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Northern Star (1837-1852), 31st May 1845, Edition 1 of 4, Page 6, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      HOUSE OF COMMONS , Mootat , Mat 2 o . The house met at four o ' clock . After a sessional onler respecting Railway bills had been disposed of , ,,.,,, ... .. Mr . Cabdweli . mored that the house , at its rising , adjourn to Wednesday next . Mr . J . Coiactt thought it would be as well to adjournto Thursday , as Wednesday was the Derby-day ( a laugh ) i and a gpeat many hon . members were anxious to be present at Epsom . It was pretty certain that a house would not be made on Wednesday ; and he would therefore more , as an amendment , that the house , at its rising , adjourn to Thursday next . Captain Pecheu . seconded the amendment . Sir J . Graham hoped the hon . member for Athlone ( Mr . Collett ) would not press his motion , which was , he believed , quite unexampled in the annals of that house . If the hon . gentleman did press his amendment he hoped that no hon . member vrouldvote with

      Mr . Coixeti understood that many hon . gentlemen on the other side were desirous of attending the Derby ; and unless it was seriously the intention of the Government to make a house * on Wednesday it would be absurd to adjourn to that day . . Sir J . Wjasn rose to put a question to the noble lord the member for London . It appeared , from the noble lord ' s notice , that he intended to bring under the notice of the house as many as five distinct subjects . Xow , what he wished to know was , whether the noble lord intended to have them put from the chair altogether or separately ? Lord J . Russell suggested that the hon . baronet had better wait till Wheard his statement . Mr . Jonx Ooixett hoped he should receive some assurance from the Government that a house would be made on Wednesday , otherwise he should feel it to be his duty to persevere in the amendment that he had moved .

      The question was then put , and it was decided , without a division , that the house , at itsrisins , do adjourn to Wednesday . Air . S . Crawford presented a petition , signed bv npwards of 1 , 000 persons at Liverpool , on the sub * - jectoftks TestAmions of the noble lord the member for London , stating thatsome of them were objectionable as having no bearing upon the petitions which had been signed by millions of the people , and presented to that house ; and stating also , that no adequate relief would be afforded nnlessby the means of extensive alterations in the existing Jaws . The hon . member also presented petitions from Edinhureh , hettering , and other places to the same effect . Mr . rEKRASB presented a petition fr om the Fraino .

      work-knitters ' delegates of the counties of Nottingham , Derby , and Leicester , assembled in Nottingham on the 28 th day of April , 1 SJ 5 , complaining that their labour is reduced in value by over-producing machine power ; that they are suffering the greatest destitution , and that , as a measure of justice , thev pray for the cajhn consideration o £ the house on thfs important subject , or the results to society mieht in a short period be dreadful . They also prayed for certain alterations in the Field Gardens ljill " which would enable them to live without the continual fear of being forced into a nnion workhouse or starved to death . The hon . member also presented three petifaons from factory workers in the employ of Mr . Richard Smethurst , in the parish of Chorlev , in fevour ofa len flours' Bill ; and a petition from the saw ? crs , Sf Rochdale , praying for a tax on steam sawjSriS fST-n ?^™** V ^ seatei a petition signed by 3 , 323 silk handloom weavers of Middleton and the

      townships and villages adjacent thereto , in the county of Lancaster , stating that they were subjected to indescribable suffering and distress in consequence of the want of a proper law to protect their labour—that they conceive the causes to be chief ! v low wages , unequal abatements , want of eniplovnient , home competition , aud the introduction and increase of unrestricted machinery "—that some mastersabate their wages from 5 to -50 per ceut ., to which they are compelled to sutonit , or they would entirely lose their employment . The petitioners prayed for some legislative enactment to protect their labour from the unjust encroachments of their unprincipled masters , and stated that this nii « ht be effected by establishing boards of trade composed of masters and workmen . Also a petition to the same effect , agreed to at a public meeting of silk handloom weavers of the town of Middleton , and signed by the chairman .

      rhe orders of the day were then gone thrown , and appointed for different davs .

      STATE Or T 1 IE COtSTRT . Lord J . KrssELL . —Sir , I rise to bring forward the motion of -winch I lave giTen notice , the subject Of much . I Cannot but Mgaud as of ihe hi ghest possible Importance . I confess that I should have despaired of being able to produce any useful effect from the course lam now taking , were it not that the question which I am about to discuss having alreadv occupied much of the public attention for several years past 1 am enabled to look for some assistance on the part of this house towards elucidating the question , and which will likewise afford us some guide in coining to a determination npon the subject-. For my own part , I feel it necessary to premise , that I do not mean by bringing the question before the lumsn in

      assert that I am competent to deal fully with f o < reat a subject ; but I do say that , with reference to the greater part of the evils complained of , the Government has not brought forward any proposition durin " the present session to alleviate them , nor has anv hon . member sought to remed y the defects iu the people ' s condition by introducing any measure independent of the Government , whilst at the same time various different opinions prevail out of doors with respect to the steps which oiuht to be taken bv the Legislature to improve the situation of the labouring classes . Now , I do consider it to be a matter of the highest imporiauce that this whole subject should be brought before the house , not only with a view to adopting some ulterior measures , Cut also in order

      that we may learn from the opinions of those public men who possess weight in this house the views which they take of the various plans which have been proposed from time to time in onler io benefit and permanently to elevate the condition of the poorer classes . For 1 mast observe thai whilst I am ready to admit some of the views which have been propounded with respect to the steps necessary to be taken to better the state of the labouring part of the community are sound and whole sonie , otherplanswbichhavcbecn proposedforthesame purpose are founded on erroneous viewsof the legisla tive power , aud of the mode of exerting that power for the benefit of the people , which views , if indulged in , might come before the house in a sliapc in which we

      could neither give them a negative with any satisfaction , noran affirmative with anv safety . And , first , I must hegto say a few words with respect to the form in which I have brought forward this motion . Had I been of opinion that by bringing forward each separate proposition singly before the house theresnlt would hare been to originate a measure adequate to deal with the subject , I should have taken that <» urse . But , according to the views which are cntainedbyher Majesty ' s Government with respect to legislation , it appeals that all measures which are destined to obtain the sanction of Parliament must originate with the Government . The right hon . baronet and his colleagues have taken such decided steps to discourage measures from beins broushtin

      by other hon . members than those in immediate connection with the Government , and both in and out of office they have so repeatedly stated that they conader the Government , and the Government alone , to fee responsible for the condition of the country , that I confess I should have looked upon any endeavour on my own part to bring in a measure founded npon -jiy one of the propositions contained in my motion < s altogether futile and abortive . The only course S / herefore that was left for me to pursue was that > rhieh I have taken , namely , to propose a general res olution to the house , embodying my views of the s / eps which ought to be adopted , leaving it entirely fev the Government to bring in measures founded on l . sv views , if they thought proper to do so , or , if thev

      < r m not think ht to follow that course , placuv them u nder the necessity of statingto the house the general •¦ newsof policy they thinkthis country ought to follow Sir , in every view the resolutions which I brin « bd fore the house arc closely connected together . I am of opinion that a Government which at the present + bne wishes to propose measures useful to the couniiy , and . tending to improve the condition of the people , should consider all the subjects wliich are mentioned in these resolutions . An lion , baronet addressed to me a question to-night , as if he considered that they were totally sepavaie anil distinct questions . Sir , I entirely differ from that view . My opuiion is , generally , that you should endeavour to free trade from restrictions , that von should

      endeavour to relieve industry from those trammels which have been pkced upon it by legislation ; but that in eo doing , owing to the legislation of past times , and owing to the present state of the country , it will be necessary to adopt othermeasuresaccompanvin" those measuresifor the relief of industry ; and , at the same tune , it is my opinion that the general subject of education and instruction ouiht to form part of the deliberations of the Government , and of the measures to be brought before this house-fhear , hear ); aud if any gentleman tells me that those subjects wliich seem least connected with those I have mentioned in these resolutions are separate and distinct , 1 beg to tell him why I differ from him in that view . I think

      you cannot expect that any measures yon may pro-P L- e senerp 4 education of the people will be enectivc unless you improve their physical condition . U lear hear . ) I do not think that men who are Hrug « bng to obtain the subsistence necessary to sup-* & ? - £ T 1 * 1 ^ aUe or wUruiS to *> && those exe £ & 2 Th ^ r eeeasaiT * « £ **«*«««*« *> their 5 ^ ^ , S « eB ^! pealdn SlIdWflH » S mwovo $ f 0 X ? fj *** ' y ° a snouW endeavour SirJn ? ooW A ™ « i « S * * e people . most S ^ fe ^ f . ^ ^ kh must oe ' fanuKar to TO KehaSJSS . " ^^ « Pcettothe wages * Wrhon » f the people of this country

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      subsist . It is well known , that in many counties in England—in many of the agricultural counties in England—the wages are not more than 7 s . 3 d . or 8 s . a-week . That has been stated repeatedly ; and when 1 have asked gentlemen connected with those counties whether the tact were so , and whether such was the rate of wages , they have answered that undoubtedly such was the fact , and such tho condition of the labourers in those counties . Now , Sir , if that be tho fact , I need not say what privations it entails , what toil it occasions , and whatinsufficient means it affords of providing for the comfort of the labourers ; nor need I go into any of the details which show that the dwellings of the labourers in many of those connties are totally insufficient ; that families are crowded

      together without regard to morals or decency—that many members of a family are obliged to sleep in the same room—and that neither health nor comfort is consulted in the arrangements which have become necessary to them in order to obtain even the room for which they can afford to pay rent . But , Sir , there are general considerations which it appears to nie we ought to consider , and which involve a retrospect for a very considerable period of time . I am now going , therefore , to trace in some degree the alterations which have taken place in a long course of years , going back to the period of the List century before the revolutionary war . At that time we had a debt of some £ 250 , 000 , 000 ; we had between £ 14 . 000 , 000 and £ 15 . 000 , 000 for the interest of our

      debt and expenditure ; we bad a poor-rateamounting to £ 2 , 500 , 000 , and the practice of paying the allowance of labourers out of the poor-rate was then msknown to this country . Sow , in the course of the warwhich began in 1793 various changes took placechanges , much for the worse as concerns the situation of the people—changes , the effects of which I think we are still suffering under , and which from time to time have been broughfunder the consideration of this house . In the first place , we had an immense increase of our debt , making a proportionate increase of taxation . That increase of our debt was niadeinthe inostextravagantinannor . ( Hear . ) Many of the loans contracted were contracted in such a manner that more than six oer cent , was paid

      for interest , and that not reducible , but remaining to future times , because the sums were borrowed in the three per cents ., and I find that ia 1797 , £ 200 in the three per cents ., with other advantages , were given tolenders of £ 100 . So it appeals , at the end of Mr . M'Culloch ' s late work on taxatioii , that the sum of £ 400 , 000 , 000 , which was borrowed during the war , entailed upon us an interest on the debt of more than £ 21 , 000 , 000 , thus obliging us to pay more than fivo per cent , as interest of that debt . Now , when in the course of the beginning of the last century debts were contracted in war , the interest which was necessary was engaged to be paid at the time , and afterwards that interest was reduced ; so that Sir 11 . Walpo ' e , during the long peace that began in 171 G , was able to

      reduce the interest of the debt by about one-half of the total amount which it was at the end of the war . That has not been possible with any Minister of this country since , considering tUeiuodc in whichtao debt of the last war was conducted . At the same time , we have , therefore , in considering a taxation of fifty millions a-year , always to reflect that the greater part of that taxation is rendered necessary by obligations of the public faith , and that it is out of our power to alter it . The whole amount to which we can alter our expenditure , between the amplest and most narrow expenditure for peace establishments , amounts to about three millions . At the same time , in speaking of taxation , I think it should not be left out of sight that we have been able from time to

      tnne to abolish many of those taxes which were laid upon the necessaries of life—the taxes upon leathor , upon salt , and upon candles have been entirely abolished . If any one will look at the complaints of the weight of taxation in the last century , he will see that those were the taxes wliich were particularly complained o ^ and were pointed out as the taxes which were the most injurious to the interests of the country . Still , however , we have in one way or other , whether by direct or by indirect taxation , to bear that great amount for the interest of our debt , an obligation from wliich we cannot escape , and from wliich , except in the way of the proposal made by the first Minister of the Crown this year , viz ., by a comniutation of those taxes which press more heavily , in

      preference to those which pres 3 less heavily , on the industry and resources of the country , the house has no escape . Sir , there is another subject on which a very great alteration was made during the war ; I allude to the subject of the currency , to tiiat which the right hon . baronet last year called " the fatal measure of 1797 . '' The tendency of that measure was greatly to degrade the labourer —( hear , hear ); the tendency of it was to diminish the value of the wages of liis labour . Those wages never increased in proportion to the change which took place in the value Of money —( hear ,, hear ); at the same time that depreciation of the general currency of the country led to effects which a depreciation always has produced , it led to an extravagant mode of living , to

      a sudden enjoyment of high profits , and to a ncslect of frugrality , prudence , and forethought , wliich many , both in agriculture and in trade , practise in ordinary times ; and in that way it produced a lasting evil upon the country . Sir , I do not say , either , in fins respect , that we can make any epeat change wJiieh will be beneficial to the labourer . I believe that the measures proposed by the right hon . gentleman at the head of her Majesty ' s Government in 1819 , and the bill which he proposed last year , were founded on sound principles , and without discussing ( which , indeed , is unnecessary at this moment ) their particular adaptation to the times at which they were brought forward , I believe it would be a great misfortune if the house should endeavour to denart

      materially from tho principles sanctioned by those measures . At the same tune , I think we must always recollect that those measures in themselves produced their evils , that they had disadvantages accompanying them , that they produced what a contraction of the currency Mowing the measure of 1819 was sure to produce , great evils at the time , and that they have contributed , amongst other tilings , to the injury of the industrious classes , at least , for a considerable time . But now , Sir , I come to another subiect , on which I think that Parliament may legisfatc ; on which-1 think it may legislate with benefit , to overtun ) , as we have overturned with respect to the currency , the erroneous legislation of the war , —I allude totheporicyofrestrictionsandmonop ely . ( IIear , hear . l

      If any one speaks of that policy , of the policy of monopoly and restrictions , or , as it is called by those who favour it , of " protection to Dative industry , " bespeaks of it as an ancient establishment , as a matter which has become interwoven with the laws of the country ; and , therefore , extremely difficult to touch or deal with . But , if avc go further , and look at what has actually been the case , we shall find that the chief monopolies and restrictions which now exist are monopolies and restrictions introduced by ministers who are still living , by persons who are still in Parliament , or by persons who , though not in the direction of public affairs , still remain among us ; and whom , therefore , we may consider as quite of out own time . Jfow , the old system of restrictions and

      monopoly was called , particularly in the time of Adam Smith , " the mercantile system ; " and Mr . Smith , in speaking of the restrictions introduced by the Corn Laws , says , he believes that those restrictions in favour of particular trades were introduced by persons who were used to the narrow spirit of corporations—that from corporations it became the practice of traders ; and , seeing that it was adopted in the legislation of the country , the country gentlemen , whose nature was generally generous anu alien from such partial restrictions , were induced to adopt the policy , which was of little value to them , but which was supposed to be beneficial , because ithad been so contended for by manufacturers and merchants . Sow , Mr . Smith has related what was no doubt

      conforma We to the experience of his time , but the experience of our time brings us to a different state of things . With a vast export of manufactureswith an export amounting , perhaps , to £ 50 , 000 , 000 , our manufacturers have perceived , that if they can sell in all the markets of the world , it can be of no advantage or use to than to have restrictions laid upon the import of such manufactures into this country . They have adopted , therefore , generally , with few exceptions , the theories which Adam Smith and his followers and almost all political economists have adopted , that is , that restrictions are mischievous , and injure the labouring classes , above all classes of tlie community . ( Hear , hear . ) [ The noble lord feere entered into considerable

      detail , and contended that our manufacturers were correct in the views which they now entertained by taking a retrospect of the history of the restrictions formerly imposed on timber and wool , lie gave that history as a specimen of the mischief created by the high duties imposed during the war , and of the emptiness of the apprehensions entertained of the evils likely to accrue from tbc remission of those duties , lie contended that history also showed that under protective duties the labourer was lo .-s able to educate his children , to live in comfort , and to become satisfied with his condition . Nevertheless there was still a party of great weisht in the Lc «* l lature , which insisted that without protection certain branches of industry could not be maintained . To such persons he said , " Let us cither protect all branches of industry , whether manufacturing or agricultural , or else let us abandon the svstem of

      protection as vicious and unsound . " Tliat system was , moreover , one on which our statesmen hail already made great alterations . In 1 & 2 the Government had proposed great changes in oiu- Customs duties . Many were alarmed at the extent to which the reductions were then carried . Manv personsfor instance , rope-cutters , cork-cutters , " and bootmakers—had waiicd upon him as uicmk-r for the City of London , and had represented to him the extreme panic wliich they felt , because their protection was to be reduced . It was neither just nor equitable to introduce ctages producing alarm anon « men earning 35 s ., 20 s ., 12 s ., or Ss . a-week , unless you introduced similar changes into the protection "ivon to the commodities produced by Peers of Parliament and the other influential members of the landed aristocracy It was not fair to say that from the former you would take protection ; but that von would not take it from the latter , because they had the means

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      of acting upon the legislature . Events had shown that there was very little reason for the alarm felt in 1842 by the manufacturers ; and the reductions then made were very large . If , then , it were right at that time to abandon our high rate of Customs duties , and to bring the greater part of them vntuin moderate compass , bethought that we ought to take measures to bring all such duties within the same compass . The tariff of 1842 left a protecting duty of 20 per cent , on all articles . That was an extravagant duty , and he considered that it would be better for us to abandon it altogether . He then adverted to the question of the Corn Laws , and gave an historical account of the rise and progress of those laws from the commencement of the French revolutionary

      war down to the present time . Experience showed tliat our system was founded in error , and produced the very evil against which it was intended to guard , f he graduated scale had turned out to be a complete failure , and was equally injurious to the producer and consumer . It was contrary to all true commercial principles , and it was perfectly ruinous to the interests ot the farmer : It tended also to check all improvements in agriculture , and to render the cultivator of the soil careless as to the system of cultivation which he pursued . lie then said , that his third resolution , which affirmed that "the present Com Law tended to check improvement in agriculture , produced uncertainty in all farming speculations , and held out to the owners and occupiers of

      land prospects of special advantages , which it failed to secure , " was fully proved to be correct by the complaints of the agricultural interest during the present session ; for it appeared that now , when the y had a protection of 40 per cent , on the ordinary food of the people , they were still in a state of distress and difficulty . Now that protection forced the artisan to give an increased price for his food , and so diminished his means to provide himself with other necessaries . It prevented him , besides , from sendiug liismanufactiuvs aliread , and from thus increasing , by the sale of ( them , the general prosperity and revenue of the country . It had been said , that if the Cora Laws were to b ™ repealed , wages would be reduced . The argument on that point was by no means conclusive ;

      but it wages should be reduced by the repeal of the Corn Laws , there would at any rate be a greater demand for labour , and therefore so far the labourer would be a gainer . Besides , the Parliamentary returns proved beyond all doubt that the labourer was always a loser by a high , and a gainer by a low price of corn . He contended that the introduction of foreign corn to any considerable extent into this country would lead to such an increase in our manufactures , that , though at first the price of com might be very low , there would still be a steady average price of corn in the long run which would be quite sufficient for the remuneration of the fannci . If then the Cora Laws were thus generally injurious , what system ought the house to adopt in its stead ?

      He then enumerated the various propositions which had been made to the house on that subject , and observed that his object was rathev to propose to the Government that it should not leave the Corn Laws in their present state , than to make any proposition of his own . He certainly would not now propose the scheme which lie had proposed in 1841 , and yet he would propose a fixed duty . He would not propose , as in 1841 , a fixed duty of 8 s ., but if he were called upon to name the amount of his fixed duty , ho would say that it should be a 4 s ., 5 s ,, or Cs , duty . In reference to the whole question of duties on corn , as contrasted with their immediate total repeal , the noble lord said . " }—If I were asked vrbsthev I think that it is desirable to have iiny duty on corn at all . I

      should say , as an abstract question , that it is certainly not desirable to have any duty , and that corn is one of the worst articles you could tax ( hear , hear ); but in making changes in commercial policy , I know the evil produced by sudden alterations . ( Hear , hear . ) But it is said that if this is an evil , why not at once abolish it ? Why , the same argument might be used with respect to a person who had been for many years , until he readied sixty ov seventy years of age , in the habit of indulging in stimulating diet and intoxicating drinks . m one could say that that is a wholesome mode of living ; and everybody would say that if that person had abstained from intemperance he would have been a much stronger man ; but I believethat a skilful

      , physician would hardly advise an immediate return , even to wholesome diet , in the case of a person who had been long indulging in such injurious habits , lhat there may hereafter come a time when the state of the population , the manufactures , and the commerce of this country , may require a total abrogation of all duty on corn , I will not deny—but , I slioulil say , having regard to existing circumstances , that what would give the greatest relief , and inflict the smallest amount Of GVil , would bo the change which I propose . ( Hear , hoar . ) This , therefore , brings me to the resolution— " That this house will take the said laws into consideration , with a view to such cautious and deliberate arrangements as may be most beneficial to all classes of her Majesty ' s

      subjects . In these terms I do but agree with the terms used by all authors on the subject , by Adam Smith , by Maltlms , and b y BAcavdo , even when they proposed the greatest freedom to industry . ( Hear , hear . ) But now 1 come to another subject , on which I must ukevnse call the attention of the house to the changes which were made during the revolutionary war—I mean the changes in the Poor Laws . Before that vyav the system of making allowances and giving relief to labourers who were employed was , I believe , totally unknown ; but as that war went on , and as the prices ofcorn rose to be very high , it was thought a better mode to give allowances to every labourer , according to his family , rather than to increase the wages . I believe tliat almost every one is now

      convinced that such a proceeding is most injurious , and that its obvious tendency was to increase the number ot labourers , without providing a corresponding demand for their labour . It increased the number of marriages and the number of labourers , and tended to injure the labourers by bringing into market more labour than could obtain a lair remuneration . In 1 S 34 that system was altered . It has been said that the alteration lias been injurious to the labourers ; but my belief is , that if the former system had gone on , the labourers of England would now have been in a most painful and miserable condition ( hear , hear)—that , with the increase m their numbers , the amount of their wages would have diminished , and that the allowance from the

      poor-rate—the forced and compulsory charity of the poor-rate—would have been measured in such a manner as to provide them only with the bavest moans of existence . ( Hear , hear . ) The change , therefore , to winch I alluded was introduced . There has been published at various thues a suggestion made by somebody to the efl ' ect that the poor who received relief from the poor-rate should be made to habituate themselves to coarser diet , and should otherwise be worse kept than they had been . Of that suggestion I believe the right hon . gentleman opposite once said that he knew nothing . I am sure that I know nothing of it , and 1 do not believe that it ever came before those who had the Poor Laws under their consideration . What came under mv consideration was the

      expectation that what was before given in the injurious shapes of compulsory charity would in future be given in the wholesale sliapc of wages , and that the labourer , instead of merely receiving allowances every week from the parish board , and giving in return scarcely any labour , and that of little or no value , would have his condition altered , inasmuch as lie woiud be giving wholesome labour forwages under the superintendence of an employer . ( The noble lord here read an extract from a report of Mr . Tufneli , in which it appeared from a farmer ' s labour . account in tne hattle Union , that he had expended more money in wages since the formation of the union than previous thereto during an equivalent period . ) This change anse 3 from a desire to emnlov more labour .

      and it is an indisputable fact that the farmer does not put the amount saved into his pocket , but spends it ill labour . This was the effect I especially looked to after the alteration of the Poor Laws . I looked to tho effect which should measure the wages of the labourer by the proper demand for his labour—which should place him under an employer and which should change the sums he received from the vicious system of allowances from the poor-rates into the healthy system of regular wages from the farmer . ( Hear . ) 1 submit , if this is the case — if this is uie eftect of the Poor Law—that to represent that law as injurious to the labourer is the greatest possible mischief ; ami that i \ o move beneficial mode of aiding the labourer could be found than the

      change which lias taken place . ( Hear , hear . ) At tho same time , it is to be considered that the law which formerly prevailed -must have left many injurious tvaces . It is now littw more than ten years since the amended law came into operation . " The children that had been born under the old vicious administration , when allowances were made according to the nunber of children in a ianiiiy , are now becoming young men , raid r . vc looking for employment for thenlabour . Unfortunately they find , as must naturally be expected , that the artificial increase made by the Jaw in the number of labourers has not brought " with it a corresponding increase in the demand for labour . ' j hus there were in many of ike southern counties , ' midcr the improved administration of the Poor Laws ' , a number of labourer who do not , during all the winter months , find employment from individual farmers . Iheref " ore , 1 say that itis notsufficicnt to have altered

      your Poor Laws ; it is not sufficient to stand steadily asthe present Government declare they will , by the princi ples of the now law ; but we must consider temporary and alleviating measures , by which we can remedy the disorders created by tlic former faulty administration of the Poor Laws . The right lion , gentleman the Home Secretary lias undertaken to introduce a measure wliich is calculated , in some respects , for this purpose ; for , at least , List year , and I believe this year , lie stated that it was a great hardship for labourers not to lie able to transfer their labour from places where it was not wanted to other pits where they could command employment , and tot the law of settlement operated injuriously in this respect . But the right lion , gentleman has not persisted ( or I should hardly have proposed the resolution t

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      to ttflMppthat is a principle by winch mainly an nmen djuent can be made iu the situation of the labourers thus grown up in agricultural parishes . The people in agricultural parishes reckon , when they marry , that some of their sous and daughters may find employment in Manufacturing towns ; but alter they have gone there , and after ten or twelve years ' employment they have added to the wealth aad importance of those towns , if there conies a period of distress , the right hon . gentleman would propose that these persons should be sent back to the places of their birth . I confess that tins does not appear to be either equitable or necessary . I think that there should be some enactmont by wliich , after a certain period , these parties should obtain a settlement in the

      places where they have been industriously employed , and to whose wealth they have contributed . ( Hear , hear . ) The hon . member for Brecon , who cheers me , did introduce a law with this object , and proposed that a certain time—one year , I believer-should give a settlement . I should rather hesitate in fixing on so short a period for the purpose of giving a settlement , but I think something like the suggestion I am about to make might bo carried into effect . The right hon . gentleman last year proposed that five years of industrious occupation should give a settlement . Supposing that to be so , then , with , respect to lesser periods , such as three years , two years , or even one year , these might give a temporary settlement . It , therefore , the pavtics whom I have

      supposed to have gone from agricultural parishes to manufacturing towns should only be in a state of temporary distress , owing to a sudden want of employment , and that they might after a time again find employment , it would be a great hardship to send them back ( and they might be artisans ) to the parishes where they were born , and where the labour is unsuited to them , and where , in consequence , they become a burden and sink into the state of paupers ' ( Hear , hear . ) The right hon . gentleman , I know , found great obstructions in his proposed alteration ol the law . The towns in general , I believe , objected to the increase of the poor-rates , which they thought would fall on them ; and it is for this purpose that in my resolutions I have combined with the proposal of

      the change to be made in the law in this respect , the proposal of a change to be made in the Corn Laws . I think that , if on the one hand you enable tlie inhabitants of manufacturing towns and the mercantile interest to have a regular supply of the articles of food , it would be fair , on the other hand , that you should expect them to bear this bnvden , and , therefore , I propose the resolution"that the freedom of industry would be promoted by a careful revision of the law of parochial settlement which now prevails in England . " I now come to the next resolution : — " That a systematic plan of colonisation would partially relieve those districts of the country where the deficiency of employment has been most injurious to the labourers in husbandry . " I

      have stated this resolution very cautiously , because I uo not wish to imply that a very great scheme of colonisation should be adopted by this country . The cost would be so large , I doubt whether any Government could propose it ; but at tho same time it is to be considered , that in many agricultural districts , without any aid from the Government , but by voluntary subscriptions , the labourers have been assisted to emigrate , and this lias done good both to the emigrants and to those who remained behind . ( Hear . hcar . ) Ho not let it be supposed that I wish any compulsory emigration to enter into any scheme of which 1 should uo the author ; I should be against any scheme of compulsory emigration . ( Hear , hear . ) But 1 have heard from Mr . Hodges , formerly member for Kent ,

      anu who was favourable to plans of emigration , that , that fact being known , a person who was agent to an emigration company to Australia , and another who was ¦ agent te an emigration company to Canada , came to him , and made their propositions , aud that many of his best labourers chose to emigrate to those colonies . The agents were somewhat surprised that he should part with his best labourers , but lie said that he thought that it was for tlie bencfitof all ; that it was true that they were his best labourers , but that they would do well as colonial labourers , and that lie should find that those labourers , who at the time were c omparatively of little use , and whose labour was not required , would become useful aud skilful labourers ; and that in this way they would all

      oe uenchtted . I asked him to inquire what had been the effects of emi gration in his parish and the surrounding parishes , and he sent me a paper showing that the parishes had bonefifcted to a considerable degree , and that the labouring emigrants had scarcely m any instance returned , bub were perfectly satisfied in the colonies to which they had gone . I think , therefore , that it is making a bugbear of this emigration to represent it as injurious to tho labourers . ( Hear , hear . ) " \ Ylien tl \ o position of the labourer is so much improved by the change , and when they go to a country where they find persons speaking their own language and accustomed to similar habits , I must confess that it is to the benefit of all parties that from some districts emicration should take nlaue :

      but many emigration favoured by the Government two things should be especially taken care of ; the one is , not to send parties out as emigrants who arc unfit to bear the hard labour and the temporary privations winch persons going to the colonies may have to endure . ( Hear . ) In the next place , I think that emigration , if the Government take any share in it , should not bo that sort of indiscriminate emigration earned on by a number of persons meeting together for the purpose of going to some distant colony , who wave never known each other before . ( Hear , hear . ) Ino emigration should consist of persons coming from certain districts , who know one another , and parties should be got to go with them who could take the command and lead them on in the foundation of those

      colomal establislunents which it was intended they should form . In such a transaction both sides would oe gainers ; for the emigrants would be consumers ot your manufactures , and would be producers of corn and other articles of food , which they would send back in exchange for tJiose manufactures . L ine noble lord next approached the subject of Mucation . —There had been , he said , of late years great improvements made ia » tho education ot" the people ; but the latest accounts . which he had seen upon that subject were contained in the last report ot the British and Foreign School Society , and that , m alluding to the gaol , ^ tuvns for the last year , showed that tho house had still in this respect a great duty to perform . ¦ Ila .-imnlored the linnsff .

      wJien . it was taking measures to remove the restrictions imposed on the food anil . clothing of the poor not to shut its eyes upon the awful state of ignorance in which a great mass of our population was buried . It ought never to be forgotten , tliat , while in this month of May pious men were subscribing their funds to enable missionaries to preadi the gospel in China ana m other foreign parts , there were numbers of persons m Sussex and other counties of England totall y ignorant of every duty which a Christian ought to perform . He could . not entertain a doubt tliat tlic house and the Gosftpniacnt would Mlv be anxioustoremedy thislamentabledeficiency . Heknew tliat they should be met i » tli ^ objection—we could not give tlie labOUri ' mr nbmUtilt . inn « -.. Min ' imic nrlnnn .

      tion , on account of the j » uSiplieity of sects which prevailed among them . - Bifothis we could do , we could make a grant for § dJ 34 ional purposes to those who applied for it ; we couldfassist them in building schools , and m providing competent masters for those schools . Itwas the duty oPthe house to improve the education of the people siand it could be done in the wav wlndiliQ ^ l stated without any violation ot tlie rights of conscience . . He asserted that their grant tor education was at ^ present insufficient , and thought that Ministers might safely ask the Parliament tins year for a grant of £ 150 , 000 for the support and maintenance of schools in England and in Wales . These were the resolutions which he

      intended to propose , these . ^ vere- the outlines of the measure which he sivwshed to have introduced for the amelioration of the condition of the country . Rcspecting > thc whole question , thus raised by him , the uoule lord , in conclusion , said ] : — Sir , I have now given very imperfectly an outline of those measures which I think ought to be introduced for tlie purpose of improving the condition of the people . I have at least t \ ie satisfaction of having brought them forward at a time when no feeling of passion can be mixed up with the discussion , when there has been such improvement in trade , such general political tranquillity and obedience to the law , that it cannot be said these propositions have been introduced to meet any cry or clamour , or that they are

      intended to promote any political ov party object . ( Hear , hear . ) It appears to me that you ought to take advantage of such a period to propose those measures which you think will be beneficial to the great mass of the people . I have given , according to such lig ht as I possess , a view of what I think should be your course of policy . If you think you should adopt at once an entire system of free trade , ov that , on the other hand , you should carry further the system of protection , tlie house ought to take such measures as it deems necessary . I think , in any case , unless you are fully persuaded that your present system is the most wholesome and the most conducive to the welfare of the people , you should not wait till a , time of distress , till a time of clamour shall arise . I know not what measures you might in that case adopt ; but , certainly , they would be tinctured with that heat and violence which such reasons are sure to

      produce . And let me say to those who represent the agricultural interests in this house , that it would be most favourable for them to have any settlement ot those questions in which agriculture is concerned , while there is not that great pressure which a time of distress is sure to occasion . If we go on till the time comes when , with an increasing population — a population increasing at the rate of from 200 , 000 to 250 , 000 every year-it is found that our supply of food is totally insufficient when the cry of hunger comes up to these walls will it then be the time tor those who have maintained the necessity of a largo protection—if they have anv just regard lor their own legislative character-to eoncecc the demands which may then be made ? Avould it not be ar better that they should provide beforehand for that evil time ? I think we cannot expect that a system which , so far as regards tho commercial and manufacturing classes , liasheen condemned by the measures adopted by this house within

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      the last fevryeaTS 7 should Ik mr . intnbeu for the salce of the landed interest . Let the gentlemen on the other side , then , endcavourto frame some preposition upon which this house—and the legislation of this house—can rest . Let them take their shave , with the rest of the country , in the burdens which may be imposed upon them . What objection can there be to the consideration of the whole system of taxation , with a view to render its pressure equal . upon all interests in this country ? Who can object to it , even if the result should show that we oughtto relieve the agricultural interest from some- of ; its J lnjrdens . But , whatever the result may be ,. I a skyjou : to consider this question now , in a tuno of . cabling iwid of , peace ; and if you think fit to . disregard . altogether

      what else I have proposed , to adopt thj » first resolu-, tion , which I now place , sir , in . jfiur handi } . ;— ' 5 That the present state of political tranquilu'tyj . and the recent revival of trade , afford to this house a favourable opportunity to consider of . such measures as may tqnd permanently to improve the condition of the labouring classes . " Adopt that resolution , and add to it any further resolution you may think fit , according to your own views of what the interests of the ountry require . My firm belief is that our laws will not remain long in the state in which they now arc . . conceive that the condition of this country renders egislation necessary—not ( for that would be a most inconsiderate attempt ) to endeavour to provide directly for tlie well-being of all classes of the

      community , but to relieve the people as far as you can from all those evils and all those restraints winch your own legislation has imposed . ( Hear , hear . ) With this object then , sir , I beg to move the first resolution . ( " Hear" and cheers . ) Tlie Speaker then put the question , when Mr . S . CuiWFOEu rose to pvoposc tl \ c amendment of which he had given notice , and which was , he said , founded upon the petitions of the people . In 1842 , petitions bearing 3 , 324 , 000 signatures were presented to thathouse , praying them to take into their consideration the propriety of extending to the working classes some share of political power by the extension of the suffrage . In 1813 , numerous petitions to a similar effect were laid before the house : and , in the

      last year , 1844 , petitions signed by more than 60 , 000 persons had been presented , prayingthatamore equal system of representation might be adopted . Ills hon . friend , the member for Finsbury ( Mr . T . Duncombc ) , and himself had , on several occasions , submitted motions to the house , in accordance with the prayer of the petitioners , but they had been rejected by large majorities . The people complained that they were taxed by this house , in which they were unrepresented ; and they asked that some means of protection might be afforded them by conceding them ; i share in the representation . He called upon the house to take this subject into their consideration , and he claimed on the part of the people full , free , and fair representation . The right lion , baronet

      ( bir li . Peel ) had recently made rapid strides in the proposal of measures advantageous to the great body of the people ; and though the right lwm . gentleman ; iad generally divided against him when ho brought this subject before the house , he did not despair that the time would arrive when the right hon . baronet , seeing , upon mature consideration , the justice of tlie measure , would be among the first to support him . Tlie noble lord , in commenting upon his fifth resolution , made some remarks on the principle of the New Poor Law , and . he ( Mr . Crawford ) could not pass the subject over without one or two observations . The noble lord advocated the principle of that law , and denied that it was identified with a certain document or proposition which had been brought forward on

      a former occasion in that house . Now , whether that proposition was or was not ever adopted by the Poor Law Commissioners , one thing appeared to his ( Mr . Crawford ' s ) mind , undeniable—that the harshest possible regulations were made by the commissioners with respect to the poor , and that if they had wished directly to carry out the terms of the proposition to which he referred , they could not have succeeded more effectually . Their regulations were cruel in the extreme , and such as ought not to have been made with respect to any class of the community . The principle of tlie New Poor Law was nothing more nor less than b indirect means to abolish the poor man ' s right to relief ; in fact , by restrictions and provisions in the workhouse , to nrevent the Door man from

      applying for relief , unless he was driven to the last stage of destitution . He was prepared to deny that the effect of the Poor Law had been to raise wageson the contrary , wages in the agricultural districts had fallen , and that fall was chiefly to be attributed to the operation of the Poor Law , which had put such restrictions on the relief afforded tothepoonnan , that he was willing to take BUY wages IlQ COUM possibly live on , " rather than submit to tlie vclief the powWiso afforded him . ( Hear , hear . ) That was his view of the New Poor Law , and he maintained that no sincere friend of the working classes could fail to wish that law amended . If the orders of the Poor Law Commissioners had been carried out specifically , the condition of the poor would be the most cruelly

      miserable that it possibly couid be . ( Hoar . ) With respect to tho question of emigration , he considered that extensive emigration was a great misfortune to the country . At the same time , however , he would not put any obstacle in the way of voluntary emigration . What he would wish to do , was to keep the able-bodied labourers in tho country by bettering their condition , and he was fully convinced that if the resources of the country were carried out , aud all restrictive laws vcraoved—if , too , the country were cultivated , as it ought to he , the working hands of the country would not be sufficient for the purpose . There wore 44 , 000 , 000 of acrcsstill to be cultivated in this country , and tliG number of labourers would fall very far short of the demand if that , land were to be put into a state of cultivation . ( Hear , hear . ) The great evil of this country was that the poor man was driven off the land ; there was no land for the labour of his hands . The consequence

      was , that the manufacturing industry of the country was overpowered by the number of superfluous hands that were poured in upon it . ( Hear , hear . ) fie did not wish further to trespass on tho attention of tho house . He had only addressed them on this occasion m the hope that they might ho induced to take the claims and wishes of the people into their consideration , more especially theiv chum to a shave in the making of tho Jaws , and iu sending representatives to that house . The hon . gentleman concluded by moving , as an amendment to the firstresolution , that after the word " opportunity" in that resolution , these words he inserted , " to give immediate attention to the claims of the people , so repeatedly urged m the petitions of the people for an extension of the Parliamentary suffrage , as well as "—after which the rest of the words of the resolution to follow ; and " that resolutions 4 , 5 , G , and 8 bo omitted . " Mr . W . Wiuiams seconded the amendment .

      Sir James Graham observed , that lie should have risen immediately after Lord John Russell , to move the previous question upon his first resolution , had it not been for the consideration that by sodon ^ he should have been acting discourteousl y towards Mr S . Crawford , who in that case would ' have been prevented from proposing the amendment which he had placed on the notice book , and which he had iust submitted to the consideration of the house . The ordinary form of the motions submitted to the house gave them some notion previousl y of the subjects which they had to discuss ; but that of Lord John Russell had thrown the house into a maze ofconfusion , as to the topics which he intended to brin * before it . If any thins were wanted to complete tlie °

      conlusion , it was the proposition for tlie adoption of universrai suffrage , which had been introduced by Mr , S . Crawford . He denied that her Majesty ' s Govern ! nient had ever discouraged legislation by private individuals for the benefit of the industrious classes ; and as a proof of the correctness of this position , referred to the co-onevatwn of Ministers with Lord Ashley in advocating th « interests of the manufacturing population . He could not pretend to follow Lord J . Russell through all the various details which he had introduced into his speech ; but he would endeavour to follow him through tho different resolutions which lie had proposed to the house . Ihe first was one which upon the whole he considered to be hi ghly complimentary to Ihe present Government , for it spoke of tho present state of political tranquillity , and of the recent

      revival of trade , which he maintained was attributable to its commercial policy . The second passed a condemnation on protective duties ; and ou that resolution he wished to remind the house that tho object of Ministers in their recent commercial policy had not been the abolition of protecting , but the substitution of them in the place of prohibitory duties , lhat policy was fivst introduced by Mr . Iliiskisson ' who had declared his intention of following it im bv a cautious and gradual diminution of protectinir duties , to be made in proportion to the incrcw nT the population . That Vd been the Jnido orW administration since Mv . Iluskisson ' s death and more particularl y of the present Government . Ho reminded the house how much had been done in the SnS ^ ri rd ' ? ? ' ° indill ° taxa { ion <> fihe country , which pressed so heavilv on tim imln ^ . * nf

      taxation affecting the interests of tlie move wealthy portion of the community . Ministers had found on tlicir accession to office 1 , 152 articles in the tariff , and had reduced them by their bills of 1811 and of the present year to 579 , thereby removing from it more than half the articles which were charged with duty to the Customs , and relieving to that extent the letters hitherto imposed upon our commerce . I Fc then proceeded to refute the arguments wlrich Lord J . Russell had urged in favour of his third resolution condemnatory of the present Corn Law . Il

      1 . OWI J . Russell really thought the law so prejudicial , he ought not to have proposed a vague resolution like that which had just been read to the house , but that the house go at once into committee to consider the propriety ol' altering it . Formerly Lord John Russell had defended a fixed duty as a fiscal regulation . Now he abandoned that "round altogether , and said , that he would leave a fixed duty of 4 s . or -5 s . as a protection to agriculture After pointing out the inconsistency of this doctrine with Lord John ' s second resolution , lie proceeded to state his conviction that a fixed duty of 4 s or 5 s . on the importation of foreign corn wis %

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      would be no protection . ; and . if tho price . were high the country would not . beaiv iftand . no' feoveinin ent would think of ' enforqing . i \ . Ho'did not SM $ hat protection was thcc ^ e . pfagi'ieulturarrmprovemeht ' but he showed that . coincident with protection there had been a great Jn » pro ;( gment in our agriculture anu in the pnuluctefenj ^ s of . ' our fjppL If . v , is satis ! factory to knowJjlia t i ' iij . the ] pt , 'i pur . ' yeatis , ^ he' ^ rice of labour had increased / $ ne priije ^ of ; the necessaries of life had dimihisVe ^ . ^ ' ^' cntirj ^ lqonditioa of the working classes had DfeVo ' n ^ e gi'ea tljrtanfcliorafcd . He showed that within tile . saine pQr / oi there had been a great increase in our . irade , ' foreign and iloiiaestic , and a surprising improvement ' in the

      Hiaiiuiactunng uistvicts ; and interred tlierelrom tliat the commerce of . the country was now in a wholesome and healthy condition . He contrasted the condition of the manufacturing districts in 1841 and 1842 . with . their present condition and read several documents for the purpose of proving that in every department of industry earned on without them , there was a signal improvement . He referred to the increase of railroads during the last four years as a proof of tlie great increase in the capital of tk country , and asserted that , as the whole of the capital subscribed for new railroads would be expended on the labour of" our ar-. tisans , there was a certainty tliat their prosperity , . would continue for some years . He likewise showed

      that coincident with the distress of the country there had been a- krgc increase , and coincident with its prosperity a corresponding decrease , of crime . A report just presented by the Poor Law Commissioners proved that in the last year there had been a dimn nution ot 20 per cent , in the amount of relief giveito the pauper population . That consideration led urn to Lord John ' s fifth resolution , which related to the 1 oov Laws . It had been alleged that iu 1834 tho Government of Earl Grey had contemplated a measure by which a coarser diet should be forced upon the poor . He hail previously given an assurance to the house that that allegation was not correct : and he was glad to hear Lord J . Russell that evening confirm it . He then described the bill which ho had

      introduced into Parliament to make an alteration in the law of settlement , and to defend it from the attack of Lord John Russell . He next adverted to Lord John Russell ' s sixth resolution , and said , that he did not exactly comprehend what he meant by " a systematic plan of colonisation . " Emigration must be directed at present either to the Canadian or to the Australian colonies . He showed that at Sydney there was at this moment a great excess of labour , and contended that under such circumstances great caution on the part of the Government was necessary in recommending persons lo emigrate lor employment in distant colonies . With respect to emigration to Canada , lie showed that Government had given it sonic aid by

      appointing agents in this country to give instructions to the emigrants before they sailed , awl other agents in Quebec , to afford them information as to their best mode of proceeding when they arrived there , lie next approached the resolution respecting the education of the working classes , on which Lord J . Russell had dwelt with so much anxiety , lie concurred with him in thinking that all attempts to improve the education of the people must be preceded by attempts to improve tlicir physical condition . Ho showed that Government had not been inattentive to this part of its duty . In 1841 only £ 30 , 000 had been voted fov educational purposes , —in the present year the grant proposed would be £ 70 , 000 . After describing the assistance which Government had given to the" normal schools for the fast two or three years , as a proof that Government was not indisposed to pay attention to this subject , lie entered

      into a description of the measures Avhich Sir R . Peel had taken for the moral and religious improvement of tho population of England and Wales by building enurehes and placing endowed ministers in them , in the most crowded parts of the manufacturing districts . In the last nineteen months ninety-seven now churches had either been built or were building in those uistvicts . lie then recapitulated the general results of his statement , lie thought that the account which he had given oi' the recent proceedings of the Government was indicative of anything but a neglect on their part of the interests of the working classes Though the speech of Lord J . Russell was not a party speech , ycfc the embodying of his resolutions into an address to tho Crown would bo considered to convey a censure on tiic Governiuct , ! ,. Ho should therefore move the previous question on his first resolution .

      Sir C . BuiinjaL in a few words ilcftlliloil tlm county oi Sussex from the unjust aspersions which Lord John . kusseUluukiist , no doubt very unintentionally , upon its inhabitants . He spoke in high terms of the general morality and intelligence of the peasantry of Sussex . Mr . Labo \ joueue observed , that it was quite evident , from the tone of Sir J . Graham , that lit-had not expected Lord John Russell to deliver a speccaso utterly free from all party topics . Sir James had expected a severe attack on her Majest y ' s Ministers , and had therefore prepared in deicnce of Uwiu measures an elaborate speech , which had little or no relation to the question really before tlie huuse . lie hoped , however , that lie mi ght consider his speech as indicative of tho course wliich the Ciovcninient was determined to jnirsuo on the questions to which it had adverted . Sir James Gniliam had made a

      flourishing display ot tlie resources of the country ; but who could say that the prospect now so brWifc might not be speedily overcast ? Even those railroad speculations which Sir J . Graham had mentioned as tne sources of permanent industry , were not without t ie \ v disadvantage and Uteir danger . The recoil of them might oe mischievous , and it was . therefore , wise and patriotic in Lord J . Russell to call t ! : e attention ot the house at this time of calm to these subjects , and to place on record the course which , in his opinion was expedient to bo pursued . Iu most of the opinions which Lord J . Russell had expi-e * cd he cordially concurred ; ibi- everyday he lived he saw additional reasons for believing that the only policy lor England was the firm pursuit oi' a i beral commercial policy . He then called upon Die Government to resume the consideration of the Corn Laws to alter the existing duties on suaiv . and nnfc t . k

      expose tup country not only to the Joss of its present trade with the brazils but also to the alienation of theiee ings of the JJraulian popuktumfrom it . "I r UEUi frT 1 ! tllilttlio agricultural interest jiad supported the present Administration because they loosed won it as an ai ^ icultiu'iil Administration ; Since their accession to oiiieu that Administration had forfeited the coufidcucu of" its supporters , lie considered the house to be much indebted to Lord J . ftussell for bringing forward these resolutions , but he could not vote for them , as they were not of a practical character . He looked upon the present as nothing else but a Corn Law debate . After a brief and eloquent speech from Lord Poliiiigton , who declared that he would support a plan ot colonisation as distinguished iram emigration / and tliat lie did not look with the same great dcree of alarm as some of his friends un the eventual repeal of the Corn Laws , i

      Mr . ViLLiF . ns observed , that ho had been listening all the evening lor an auswer to Lord John Russell on the mam question contained in his resolutions , and had heard none . The great question which Lord J ohn Russell had raised was that of protection lie concurred with everything which the noble lovilluul said on that subject , and waited with impatience to Jicar fi'om her Majesty ' s Government some defence ot that system , as some proof that what Lord John ltussell had proposed was practically untrue Sir J Uraliam had described to them in the most « lowin « r

      terms me eitect ot tree trade . He had toM theni , that since it was introduced the agricultural nei ^ gantry were well oft " , and that their wages bad risen , lie hail torn them that when tlm jn-ice of food was high , in 18 H , there was inconceivable distress ; and ho had shown what were tho consequences now , when the price of food was low Sir James Graham was an invaluable witness in tho cause of free trade . He ( Mr . ViUu » s ) was nut going to defend Lord J . Russell s conclusion on one subject , but he thanked him most cordially for bviudng forward his resolutions , lhotioblc lord had broken up flio proum ! and orepared the way for him , whenever lie should wo ' iose the repeal of tfwi Qm \ Laws . * * Mr . Scott expressed himself strongly in fry-m ot giving protection to agriculture . On the motion of Mr . I . Howard , the debate was then adjourned tiinVcdnesday . The other orders of the day wove then disposed of aiw the lunvse adjourned . "

      Imperial Prliamtnt

      imperial prliamtnt

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      by day is the view of London by night , painted 'jy Mr . lams . As a work of art , it Is fiilfy as extraordinary as thatwhich alread y exists , mulsuruasses it by the wonderful effects crowded to-other in i : reproducing every natural detail of tho scene with ' the utmost ingenuity , and rendering the delusion perfect . , l lie haze cirvirqiiingthe whole city , and darkly vollect-»! g the ruddy light wliich streams from every street or place , is admirably represented , the clouds passing ji'mn time to time over the face of the moon , and interrupting the rifling reflection in the river , the stars twinkling apparently at immeasurable distances ; the sounds of night music , and tho striking of clocks continually vary the scene , and render it difficult to believe that the whole is the effect of art indeed , no description can possibly convey the impression created by tlie painting , which carries scenic effect to the highest point it is possible to attain .

      roat —•©> --- / « . ~ .... Mns . V / iugui—formerly the " -Miss Jiifiin , " « U known to our roau . rs as a most clever artist Uiou « h hayiug no hands er arms—is now in a destitut- condition at Liverpool . EvKxixo Exhibition at the Coi , osskvm — \ private view of the Colosseum , as it is to bu thrown onen for tie evening exhibition , took place on SatuwUv night , . he glyplotheca or statuary-room was brilliantly illuminated from too candelabra arrangodin an inner and outer circle , and presented a more beautiful appearance evon than by day , the rich jnlded ornaments coming out with more lustre , and vet Ming with tho general chaste tone of the scene * . The only Jeaturo by winch the evening exhibition diilcvs from

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      6 THE NORTHERN STAR . May 31 , i 845

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 31, 1845, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1317/page/6/