Williams , aud William Jones , and cause them to be restored to their native eoanfcry , aDd that the Almighty God may grant that your ikjssty long and glorionsly may reign over a loyal , dutiful , acd 4 JJ = ctioEEie people , your Memorialists will ever most sincerely pray . "
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FRANCE . A person named Bosquet died on Saturday , in the Rne SL Honors , in the 82 nd year of his age . This man had amassed a f mall fortune during the Revolution by selling in the streets the celebrated journal kaown by th © title of the Pere Duchesne . The vintage had commenced in the Beaujolais . The grapes are fall ripe , and in a most perfect state of preservation . The late rains have caused them to fill considerably , and the wine crop will , it is said , be more abundant than was expected . The quality will be excellent , and , consequently , a fall in the price of wine may be expected .
BELGIUM . Some Berioua riots have taken place &t Verviers , in Belgium , in consequence of * decision come to by the Commissioners of Hospital at Verviers , to place the Hospital de la Providence" under the direction of the society of JesuitB ; an immense fermentation was the consequence . The people assembled ia great numbers , and attacked the houses of some of the principal eituenB . Tranquillity was , however , restored , on its being announced that the authorities had revoked the offensive decision , and by the last account all was again quiet .
SPAIN . AccountB from Madrid of the 16 th September , announces the royal decree appointing M . Martinez de la Rosa Minister of Foreign Affairs . The appointment is dated the 21 st of August , for no other reason than to save M . Martinez de la Rosa the necessity of passing again through the ordeal of an electionanother instance of General Narvaez * a determination to keep within the limits of the constitution . GERMANY .
Ths Net ? Chivalby . —The Btrhn State Gazette informs us that there will be an ' exhibition of the products of industry next year at Tienna , but that it will ba confined to the manufactures of Austria , whereas the Berlin exhibition includes the products of the whole of Germany . The Emperor of Austria intends , it is said , to create a special order of merit fer the manufactures who shall be declared worthy ot it , and the possessor of the decoration will be declared noble , but his nobility is not to be hereditary .
GREECE . The Augsburoh Gaxette publish a letter from Athens of the Tin instant , in which i . is stated that the elections commenced that week are goisg on peaceably . The result would not be known till the following day . The Chamber was to meet in a fortnight from the date of the latter . It was stated that differences had arisen between MM . Metaxa and Coletti which were not likely to be appeased .
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"IRELAND FOR THE IRISH , " versus FEDERALISM AND WHIGGERr . u Resolved , ihat no potter on earth , save the Kikg , Lords , and Commons of Ibkland , has the kight to make laws io govern the Irish people . "—Dungannon Resolution , passed by the Irish Volunteer * , ¦ under the command of Lord Charlemont , their Generalissimo .
Such were the defined principles laid down by Irishmen sixty-two years ago , with arms in their hands , and at a time when Ireland had a Parliament possessing much more extensive powers than the fullest and most favourable construction of a Federal connection could now confer upou her people . The declaration , plain and unmistakeable , is levelled against English Ministerial influence , which advanced , and was advancing , in exact proportion as the Irish aristocracy extracted concessions from the embarrassment of the English Cabinet ; concessions , however , from which , the Irish people derived not one particle of advantage .
The Dungannon resolutions , intended as descriptive of those defined terms upon which , and upon which alone , Irishmen would acknowledge allegiance to the British Crown , were accepted throughout the country as the basis of that change which was necessary to make the Irish Parliament a free Parliament ; while the political principle of the Volunteers WaB—* 'A FULL , FALE , AND FBEE REPRESENTATION OF THE WHOLE PEOPLE IN THE COMM JS 5 * HoCSE OF PaBIUXIM . "
" The full , fair , and free representation of the whole people" was the means : independence of tho British Cabinet influence was the end : and what we now propose to ask is , whether nearly NINE MILLIONS of a sober and well-instructed people will be satisfied , afier forty-four years of bitter experience , with a less measure of justice than that demanded sixty-two years ago by less than Jour millions of an intoxicated and uninstructed population !
Daring the latter years of the existence of the Irish Parliament , the struggle between the two countries was precisely similar to tha . t which is now about to commence . The English Minister , using every possible stratagem to reduce the representative quality to the standard of Federalism , as now proposed by the former Repealers , while the Volunteers and the United Irishmen , before
they lost all self-possession and controul , struggled for that principle which we recognised in Mr . OTonsell ' s former definition of Repeal . The answer to our objection to the substitution of Federalism may be , that Federalism is the means , Repeal the end , precisely as " a full , free , and fair representation" was the means by which the Irish Volunteers sought to accomplish their end , which was , independence of the British Minister .
To this we reply , that Mr . O'Connell has not proposed the same means , bat has , on the contrary , boasted of his incessant opposition to those who have struggled indefatig&bly to insure the means ; while , withont the required means , Federalism , the end sought ( for it is nothing more ) , would be a kind of mongrel , bastard thing , generated between Repeal and Whiggery , which , like the mule , would have all the vices of the " sire , " without any of the perfections of the "dam . " Whiggery { the " Bire ")
will not consent to any species of Federalism , which will not place at its command every element of which the compact is composed , and the fruits of which wonld be the bestowal of additional patronage upon the present advocates of Repeal . A boon which we believe to be the aim and end : and jndging from its effect , as far as it has gone , we have no reason to hope that the disappointment of the nation would be participated in by those for whom Federalism had comfortably provided .
Mr . O'Connell has avowed his readiness to try Federalism as a means of conciliating the Whig party ; while , at the same time , he tenders the olive branch to the Orange faction , but still anticipates a large accession to the Repeal ranks should Federalism prove a delusion and a disappointment . Let us now see , as far as we can judge from past events , aDd natural causes , how far Mr . O'Connell has reason to expect the realization of hi 3 double hope—namely , increased energy upon the part of the Federalists , should that project fail in giving satisfaction , together with the co-operation
of the Orange party . The compact formed by Mr . O'Connell with the Whigs in 1836 , was based , as we have before shown , upon much more moderate terms than " Federalism . " It was simply establish' d upon the old principle , " scratch me and Fit cr atch yru" and yet upon the dissolution of Whiggery in 1841 , after six years of a cloBe alliance between the Whigs and Mr . O'Conneil , and after the failure of every Irish anticipation , do we find tho disappointed Repealers resuming their former position to continue the struggle for ihe only measure by which justice can be possibly done io Ireland * " No such thing . Mr . Mobgah O'Connell is Mr . O'Connell ' s son , and abandoned the representation of
Meath County , and * the only measure that could eonfer benefit -upon Ireland , " tor a patent place , to which he was appointed by the Whigs . Mr Fnzsixoss , Mt . O'Coknexl ' s son-in-law ^ eHnquished ' all claim to Dublin County , for a similar consideration . Sir Nicholas Fitzsihojt took leave of the King ' s County for knighthood , and the profitable emoluments arising from the ofiioe of police magistrate . Mr . W . Finn , Mr . O'Connell ' s brotherin-law , as honest a man as breathes , made his bow under similar provocation to Kilkenny county . Mr . O'Dwter , and Mr . Soup Commissioner Shbil , cum mullis alxis , did likewise . In fact , about one score ; of the most ardent i Repealers of 183 ^ before j
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any alliance was formed with the Whig party , have been sopped off by titles , to which they had no possible pretension , save their utter baseness and subserviency , and by places which have bound them inextricably to the Whig faction , a circumstance unblushingly admitted by the Nation ^ iu the admis ; sion that the Irish Parliamentary Repealers have dwindled from forty-three in 1831 to some seven in 1844 .
Let us now ask whether the name of any one of the disappointed Repealers is now found participating in the struggle for M the only measure , WHICH CAN POSSIBLY DO JUSTICE TO IBELAND ! NOT a single solitary individual ! Upon the other hand , does Mr . O'Connell for one moment imagine , or is he foolish enough to suppose , that tne Orange party will not understand the value of patronage a well as he does \ Does he vainly hope to ensure the co-operation of a party , whose share of the compact is to be the loss of all power and patronage ?
Who that does not understand the pernicious influence of patronage , and who bo dull aBnot to know that the fruits of a Whig Federation would be place for the needy Banister , title for tbe obsequious Squire , patronage for the powerful , and COERCION for the honest and enthusiastic ! If Federalism means a step in advance towards Repeal , why has it not been defined before adopted ? If Foderalism does not mean Repeal , and cannot tend to its advancement , why should it be adopted 1 What is
the character of the constituent body by which Federalists are to be elected ! Is it to be more extensive in its nature than the present Parliamentary franchise 1 If Buch is the intention , why not apply the present powerful means at the command of the Repealers to the establishment of the proper machinery for extending the franchise by which the united Parliament is elected , to the end that Repeal may be a question upon which tho whole Irish people may be tested , in the only place where the question , can be legislated upon !
The English people have a deep-rooted hatred to the Whig party ; and they feel , and feel keenly , that Whig insolence , audacity , and disregard of popular opinion was strengthened and emboldened by the unmitigated subserviency of the Irish liberal party . The English people have not forgotten , and cannot forget , that every popular movement was met and crashed by the support of the Irish party , freely tentered to the Minister for that purpose . " A burned
child dreads tbe fire : " and they feel , and properly feel , that any extension of power conferred upon the same parties would be again used for the same purpose . Upon the other hand , if , instead of creating fresh hostilities between tho English and the Irish people , the working classes of | both countries were associated for the accomplishment of one common object ; an object , iu the attainment of which , each had one common interest , no power upon earth could withstand their influence .
As the English people have come in for a large share of Irish vituperation , while a corresponding amount of adulation has been bestowed alternately upon the Whigs and the Orange faction , let us see , whether or not , the English people have retaliated upon their Irish brethren . When commemorating a great national triumph , and at a time when Mr . O'Connell ' s policy ia conciliation of the very parties against whose continuous misrule Ireland has been long struggling ; at that very time , in the hour of conciliation , the English people , and the Scotch people too , are insulted with a general order , issued through the leading organ of the Repealers , that no Scotch or English tunes are to be played upon the occasion
accompanied with a malicious observation , that it were better the instruments were sunk iu tbe harbour . And this insult was followed up in the following week' s paper by a lamentation that the proceedings were stripped of their grandeur and effect by their ears being tortured , and the air polluted with English and Scotch tunes ! Is this the best mode of conciliating the people of the two countries , who attach no little importance to their national airs f Or would the Irish ear be shocked by the music of " BaiTONS NEVEB SH . U BE SLAVES , " or ** SCOTS wha ha wi Walus . ce bled" ! No . No more than the English ear would be disgusted with the air of " St . Patrick ' s day in tne morning , '' " Garry Otven , " or the Exile of Erin "; tunes called for aud rejoiced iu by the English people .
Again , we ask , if this is the new system by which the English and Scotch people are to be conciliated ! It strikes U 9 very forcibly that upon reflection , the Irish people will discover that the English have evinced surpassing forbearance and toleration , after the very many acts of insult and provocation they have received from the " Conciliation Hall , " and the Irish " conciliating" press . And , in troth , we may ask if some magic influence must not have been used to have kept tbe English mind steady for the Repeal of the Union under the galling insults they have received from their Irish brethren . i
The die is now cast ; the alternative has been adopted ; the promised end has been abandoned ; and new means are to be put iu requisition to accomplish a result , from which , if successful , Ireland would shed " riverq of salt tears . " While Mr . O'Connell was in prison , we turned attention to the possibility of Mr . Smith O'Brien being used for the purpose of mitigating | Repeal into Federalism . That we were not wrong in the conclusion vre then drew , facts sufficiently prove . We further observed , that while the blush of martyrdom was upon Mr . O'Connell , he would be allowed , after bis release , to adopt the new tactics ; but that the hour would come when Ireland would awake from her slumber , and cast the nightmare from her
breast . That hour is fast approaching ; for already many of the most ardent Repealers have discovered that Federalism means patronage , and that the machinery for working it is intended as a drag ' uponthe Democratic carriage , and a golden link by which Irieh provincialism is to be bound , and for ever , to the chariot wheel of Wbiggery . But yet we do not despair , because , if Whig ascendancy is a necessary ingredient in the new confederation , the English mind and the English voice are elements without which that ascendancy cannot be achieved ; and we feel that Mr . O'Connor spoke the sentiments of the English working classes , as well as of many ardent Irish Repealers , on last Monday night , at Manchester , when be said : —
" I C&n honour Mr . O'Connell m a Catholic , for the struggle tie haa made on behalf ot Catholic Ireland . I can bear with hia abuse . I can even enjoy expatriation , and I can tolerate some slight inconsistency aud partial deviations , while on his road to the goal of itational freedom . I can praise him while he abuses me . I have endeavoured to soften down his invectives against the Snglish people , and have endeavoured to preserve his popularity so long as it was usefully directed . In the veryheat of Irish vituperation I havesucceeded in creating an _ English mind in favour of Ireland . But I have palp tolerated those things so long as Mr . O Connell was moving
m one course , though ever so slowly . But when I rind him stepping out of the high read of nationality to take refuge in the bye ways of Whiggery , and the pathways of patronage , then 1 meet him at every gap , as a monitor , and admonishing shepherd , and and if unable to keep him in the right road , I will THEN MEET HIM IN THE MARKET-PLAGE , WHERE PCBLIC OPINION HAS BUI ONE PRICE , AND THAT price is freedom . If Mr . O Connell comes to Manchester to discover whether or not he has strength enough to extract Repeal , as he extracted Emancipation , from reluctant bands , I will meet him with
onr million of ENGLISHMEN , who know their rights and will join the English sheut with the Irish demand , that Ireland shall be a nation , and that the Irish shall have . their country , where they may live in peace , and die at . heme . But should be test the English mind in Manch&ster upon the restoration of Whiggery , upon the pledge that Federalism shall be the fruits , though the X-eagae should swell his ranks , though the Sturgltea should augment his numbers , though my own countrymen should again wage deadly wai against me , yet REGARDLBSV OF DAKGEB , OR OF DEATH ITSELF , I "Wilt MOVE XHABTISM AS A THING PREFERABLE TO WHIGGERY . "
It appears tbo-t tb . ii manly resolve was received with indescribabiV applause * , and we have no doubt that it will be equav ' y well received abroad throughout the length and b »*» eadth of the land . Those who have laboured with fiAr . O'Conkor , and who have equally endeavoured tfo create a kindly feeling
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between tbe people of the two countries , were , as we know , anxious to understand what position be would assume in the event of the threat of Whig restoration being put into operation , and we rejoice in being able to lay bis own pledge before the English people . Mr . O'Connell's triumph could only be considered such , so long as it waa instrumental ia advancing tbe principle of Repeal , but we unhesitatingly declare that bis abandonment of that question ; the very question to suppress which the Whigs coerced Ireland , and tbe Tories imprisoned h * ni , has converted the judgment of the Lords into a Tory
triumph , — 'the triumph over the monster meetings , — over the Mallow , the Mullaghmast , and the Tara defiance . And when the Irish nation shall have learned that the glory of the triumph has merged into the pollution of patronage ; when Federalism is found to be what justice to Ireland w « 8 , and when a new Repeal army is to be recruited , Mr . O'Connell will find that the hot Repealers of this day have become cold-blooded placemen of that day : and , like the O'Connells * the FnzsiMQSS , the Fins , the O'DwYERS . thoSHiELS and the rest of the " patriots , " Repeal , in Us ptac ' tical acceptation ^ neither meant" Separation , " " In-DEPENDANCE , " ' * FEDERALISM , " Or "IRELAND
FOR THE IRISH , " BUT PLACE , PELF , AND PECULATION FOR THEMSELVES . If there is one step more dangerous than another it is that of the abandonment of principle . If there is one disaster greater than another which can befall a national cause , it is the inconsistency of its leaders . If there is one virtue superior to all others , it is that of increased energy on behalf of freedom as difficulties multiply themselves * and as fresh dangers present themselves .
We shall return to ihe subject again and agam until we convince the English and tbe Irish minds that FEDERALISM MEANS PATRONAGE , NOT REPEAL . ' —MEANS WrilGGERY , AND NO 1 IRELAND FOR THE IRISH .
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under thirty yeaira of age , must have resided for ten years in Norway—and must neither be in any department of the state or court , nor in the counting-noose or bureau of any oficer of state or of the court .
MODE OF ELECTING VOTERS . The country is divided into election districts , corresponding to the amts or counties , and Bob-districts , corresponding to the parishes . Registers of the qualified voters in each sub-district are kept by the minister , and also by thefoged or bailHe . Eich town with 150 voters makes a sub-district ; but if the number of voters be under 150 , it must be joined to the nearest town . In or before the month of December of each third year , the electors or voters assemble in the parish church ,
and proceed , after the constitution aud ground-laws are read , to choose their election-men , iu such proportions , that in towns , one is chosen from among themselves by every fifty voters . In the country , every 10 * voters , or under , if the sub-district cantain only a smaller number ; elect one ; from 100 to 200 voters elect two ; from 200 to 300 voters elect three ; and so o& . In case an election-man , from sickness or other cause , cannot attend the district meeting , he who had the next number of votes ia bis substitute .
ELECTION OF MEMBERS . In towns Within eight days , and in toe country -within a month , after these electfen-men are chosen , they assemble at tbe place appointed for the district or county election ; and there elect from among themselves , or from among the' other qualified voters in the district , tbe representatives to Parliament or Storthing , ia such proportion that for towns one-fourth of the number of electionmen are chosen ; that is , from three to sis elect one , from seven to ten two , from eleven to fourteen three , and from fifteen to eighteen ( our representatives , which is the greatest number any town can send
to Storthing . In the country one-tenth is the number any district is entitled to send . From five to fourteen election-men elect one , from fifteen to twenty-four two , from twenty-five to thirty-four three ; and above that number four , being tbe greatest number any district or county ' can send . These proportions are founded on tbe principle , that the towns in Norway should , as nearly as possible , return one-third , and the country two-thirds of the whole body , which should not consist of under seventy-five , nor above one hundred members , [ Each town and district elects as many substitutes as representatives ; so that in case of the illness or death of one , the suppleant is sent for and takes his seat ] .
DURATION OF PARLIAMENTS . The Parliament , or Storthing , is elected and assembled once in three years , and sits for three months , or until the business is despatched . This triennial meeting and session of the legislative body , being constitutionally independent altogether of the will of the Executive , cannot be arbitrarily postponed by tbe monarch . The prolongation of tbe session , however , beyond the period of three ! months , is entirsly a matter of royal prerogative . \ , '
PAYMENT OF MEMBERS . The representative to the Storthing is allowed a dollar and a half per day during his attendance , and bis travelling expenses ; which was considered too large a sum when Mr . L « ng was ia Norway , iu 1834-6 .
THE QUALIFICATION FOR A MEMBER Is no more than that for a voter , as is Stated above . ] ELECTION OF THE UPPER HOUSE . The Storthing consists of two houses ; the Lagthing , or Upper Hoase : and the Odelsthing , or Lower House , i The election of the Lagthing is thus described by Mr . Laing , who states that the Storthing first elects its president or speaker , aud Secretary , and examines the writs of members to see that they are duly elected .
The Storthing then proceeds to elect what is equivalent to our House of Peers , the Lagthing , * or division in which the deliberate functions of tbe legislative body are invested . This consists of one-fourth of the members of the Storthing , wbo are voted for by the whole body ; and they form a separate house , aud sit iu a different chamber , with their own president and secretary , also elected by themselves weekly . The functions of the Lagthing are not exactly tbe same as our House of Lords , bat axe tkote confined . No bill can have its initative there . It can only receive bills from the other house , tbe Odelsthing : deliberate upon what is sent up to it ; aud approve or reject , or eeud back the bill with proposed amendments . The Odelsthing , or Lower House , consists of the remaining severity-four members .
PROCEDURE WITH BILLS . The course of procedure is , that after a proposition comes back from the committee , and is considered by tbe united Storthing , a bill is ordered to be prepared in terms of the resolution formed on the subject The Storthing then | dividing itself into its two chambers , the bill is brought into the Odelsthing , which treats it as in our House of Commons , rejecting or amending it as they see fit ; and when prepared it is sent up to the Lagthiog , or upper house . If not approved of there , the bill is lost If amended , it is sent back with the amendments to ihe Odelsthing . If they do not approve them , the two { houses have a conference ; the whole procedure being ; similar to that established ia our two H juaea of Parliament .
One curious fact in the working of the Norwegian Constitution is worthy of notice—namely , the absence of any Government party . From this , of course , results the absence of Government corruption aad Government intimidation . No Minister in tho Norwegian Storthing could get a majority to stultify themselves by voting black white to keep in a Ministry , or keep oui a party . The public good , not party objects , is the aim of the representatives of the people
of Norway . They decide on a proposed measure , not with any view as to bow it may offset this or that party , but how it will affect the welfare of the commonwealth . There is no Parliamentary haranguing—no Peels and Russelis talking for four or five hours at a stretch . None of the cock « crowingi ass-braying , sneezing , coughing , and bullying , so disgraceful to the British Legislature . Each member who has anything to say points out his objections to the measure under discussion in as tew and
plain words as possible . Another , who takes another view of the question , combats the views previously advanced , in the game sensible and praiseworthy manner . All is decorum and order , affording a noble example of tho excellent working of' a Democratic Legislature . Our Chartist readers may consider the Norwegian Suffrage to be very circumscribed . We certainly prefer our Charter [ Suffrage , which gives to the man the rights of a citizen in virtue of his manhood , without the odious distinctions founded upon property qualifications . Still the Norwegian Suffrage is by no means so circumscribed as at first sight it appears to be . Our readers must remember that property is very differently divided , and the fruits of industry very
differently apportioned io Norway , to what they are in this country . There nearly every man is possessed of the necessaries and comforts of life ; and the great mass of the people are there the possessors of property : consequently the great mass are possessed of the electoral qualification . In this country where the few monopolize the land , and accumulated wealth is in the hands of a minority , such a suffrage qualification as that of the Norwegian constitution would be a most aristocratic one . But with a social system almost the reverse of what exists here , the condition of the mass of the people is equally the reverse ; hence it follows that what would be a most restricted franchise in England approximates very nearly to Universal Suffrage in Norway .
This constitution has now stood the test of thirty years . During that time , while the greater part of the rest of Europe has bees convulsed with the efforts made by the people to shake off the yoke of their tyrants , and the counter-effjrts of the European Governments to preserve their unholy dominion ; during that time Norway has existed in a state of the most perfect peace . Nor is this all : the progress of the people in the acquisition of wealth , comfort , aud intelligence , has , during the last thirty years , been mosi astonishing . Norway is in most
respects naturally a much poorer country than Sweden ; yet Norway , enjoying the blessing of a Free Constitution , has of late years far out-stripped the sister-country injthe march of improvement . The people of Norway are well-educated , well fed , wellclothed , and reside in excellent houses ; indeed , Norway may be truly said to bo at this time the happiest country in Europe . What a striking commentary on the | efficacy of free institutions ! No wonder the people of Sweden are determined to achieve and share the blessings of democracy . Tbe rimes says : — " For Sweden to copy the institutions of Norway or of the Unite * states is already to abdicate her
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historical and national character ; and of all tbe constitutions which have been framed in this fruitful age , we know of none which , applies M unlimited a form of democracy to one of tbe most ancient monarchies of Europe . It is because the proposed Swedish Constitution is thoroughly Democratic that we wish it success . The sooner Sweden abdicates of her character all that " historically" and nationally" is founded on the bloody doings of kingcraft and ths barbarisms of feudalism , so much the better for the Swedish people . For our own part , we hope the day is not far distant that will witness an " abdication ' of the sort something nearer home than Sweden .
The Times hints that the attempt to carry out this experiment may result in dangers to the independence of Sweden , and to the freedom of the Baltic . In other words , there 13 a threat from our Tory thuaderer , that if the Swedes attempt the establishment of Democratic institutions , they shall be banded over to the tender mercies of the Russian Autocrat , and their country be Polandieed ! Never No more Polands ! No more gorgings of the Muscovite eagle with the bodies of slaughtered nations . Whatever present differences divide the nations of Europe , all are heart and soul arrayed against Muscovite barbarism . Let the attempt be made to trample upon Sweden , aud blot her out of the list of nations as Poland has been blotted , and Europe will not hesitate to rush to the conflict , nor will England be the last in the fray .
The papers state that the coronation of the King and Queen of Sweden was to take place on the 25 th instant ; of course every effort will be made to make it appear that King-worship was never more universal in Sweden than at the present time . If misled by hireling cheers , and the falsehoods of lying courtiers , the son of Bernadottb trusts to so weakly a defence as that of his own fancied divinity and popularity to enable him to withstand the shocks of revolutionary change , be wiu miserably deceive himself , and as miserably fall . His own fate is in bis own hand ? . He may , if he will , become
the honoured first magistrate of a free people , and reign beloved and die regretted . On the other hand should he be so ill-advised as to head the nobles aud the clergy in their opposition to the required Reform , it will not be difficult to predict his fate . The prestige which attached itself formerly to kingcraft is at an end . It exists nowhere now in Europe , save among the barbarian serfs of Russia . Tbe days of tbrones and crowns are numbered . " ' Gad save tbe kiDg ! ' and kings . ' For if lit don't , I doubt if men will longer : I think I bear a little bird , who sings Tbe people by and by will be the stronger . " Hurrah , then , for Equality . Hurrah for Liberty . God speed the march of Democracy !
The Northern Star. Saturday, September 28, 1844.
THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , SEPTEMBER 28 , 1844 .
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Ditsdee is the Field . —Since the above was in type we hare received the following interesting report of a Dieting holden in Dundee , on Monday last , for tho same laudable orj-: ct as the Newcastle meeting . For ihe congratulatory address and memorial to the Queen , it was impossible to find room XbJ 3 week , the report only reaching us ja-t before going to pres 3 . All honoir to the men of DaDdee . Up ^ men of Scotland and imitate tbeir gallant example . Dundee . —On the occasion of her Msjrsty's visit to Scotland , and iu consequence of the Very favourable and loyal reception ¦ which she met with in Dundee from all classes of tie community , the , friends of political Reform , anxious to embrace every Kerning
opportunity of doing good , determined to 'ascertain if there was any avenue through which they could approach the Qieen , and solicit her royal mercy in favour of Ellis , Frost , Williams , and Jones . Accordingly , they appointed a depntation to wait on George 3 ) ancan , Esq ., M . P ., for ths Borough to ask his advice relative to the best plan necessary to be adopted . Mr . < 5 20139 Ddnmn received them -with the greatest fcin ^ aess , and informed the deputation that no address cooia be pressuted to her Majesty -while in Scotland , fcer tj it being of a privets nature ; but he strongly advised them to call a public Meeting a ? : d forward an address to London immfediattly on her Msjesty's arrival , as he wm eouvintsd Xb&i it could not be presented to hsrst present . Mr . Dancan at tbe s&nje time sated , that he -was favourable to the benevolent object they had in view , snd fcXj >«* eed a wish
that they murnt sneeeed . Spirited placards headed " Scotland ' s Tdice , " were -with all possible speed posted through tbe town , calling on the inhabitants to meet in the Watt institution Hall on Monday evening , the 23 rd current , to petition her Majesty lot the restoration of the expatriated patriots . At tbe hour of meeting , a numerous and intelligent audience bad assembled . Mr . Morrison was unanimously called to the chair , who britfl / explained tbe object for which they had met , and introduced Mr . ilyles , bookseller , who proposed the following resolution : — " That this aeeting cannot but view "with deep regret the unnecessary severity inflicted upon "various political effsnders of Great Britain , especially when centrasted with recent events which have transpired in Ireland . " It was seconded by Mr . Whitton , and carried . Mr .-Dividsoa proposed the second resolution , -which wataifollows ;—
- That js consequence of the Qaeen's visit to Scotlaudj the presext time is favourable for Sjotsmen approaching tbe J&wine , and soliciting the royal mercy , fat John Frost , . Zipbanislj Williams , William Jones , and . Wiiliam EUis , who were expatriated from their country during the late . sgitation for Parliamentary Reform : belisving -whatesK political irregularities they were guilty of that the demands of justice have now been fully sa&Sed , and thtt they ought now to be restored to tbe fcosoms of their ifflxled fanrilitj . " This resolution ttsj ably sgeondad by Mr . il'Donald ,- late of Aberdeen . Mr . Hunter , ieacher , then came forwaid
and read the address aud memorial to her Majesty , ¦ which heprcpoied for adoption in a ne 3 t and apprepriate speech . It was seconded by Mi . 1 . Whiiaker , and sgreed to "without s dissentient voice . Afier a vote of thanks to tbe speakers andVchj&asC / the sue-iig Quietly dispersed .
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CHARTISM IN SWEDEN . THE NORWEGIAN CONSTITUTION . In an article on Sweden , in the Star of the 14 th inst ., we announced that the Democratic Charter adopted by the Diets of the Burgeeses and the Peasants , had been thrown out by the Nobles and the Clergy . In making this announcement we expressed our fears that this insane opposition to the voioe of the people would result in consequences disastrous to the repose and good order of Sweden . Our fears have already been , though but partially .
verified . Somo disturbances , the particulars of which are not given , broke out at Stockholm , on the 28 th and 29 th of August , which ended in the dispersion of the " mob , " and the arrest ot fifty-six of the diseontented . The arrested were fined and discharged . This is nearly all the information we have—thanks to the daily journals , who will of course conceal the truth or distort the facts , just as may suit them , to bring odium upou the Democrats and blacken their principles . It is mortifying to us t * be compelled to take the most of our foreign intelligence from such a source : bat at present we have no alternative . We hope , however , yet to hare a
correspondent in most of tbe capitals of Europe , by which means we shall be enabled to make the truth , the whole truth , known , of the damnable doings of the despots on the one hand , and the heroic struggles of the patriots of every nation on the other . If we oan onco realise our intention , the Star will be then indeed the journal of the Movement both foreign and domestic . It is emphatically so of the latter ; and is already partial ' y so of the former \ as the reports ( exclusively furnished us ) from the United States , and those occasionally from Germany , testify . It shall be our object to make this feature of our paper complete and original , though we foresee we shall have serious obstacles to encounter .
it appears that in the recent disturbances at Stockholm , the rage of the disaffected was principally directed against the Clergy , especially the Archbishop , bo far , we have an exact parallel with our Reform Bill agitation . In England the Bill passed the Commons , and was thrown out by the Lords , lay and spiritual . This throwing out was followed by riots ; and finally the measure passed . In Sweden the Bill has passed the Burgesses aud Peasants , and been thrown out by the NobleB and Clergy , causing like riots and disturbances . It is
not difficult to foresee tbe ultimate passing of the obnoxious and , at present , rejected measure . In EDgland , popular indignation was principally directed against the Bishops ; and in Sweden the like feeling is exhibited towards the corresponding party . The Arohbishop , as the head of the political clergy , seems to be the great object of popular hatred . This comes of allowing meddling priests to busy themselves with politics , and permitting them to assume the functions of the legislator . These jugglers are a pest anywhere , but most so where
they assume temporal power , aud meddle with the temporal interests of the community . Feigning to have a holy horror of the cares and vanities of this world , they nevertheless take infinite pains to have their finger in everything relating to its governance . In England the chiefs of tbe dominant sect in their JegisJatoriaJ capacity , are the stolid and bitter opponents of all progress and all justice : while the Clergy cf most of the other sects have shown themselves not one whit less intolerant—as was notably exemplified in their recent too-successful opposition
to the education of the people . When will mankind gather wisdom from experience , and learn to dispense with the services of theso worst enemies to freedom , —these destroyers of the happiness of nations . There is one cheering consolation to be drawn from the doings of the Swedish Clergy : their present conduct will most materially tend to weaken tbeir power and destroy their influence ; and the destruction of their withering sway will be cheaply obtained , even though at the cost of the temporary obstruction to the triumph of democratic principles .
We have spokeu of the parallel between the Reform Bill agitation and the agitation now existing in Sweden : fortunately , there the parallel ends There is no likeness between the two Bills . Ours was an , aristocratic juggle , —theirs is a democratic reality . The principal of its provisions were explained in a former article ; and we trust that in its future
progress the Swedish Reformers will see to it that no portion of it is frittered away—no portion conceded to conciliate its enemies : otherwise a cheat and a fraud will be the issue , instead of freedom and a nation's regeneration . But we have every confidence in the Swedish Democrats , and look forward to the future with perfect hope , for the triumph of our principles in the far North .
Far North , did we say ? In the far North our principles , ©* aometbingnearly approximating thereto are already triumphant . We allude , of course , to Norway , where , since 1814 , a Constitution has existed which , if not purely Democratic , is the nearest thereto of that of any state in Europe , and the establishment of which has been followed by the happiest results . For the following facts we are indebted to that excellent work , Laikg ' s " Residence in Norway . "
Norway was always comparatively a free country . Property has ever been transmitted upon the principle of partition among all the children . The feudal system , with its law of primogeniture and its privileged classes of hereditary Nobles , never existed in Norway . The present Constitution was adopted by the people in 1814- The following is an outline of its details : — THE SDFrEAGE .
Every native Norwegian of twenty-five years of age who . has been for five yearB owner or life-rtuter of land paying scat or tax , or who is a burgees of any town , or possesses there a house or land to the value of 150 dollars ( £ 30 ; , is entitled to elect , and to fie elected : bat for this last privilege , be must be not
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EFFECTS OF " HESITATION" AND " TRIM MING" ON THE IRISH AGITATION . The Times of Thursday , gives the following from the pen of " its own correspondent . " The effect it describes as resulting from tbe two last exhibitions in the Conciliation Hall , are so like what might naturally have been expected from the " hesitating" and timid policy pursued , that we give the entire article , notwithstanding there is in it more than one indication of jaundice . The reader however , reflecting that the matter waa prepared for the Times , will discriminate between his statement of fact and expression of individual opinion . The hit he gives at the " deathless dogs" is truly deserved . They have proved themselves to be fawning spaniels indeed ! Hear what the man of the Times says : —
The performances at the Conciliation-hall yeater day , notwithstanding the first appearance of the brother of a Tory lord in the character of chairman , are regarded here as dull and spiritless , and on the whole cannot fail in proving extremely unpalatable to that influential section of Mr . O'Connell ' s followers , who were certainly prepared for a more decided course of action than the Hon . and Learned Gentleman seems inclined to adopt on bis unexpected release from captivity . Having abandoned the notable idea of impeaching the judges , and cast a wet blanket on the project of holding a monster meeting on Conquer-hiil , the last tub
thrown to the whale will scarcely serve to Ireep the giant in tolerably good humour , unless ha be even more gullible than Messrs . O'Connell and Smith O'Brien would fain suppose him to be . Instead of having a Parliament sitting on College-green within six months , on the forfeiture of Mr . O'Connell ' s head—instead of the vigorous resumption of the h&lf-paralized agitation—instead of " impeachments , " and" national conventions j" the gulls are now prayed and besought to attend to the registries ; and in the course of two years or so they may be in a position , according to Mr . S . O'Brien , to return eighty Repealers to the Saxon Parliament
and then , if even then , will the great question be , for a second time , brought under the notice of the Imperial Legislature . A pretty prospect , truly , for tho Nation and the " Young Ireland" party ! The Freeman ' s Journal—ardent " nationalist" though he be , —actually swallows the bait ; and in this day ' s number lauds Mr . O'Bbien's " tub , " as the very perfection of Repeal strategy . Without questioning the feasibility of the plan , tho Freeman ought to recollect that there is now no Mr . Feakgus O'Cojcnor in the House of Commons to force on a discussion and ultimate exposure of tbe delusion , iu spite of the alternate coaxings and menaces of
the wily leader ; and supposing eighty Repealers to be sitting in Parliament some two years hence , what guarantee can be given that the game played in 1832 and 1833 will not be played over again in 184 $ and 1847 i—and thus , even a debate on tho question might be indefinitely postponed to suit the purposes of Mr . O'Connell . But the pretext of making a struggle to return these eighty Repealers is too flimsy and transparent to cover the real object in perspective . Should Mr . O'Comnell enter Parliament after the next general election with his tail elongated by forty additional joints , acting , as formerly , under his immediate direction and control , it
is just possible that circumstances might arise when it would be in his power { to discharge the deep debt of gratitude which he owes to his new friends , the once ll base , bloody , and brutal" Whigs . Be thisthe end or aim of the last move or not , one thing is quite certain—the agitation is not , in money-market phraseology , " looking up" just now . The rentcoutinues at a low figure ; but then it is only fair to explain that this is the period of the year when the unfortunate peasantry are most pressed for money , and are consequently unable to meet the demands of the Repeal tax-collectors—so that the financiers at Burgh-quay may safely console themselves with the
assurance of the worse luck now , tho better another time . " The crops once brought to the market , and up shoot the funds at the Corn Exchange . Still it is the visiblo decline of excitement ( it may be but temporary ) , the absence of the ** important adhesions" promised both by Mr . O'Connell ana the Freeman's Journal of yesterday—and theuneasy feeling engendered at the rumour of an alliance with the Whigs , which the Hon . Mr . Hbtchinson evidently sought to dissipate at the close of bis speech yesterday—that so far indicate the prospect of a winter comparatively free from any very remarkable or dangerous agitation .
The conduct of the Repeal Press , in relation to the many attempts to sacrifice the agitation for individual interest , has been sickening indeed . It has shown itself to be trammelled and spiritless ; bonnd down to the whim or caprice of a living idol * and forced to retail at second-hand , as gospel truths , all the contradictory propositions and sayings that flow from its mouth . Amidst this " deathless" sycophanoy , it is refreshing to find one of the Press party bold enough to speak out as the Belfast Tindicalor does in the article from its pages given below . The Oracle hath said that " gratitude " is due to the Whigs ; that they are not to be abused again ; and he hath indicated his pleasure that the undivided efforts of the Repeal party should be directed to effect the restoration of the Whigs ia
oflice . With these commands the Repeal Press generally , —that PresB which so lately was holding up these same Whigs as the most deadly and bitter enemies of Ireland , —has either willingly concurred , like the " ardent nationalist" of the Freeman ; or by a mute silence , as in the fearless Nation , evinced either a trammelled subserviency , or a fbab to " heard the lion , in his lair . " The Belfast man , however , is made of other stuff . He
will not be tied down to sing as truth to-day , wnas he denounced bufc yesterday as a lie ; and in spite of the command t which to his brethren is as binding as the Ukase of the Muscovite Bear ia to tfi ? conquered and manacled Poles , he speaks out , and proclaims undying war to the perfidious faction now sought to be raised to power on the ruins oftne people ' s cause . Thia exhibition of spunk in our northern contemporary has really charmed w ; b « 8
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" The composition of this House ef Lords , " says Mr . Laing , which does it * business quite as well as a Heuse of Bishops , Dukes , and Barons , may be an object of curiosity to Our British Radicals . It consists , in tfee present Storthing , ] of eight persons in civil offices , five in clerical functions , two lawyers , and nine bonders or peasants ; in all twenty-four . They are not elected to the Lsgthiog with any reference to professio n or rauk , but simply from the opinion their fellow . members in the Storthing may have formed of their judgment , knowledge , and fitness for deliberative functions .
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* THE NORTHERN STAR . ___ j ¦ September 28 , 1844 .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 28, 1844, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1282/page/4/
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