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« . And I will war , at least in xorfls , r Anil—s&ouUroy chance so happen—deeds , ) " ffjthall who war with Thought !" ii T t&infc Ihear a Uit ! e KrJ » ^ "S 5 The peoP le * y by wm be the stronS « r . " —Bikos
PRUSSIA TJJtMASKED . i ^ e extract the following from one of the scries of interesting papers now pnblisliiug In "Douglas jguold ' s Magazine , " entitled "TheEnglishman in Prussia . ] "Yflien English readers hear of the description of an aut hor ' s person being lodged with the police in order to eS < xt Ms discovery and arrest , as though he had committed a murder , when the poor man has only committed «* ah °° fc ^—suc h a proceeding must be equal to a volume of comments on the despotism of a government , and esiiedaHy < 3 a * hs enslaved condition of its press . A steel :
Irief has been issued against Karl Heinzen for the puhlica " t jon of his book on the Prussian Bureaucracy ; this tteek-2 > rief being a description of his person , &c , with a view to iis identification and arrest . But mark the consequences to a government which of all others most desires secrecy , ana is the most tender-skinned as to all investigations and exposures , because the most vulnerable and perfidious . Hei « zen being safe beyond its reach , publishes a steck-Iricf of his own , in reply— i . e ., a description of the person of the Prussian government . * The portrait is more carious than pleasing , more unsparing than flattering . Jtis worded as a sort of parody on the stce&brief issued against himself .
-The Prussian policy , accused of having scorned the laws of morality and of eternal justice by a shameful breach ofproniise , and , indirectly , of high treason against the majesty of the people , as well as of conspiracy against the tree spirit of humanity—has withdrawn herself from the scrutiny instituted against her , shielded by public am private instructions to the censorship , and by secret legal jircsfdings . " "While publishing licre her characteristics , I request all honest people to watch her ; and in case of there being no other fit tribunal , to bring lier lefore me . In doing tiiis , I reckon upon truthfulness and conscientiousness ; end I especially expect the communication of facts , as it is sot my intention ( nor is it necessary ) to augment the crimes of the culprit bv untruth and calumny .
"CHABAC 1 EB 1 ST 1 CS . "She . —None at all . "Age . —As she uses rouge she is generally believed to be rather young , and is thought to have been born on the 22 nd of May , 1 S 15 . She is , however , much older , and was in reality bornin the last ceutury . But thefoundation of her character was laid in 1815 . " This date refers to the publication of the late king ' s solemn promise to give ilis people a constitution . A promise which he broke , snd wliich the present king , his son , having repeated , has never yet fulfilled . "XaticeJVace . —Some believe that she was torn in "Vienna ; others , at Petersburg . She is , however , n genuine Berliner ; and it is only her godfather and cousin that live in Vienna aud Petersburg .
"Htligion . —This is the worst of all—namejy , Protestant Jesuitism . This Jesuitism adds to the principle of Catholic-Jesuitism ( which is , that the means are sauctified by the end ) , this other stroke of art , that the end is sanctified by the means . It does not profess to serve God with the help of the devil ; but does in reality serve the deril with the help of God . Being bent upon preserving appearances ( appearances are in fact one-and-all with her ) she is capable of catching the bloo 3 from beneath the executioner ' s axe , even with the sacred chalice . •' External Appearance . —She generally appears as an etecngdicali > arson in Qic uniform of a soldier . She is in the habit of carryiuij a corporal ' s cane , which has some similitude to the knout ; just as the church key which she earriesis at the same time the key of a dungeon . "— Ein SUelirtif von Karl Qciuzen , pp . 3-3-55 . " After this comes along list of " various distinguishing marks , " all of them of a very complimentary kind .
" The Culprit , " utIUs he , " promises nothing without a secret reservation ; she does nothing without the meanest calculation ; aud she gives nothing without a handle to puli it back again . If any one would speak nacourteousiy concerning her , then one must say—she constantly lies . Slie prays , ami—lies ; she protests , and —lies ; she promises , and—lies ; she boasts , and—lies ; she threatens , and—lies ; she makes a spsech , andlies ; she believes , and—lies ; she confides , and—lies ; she comes forward , ' and—tits ; sht ; is liberal , ' and—lies ; she is 'humane , ' and—lies ; she even wetps , and—lies ! Onlv when she disiilavs cowardice , and when she , in an
unguarded moment , betrays her despotic feeling , then she Hoes not lie . VTlieii she csnuot in any way controvert the truih , 6 he then endeavours to unite truth and falsehood . In shor ^ whenever a person wishes to know if the Culprit be in his presence , let anybody only speuk oiiewortl of truth , and you will immediitiely know l * er liy her convulsions " . She aud . her two sisters iu l ' ctersimr £ and Vienna , are the only creatures abroad who persecute the truth . They are the three Parcie of the truth ; aud the shears of these fiital Sisters—oh , shame far Europe!—govern the Cont-ueut . " The writer s :-ys much more even thau this ; but we have giv * n our raiders enough for the present .
It is now time , by way of some corroboratton of what has already beeu adduced , to introduce an equally curious and courageous l > ook wliieh has just up };« su-ed . It is entitled , '' Dusuuthiillte Treussen" or iVussta ( JamiAcJ . i This extraordinary and truly German production ( for in bo other country would any one ever dream of a puliticalworkin such aioraO commences with a ballad , calkd "The Life of Poor iliebaul ; a Gorman Ileroic Epic , in six Lamentations . " It should be understood that" Poor aiichaei" stands in the same relation to tlie German natiou as "John Bull" to the English . This biography is said to be " newly set to verse and rhymes , and placed as a patriotic sacrifice upon the alter of the fatherland . " A sufficient idea may be formed of it by our readers when they are told that it is the whole history of Germanyfrom ihe earliest period , given in a clever comic doggrel biograp hy of Poor Miriiarf .
Af ter this biography comes a series of Letters . The first of them is a Philosophical Introduction on the SocialState of Europe at the present time . The second Letter contains very necessary and salutary exhortations to the German nation . If declaims vigorouslv against thecoutiuual waste of thepeopk ' s time and mental energies T ) y a host of talkers and writers , and speculators , whose principal object is to alarm the imagination atrainst the advance of liberal principles . The third division of the argument of this Letter is devoted to the subject of national education .
The author of" Prussial ; umasked" says , " The people Zeara to read in their youth ; but they read little afterwards . "Would it not then be possible , he asks , to give our youth of thirteen or fourteen years of age , thatpfllttical htoictc-Jfic ivliich ivoul J teach them their duties and make them iseful citizens ? The people wouM appreciate such a benefit ; it would save a man in humble life much was te of time and many needless vexations and troubles , in the way of useless walks , expenses , and the insults ef tyrannical men in office , who take advantage of his want " of knowledge to make him feel the " greatness of their place and ofijec .
The third letter of "Prussia Unmasked" ( together with the fight foliotving ) is devoted to esplainmg why Prussia is so hated by all Germans , and also dsvelopes the interns ' , and external organisation of the kingdom . But the Third letter contains matter , of some part of which we jairetsisv aliriefabstract , tnuislatins occasionally the author s own words as literally as possible . He is afraid , he says , that he cay 1 > . - thought one-sided an . l prejudiced in his hatred , as he is always speaking of Prussia , and expects it will be considered that he ought at least to lay the worst at the d « or of Austria , the greatest of the German States . Auctria has undoubtedly put forth the same iecrees , oppressed Germany , and opposed the diSusum of liberalideas . Sutatter all , "Austria is onlythebear , while 3 > rn « = ia is the tk-er . " What cauld literal ideas—what
could constitutional spirit , ever expect from Austria ! "What could the cause of freedom expect rnrai this hxed power l-limr sUhi ' en skis rv . ei-icSrtsgamuulten Jiachl : ) , * h ? ch L e » r looki . * backwards ! To speak honesUy , notmn- a * « B . Bat the case is quite difterent with ,, ! r . ° Here we find hroken promises , shameless mintitude—with heartless cruelty added , instead of dis-|^ vin « some sense of shame . Hm we find hypocrisy Li falsehood in theplace of an honest fulfilment of nobl « pecxadons . Prussia was the first that placed itsdf at * eh ^ d of liberal i < leas-that prodaimed the emandpation Of mind , and the elevation of the people from mental 3 corporeal hondage-tuat took all possib ^ dv crcatedand then disgracefaUy
o 7 the enthusiasm thus - hltrKed the future hopes of the German nation into the Znil of aesnotism . " JPnusia , at Ms very moment , nates ^ Xi ^ zxt ^ sss : ^ J £ ttJZ ! V £ S £ ? S fSsTprnsrian falsehood , though I might saj LoS of Austrian lcntality - X ^ s sto nds ^ e parallel according to the author of the work before ns- ' *»?» rfns a » ain't mankind in general ; Prussia against trer-Sthe incLof unbiassed BnglUhau ^ orscan iiBtifrMata ^ rf wayaone in ^ ito conobomte .
. 'lie rixth letter , ^ mong other things , asserts that Sr- ^ f ^ SS ^ of
The ^ eventh letter containsa ^ t tejW ^ iaUehoods , rapacines , and perfidies oUYfiich Prussia has !«*» guilt ;; by wl 33 ch shehasgovernedI the countty ; and J > y which she has assumed the outward appearance of a " ^ KS . letter continues the list , and Off !| JJj « the necessary conduce , Prussia «»* £% » £ other state , « i li the exception or Russia . The weafcne-:, from without is thus made manifest . ( To he continued . )
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REVIVAL OF CHAETISM . RETURN OF TIIE GOOD OLD TIMES . _ 0 n Monday night last , witthalf a day's notice rthe llall ot Science , Manchester , capable of hoiding many tapusands . was filled in every pavfc , to receive the Chartist Ekecutive , and hear their policy in the present crisis . In the most excited times we never knew the feelings of the -working classes of Manchester so anxiously alive' as they were upon this occasion . The enemies of the Executive flocked to j hear what they had to say , while the people , with a I staunch reliance upon their officers , flocked to hear \ whuttliey had to do . Shortly after eight o ' clock , Daniel
fianavan , one of the hardest vrarkers to keep the Chartist cause alive in the worst of times , was called to the chair , when the executive presented themselves upon the platform in a body , and were reeei vedwlth the inosi unmtstakeable demonstrations of affection and confidence . As soon as the applause had subsided , Mr . O'Connor presented himself and said , Mr . Chairman and Brother'Chartists . ( Shouts of applause . ) I cume here , at this critical j uncture , ten years younger , and ten thousand times stronger , after a week of incessant labour , snch as few men could endure . ( Hear , hear . ) Gentlemen , I come here to propound our policy , to am ' rm our resolution , that Chartism shaio . sot die ; and I ask you for your confidence and support to aid us in its preservation . ( Gheers ; and " you shall have it . " ) I know it . and
that emboldens me to propound to you the plan tiiat we have suggested for the attainment of our object . Gentlemen , the message of a president , and the royal speech of a monarch , announcing the routine business to be done upon the opeuing of a legislative session , produces great excitement ; and yet I unhesitatingly declare that this message which I am about to send to the people of England will carry with it more impovtance and decidedly more satisfaction than any speech ov message delivered by president or monarch . As I need to uphusband my strength for the struggle , which , believe me , is at haud , you will permit me to ? it while 1 read . ( Cheers ; and "Yes . " ) Mr . O'Connor then read the following message , as the message of the Chartist Executive , which was frequently interrupted by enthusiastic cheering , and at the close it was most enthusiastically anplauded : —
THE MESSAGE . Gentlemen , If these are the times to try men ' s souls , they are also the times to try men ' s judgment , and , Gentlemen , as I do not wish to place my judgment in the keeping of the Press , not that I am particular myself about its licence , I have deemed it most prudent , for your protection , to submit what t have to say in writing , which cannot be perverted to the purposes of party . Gentlemen , I could speak more eloquently than I can write , but my rapidity of delivery makes me a prey to those who have an interest in misrepresenting me .
Gentlemen , it is now three years and a half since the Chartist party had an opportunity of conferring together as it was wont to do . The truly progressive policy of Sir Robert Peel , together with a prosperous trade , to a very great extent transformed the working classes from political into social reformers , and , whether erroneously or not , the conelusion forced on my mind by the change was , that you looked for Good Government , regardless as to the source from whence the blessing sprung . Genth > men , for myself , while I rejoiced in that temporary prosperity which led to political apathy , I was never the less convinced then , as I am now , that permanent prosperity can alone spring from , and be secured by , the possession of political power . Gleams of prosperity are things of chance , its permanency is what you should endeavour to accomplish .
Gentlemen , as democracy has had so long a sleep , I do not feel myself justified in propounding a policy now as I should have done when the whole democratic mind was in the habit of holding daily , hourly conference , and , therefore , I have decided that my safest course is to call together the very earliest repircsentaton of the present democratic mind , to the end that it may be 3 afely , bravely , and successfully led into action in t ' . ie present struggle . Gentlemen , to achieve this desirable purpose we have
directed delegates to be summoned from every town in North and South Lancashire , Yorkshire , Derby , Leicester , Nottingham , Norwich , Birmingham , and London , to meet and deliberate upon our course , on Monday next , at Manchester . Gentlemen , theve being no funds at the disposal of the association , and the step being indispensable , I have volunteered the expencc out ofruy own resources , resolved , that , while I have a shirt , my principles shall have 'the first claim to it .
Gentlemen , it is now nearly eleven yenrs since I opened my commission at Stockport , empowering me to create a new democratic mind , and it is within the recollection of all who heard me then ( for I repeated it everywhere ) , that I foretold the coming of the present times , and that I also prophecied that the two very men who are now bidding for popular favour and support , wouid be guided in their respective offers by that condition in which I , as auctioneer , could offer it for sale on the day of auction . Gentlemen , I contend that that day has now come ; I contend that Peel aud Russell are both in the market ; and I contend that each will bid for public opiuion precisely what public opinion considers itself worth . Ton have to name the price ; they will be ready to outbid each other to secure the imrclMse .
Gentlemen , there is nothing more creditable to a political party than to be able to recur to thcirformer policy and speeches in altered times . Gentlemen , what was our charge , our bitter charge , against tiie Whig party ? Was it not for having violated all the conditions of the Reform Bill ? Have we not declared , over and over again , when charged with being Tory-Chartists and Tory tools , that our objection and hostility to "Whiggery was based upon the fact , that , whereas the Reform Bill promised the total annihilation of Toryism , it had , by the treachery of its leaders , tended to strengthen the Tory party , and given it a larger Tory majority than that faction could procure even under the old boroughmongering system ; and yet we , whose just complaint was tlic resuscitation of Toryism after popular exertion . had ffiven it the death blow , have been whimsically termed
Tout-Chartists . Gentlemen , the Whigs have had nearly five years ' experience in adversity ' s school , and , perhaps , they may have discovered that their long sojourn at the bleak side of Downing-street was a consequence or having relied upon Tory toleration in preference to popular support . But now , gentlemen , comes the question , the great question , the vital question , namely , npon -what terms they are now to receive that popular support , and , not less in importance , how the necessity and value of that support is to be pourtrayed and presented to them . Gentlemen , I pray you not to deceive yourselves by supposing that this struggle , once begun , is going to terminate with a single battle . If you do , you deceive yourselves .
2 Gentlemen Z , I now come to the real question , upon what terms any government , without reference to its political designation , is to receive popular support . The terms that I propose are , reliance npon the peoplerather than upon the toleration of an opposition ; and now , Gentlemen , for the not less important question , namely , as to how the value of that support is to be made manifest . Gentlemen , to meet this object I suggest the propriety ^ " remaining as a diitinct parDj , withholding opposition from all other praties whoare ready to join in resisting that reign of terror which any false or capricious step upon our part may hasten . Gentlemen , the whole complexion of the political countenance is changed by the ejectment of Sir Robert Peel from office . Toryism , under
Wellington , Buckingham , Richmond , Stanley , Wharnclifte , and Ripon , would not be the same as Toryism under Peel ; and , believe me , that we shall have to encounter Toryism with the rosy complexion of blood , if such a calamity as the temporary return of that party : to power should take place . Their rule will be seen in the soldier ' s musket , the policeman ' s bludgeon , and the law ' s oppression . Gentlemcs ) , I have uot a shadow of doubt upon my mind , that , if that party should again take Office , they ttM do so raider the anticipation , the presumption , that tbe . Chartists oli
will constitute the right wing of the garchical army . Gentlemen , I will » i be a srodieb ix scch service . Thus , you see , J look beyond the mere question of a repeal of the Corn Laws , the ostensible canse of Lord John Russell ' s re turn to power . I look to the unnatural ' alliance b etween Wellington and the people . I look to the unnatural fostering by the people of those who have used thO land of tins country for the achievement of political power , as well as to almost justify the presumption tha . * - >* is not capable of yielding sustenance for those w > God created as its natural inheritors . Gentlemen , it is an undeniable fact that . 8 , 00 ^ . 000 may be an over-population inj a country wjli > se
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power of production is limited by the caprice of those who have usurped its soil to their own kindly uses , while it is also a fact , * that , under , wise lavysfand equitable distribution , the same country may be made to produce food for 30 , 000 , 000 . Gentlemen , such has ever been my language to the landlord class , and if I have , at any time , appeared to . stand between those monopolists and that punishment which their follies merited , it was that I might postpone the repast until all , as well as the League , should partake of " a dish fit for the gods . "
Gentlemen , again I say to tho most snnguino , neither suppose that the Corn Laws is the only question involved in the great struggle now commenced , or that the landed aristocracy will quietly surrender their privileges without a Moody contest . Gentlemen , it is that you and I should not appear to the world as abettors of the Wellington Tory policy that I am anxious , and , therefore , I again implore you to keep in mind the new phase tliat the whole
question has assumed , by the resignation of Sir Robert Peel as leader of progressive Toryism . Bear in mindj that Wellington received such a hint from the landed aristocracy as compelled him to retract his pledge to Peel ; and , Gentlemen , when the contest assumes its proper shape and form , I should not wish for the existence of such a firm as Wellington , Stanley , O'Connor and Co . Then , indeed , might Englishmen justify their hatred of Irish demagogues .
Gentlemen , Russell is but the mere '' Locum tenens " for Peel , and Peel will be guided in his progress by the tone the country shall take ; but we should , il possible , avoid such an infliction as one day ' s return to power of Wellington , the nursemaid of the Peers , whoholdsaniajorityoftheir consciences hi his keeping . Now , Gentlemen , I come to a branch of my subject for which you are all looking : I mean our policy as far as the League is concerned . Gentlemen , afc one period of our movement , obstruction was our legitimate , our only policy , whereas I believe that now , if I have properly calculated , you have the power to advance . Gentlemen , 1 will not consent to merge
popular strength and the democratic party into a mere army of reserve to fight the single battle of Free Trade upon the one hand , while I will not divide the popular ranks by compelling either to give countenance to the common foe on the other hand . With my consent the people shall never lose their distinctive quality of the movement party , and that movement shall not atop with the accomplishment of one measure . Gentlemen , an enemy much harder to beat than the League is already in the field ; we must take up a position ; we cannot remain neuter . If wo fight against a repeal of the Corn Laws we must now —and mark the word how—fight , not for progressive Toryism , but for musket and bludgeon Toryism ; and vet I contend for the necessity and justice of keeping
the armies distinct and separate . The Chartist army , the noble army of martyrs , marching to their own music , and under their own banners and mottoes" morepigs , and less parsons ; " " afair day ' s wage for a fair day ' s work ; " " onward and we conquer , backward and we fall ; " "the People ' s Charter , and no surrender" —while , Gentlemen , if the junction ol the forces should be deemed necessary by your own chosen representatives to assemble . at Manchester on this day week , to meet , to battle , and to beat the common enemy , I will be a captain , a drummer , or a volunteer . But , Gentlemen , no man on earth , nor all the men on earth , shall ever induce me to consent to disband the national force when danger threatens . ¦ ¦•¦ - •¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ -
Gentlemen , you will clearly observe that my object is to maintain in splendour and ' entir ' ety a temple which has cost us so much blood , aud treasure , aud martyrdom to erect . I will keep my forces . together for all honourable warfare , as I stated on the 18 th September , 1 S 35 , when I established the first association at Marylebone . Our force is to give strength to him' who will try to do good , and to be a terror to the evil doer . Gentlemen , I have no desire to waste the strength of the popular party , and I have as little desire to rub the festered sore of those with whom we may be brought into combined action . Yon have this
guarantee in me that I will not sell myself . I repeat the pledge , so often given , that I will never accept of place , pension , ov emolument , until the Charter becomes the law of the land , and 1 never will fill any office under it , lest I should subject my conduct to the charge of self-interest while contending for it . No , if you had it to-morrow , I would return , like Quintus Ohicinnatus , to my plough , thanking God , that , during the struggle for it , I had created a new class of husbandmen . . Gentlemen , I shall not clog this great and mighty question with any of the nrinutise of detail ; I shall
nofc even advert to the Ten Hours' Bill aud otiici measures which Lord John Russell is pledged to ; I shall not endeavour to excite your enthusiasm by pointing to the probable restoration of our banished friends , but I will say—that when I forget my blood shed on-this-Free-trade platform ; when I forgive mv sixteen months' suffering in a felon ' s cell ; when I obliterate from my mind all recollection of the slanders , the taunts , and the misrepresentations of which for ten years I have b <; cu the victim—I evince no slight disposition to effect that union which is indispensable to meet tho coming struggle ; and ,
Gentlemen , when I say that I will not accept of fee , favour or reward , from League , Whig , Tory , or the People , I think my policy is entitled to the unprejudiced construction of all . One thing , however , that I shall contend for is , the representation of our principles in . the cabinet . I shall , if the people join me , plead , and justly too , for an honourable and dignified appointment for the man who did not wait for the prospect of reward to tender his services , I mean ThoinasSlingsbyDuneouibe , ami then , Gentlemen , let the League make their terms for the representation of their body . : ¦ .
Gentlemen , I was the first man in the country to proclaim the prospect of a deficient harvest . I stated early in August that the weather would shake the Peel cabinet , but little did I think thai King Pratic would shake all the thrones in Europe , and even the English oligarchy . Now , gentlemen , let me suppose a case—suppose that while monopolists and antinionopolists are fujhting that famine should come , and suppose that I , u . vder existing circumstances , had joined Wellington and the Tories , and suppose the support I gave then : was very , very fueble indeed , don't you think that the League wuuld be abie to
point out to a starving people what the effects of free trade would be , aud don ' t you think , when my condemnation was necessary , that they would then say , however feeble my power might have b ? . eu , iherv : is the mas that stauved you . Aye , Gentlemen , and they would be justified in so saying—but they shan ' t have' the opportunity . Gentlemen , in the present emergency , while all other parties are putting their Louse in order we could not remain inactive ; some one should take the first step , and who was more fit than the mea who have never forfeited your confidence ?
Gentlemen , in conclusion I shall only obscive , that , whatever your representatives may wisely decide upon , 1 shall honestly endeavour to carry out , and , if danger threatens , I will not shrink from my share , or , perhaps , more than my share ; but what that policy may be I shall not even hint , but of this I am resolved , that the STRENGTH OF A NATION , that cost us so much PAINS TO ACHIEVE , shall not be wasted upon a single battle ; and while 1 am now , as I ever have been , ready to join in the overthrow of one faction , I will not accept , as the people ' s reward , the supremacy of another . After the reading of the document , Mr . O'Connor
rose and smu;—This is the Chartist Executive message , upon which we have all agreed , to the Chartist people of the empire ; and to carry it out that Executive has ca'led together a representation of your body to bo held this day week at Manchester . ( Cheers . ) My friends , you will see that our object is to marshal our own forces , to . keep our own forces together , and to march them into action under our own banners , our own mottoes , ar . d to the merry music of our own songs of liberty . ( Loud chiers for the Charter . ) My friends , the resignation of Sir Robert Peel has completely altered the phase and complexion of Toryism .
Under his administration Toryism was progressive . Under the oligarchy of England , led on by Wellington , it would be " destructive . You nuiat tro . it children as children ; and if they assume manhood before they we out of leading " string ? , and ca > : walk alone , you must treat them as refractory children ; and the more especially _ ii their disobedience is calculated , or likely , to work injury to other parties . Gentlemen , Sir Robert Peel very properly treated the aristocracy of this country as spoiled children , as capricious and whimsical pete must be treated . True , he gained their confidence ,
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^"' eirnursemaid ; but you must gain the confluence ot children and of rats before you can cure the mala dies ot the one , or destroy the other . If a rat-catcher wauts'tc- destroy vermin , he inspires them with conndence , by giving them" palatable food for a time ; and as soon . as he has inspired them with confidence , hu then inspires them with poison . ( Great laughter . ) Gentlemen , if he put the poison in the first dose he d tail ; so precisely with Sir Robert Peel ; in youth jie gamed the confidence of the aristocracy , in manaoDd he saw their foibles , as he grew wissr he found tliat they had increased to a chron ! c " m . ikdy that wouldJcill them if not eradicated in time . ( Cheer 3 . ) to gam their confidence he gave ; them jam—to cure tueir malady he gave them physic . ( Cheers . ) By degrees they be&an like children to discover the
different taste in tho " goodies "—one made a wry face , and said , " I taste somethius ,. something like a church , or tithes in my mouth , but it is not as church And ' 'tithes used to taste . " ( Roars of laughter . ) Another says ; " there's Alaynooth in thisjam , " and he splutters '; another , who . has heard of the gigantic scheme of godless education , swears that he has got the body , blood , and bones of a papist , and this fellow splutters in style . ( Indescribable laughter . ) And yet these nasty _ tastes are qualified , in the opinion of many , by the pickings in the army , navy , commissionships , mdgeships ,. and bishopricks , to enable him to get the patients to swallow that dose ; and then the physician thought he had prepared them for a course Ot tree trade medicine , but the very moment they
tasted—the lands , Game Laws , the privileges , votes , iinU tiic monopoly , they all set spitting , spluttering and spewing together , until at last they literally spit 'W * OUt Of tllO silik room , and called in old Doctor VYellington to give tlieiu a little more jam without physic . ( It would be impossible to give any thing like a- a&jcnption o ! " what followed Mr . O'Connor ' sniiniicry ot l eel inducing thecliildren to open their mouths , tlie faces they made when they tasted the physic , and the manner m which they discarded the physician when tuey tound it unpalatable . ) But , said he , you may rely Upon it , that in the end they will find Peel ' s physic V ?™™ " ™ eiR disease than Wellington ' s " goodies . " "j \ O Connor then entered into a lucid explanation ot tlie Uhartists' past policy and future tactics , and sat aown amid the must vociferous cheers
. Air . Dixon then presented himself to move the following resolution : — That we , tlie inhabitant ! : of Manchester , in public meeting assembled , do U-iuler our best thanks to the Chartist 'Executive for having nominated an early day for holding a convention of the working classes for the purpose of deciding upon the course to be adopted by the democratic party in tlie pending struggle , and that we pledge ourselves to carry out all the lawful recommendations of such convention . lie said that he entirely approved of the policy in the message , and that if the Chartists had been half as
active m carrying out their own views as they were in aiding others to carry out theirs , we should have had the Charter lon g ago . He denied , and he would do so if he stood alone , that this struggle would or could end with' a simple repeal of the Corn Laws , whereas it' tho people took a false position now they might , in preserving those laws , preserve power for tkc devils that would break all laws . ( Cheers ) . lie emphatically asserted that it was not now in the power of the League , the Whigs , or eithor of the Tory factions , or both unitedly , to progress just as far as they liked , and stop where they wished , ( Cheers ) . The people were the movement party ,
and according to their resolution in the coming struggle would be their reward . He thought the conduct of the Executive in thus boldly stepping forward was beyond all praise , and would have the effect of rallying a party which , without leaders that they had confidence in , or without arrangements , would be used for party purposes , and would lose their share of tho triumph , when the spoils of war enme to be divided . The present crisis was the most ominous and important that ever tins country witnessed , and if every man of his order was of his mind , they would take-care and have their share this time . ( Loud cheers , and "Thai ' sit . " )
Mr . R-adford said , iu seconding the resolution , he was sorry it had not fallen into abler hands . However he was quite satisfied the time was come when every mail should be at Jiis post , and he was determined not . to . abandon his . He therefore had great pleasure in seconding the resolution , wliich upon being put was carried unanimously . Mr . Doylo moved the following resolution , and on rising was loudly cheered : — That a public meeting of tho inhabitants of Lancashire be lield on Kcr ssil-inoor , on Thursday , the 1 st of January , for the purpose of announcing to the country at large the resolution of the inhabituns of Lancashire , in the event of the Wellington Tories attempting to form a cabinet , and that TUompsSlingsby Duncomlie , Esq . ) M . T ., be invitiiil to take the chair upan that occasion .
He said , my friends , who says that , Chartism is dead now ? upon my word , if ic has been dead , this is a glorious resurrection . By the resolution it is proposed to hold a meeting on A ew Year ' s . Day , on Kersal-moor . Ah , my friends , every man iu Lancashire knows how we paralysed faction before by shewing our strength at Kersal-mbor . Io hud the foundation for the death of Whiggery . ( Cheers . ) But what would it . be now , my friends , with our own , our darling . Duncombe in the chair , leading on the improved mind from that period against tho ould woman Wellington and the Tory faction . ( Cheers and laughter . ) My friends , I don't care who joins in the glorious work that the Reform Bill promised to do , the League , or the devil .. ( Laughter . ) But I promise you that , as sure as my name is Kit Doyle ,
I won't bo the man to say go about your business , while the work is to be done . My friends , I hare seen too much of that already . I have seen the people looking for food while they have been fighting tlie battles of faction . 'Pon my word , its high time tho people fought a bit on their own account . There never was su great or so strong an enemy- as the enemy before us now ; and if they beat us this timo , we'boat'onreelves . ( Cheer . ? . ) I look to this struggle resulting iu the' achievement of our glorious principles , oui * beautiful principles , our just and heavenborn principles ; and , therefore , I move the resolution as the surest means to that desirable end . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . James Leach had great pleasure in seconding the resolution , while , at tlie same time , if the people were only true to themselves , the meeting would be unnecessary altogether , as all that the working classes had to do was just to let their enemies know their strength and resolution . lie saw a great deal
more titan was very plain yet to all men in the present struggle . He saw that both Whigs , Tories ' , and League would use the people for their own purposes , if they cuukl ; while he felt very sure that the policy propounded by the Executive would ' take the bone out of all their mouths . ( Cheers . ) It was quite t : \ n \ v that the struggling operatives , th . it toil from morning till night'fbr a mere starvation existence , would nofc much longer tolerate the monopoly of one class more than another ; and , therefore , lie was for knocking monopoly on the hesul wherever he had an opportunity , and he believed that opportunity presented itself now , and that the resolution which he held in his hand was the best way to avail themselvesof it . ( Oliccrs . ) The name of Buncombe had a charm for tlie English car , and it the convention should consider the meeting- necessary , he believed that there never had been such a' meeting in Lancashire , nor in England , as they would have on thai day . ( Tremendous cheering . )
Mr . Clark , of the Executive , had great pleasure in supporting the resolution ; but , while he supported it , he bc »' 4 cA the meeting not to be led away as they were in funner times of excitement and enthusiasm . They were in the habit of doing their business in a very unsatisfactory way . Men would hold up their hamU for anything , and tlius deceive their leaders , and send those who relied upon them into prison ; but he hoped they would do their work in a more business- ] ike way to-night , and that no hand was held up there that would bo absent from Keh > al-moor . ( Hear , hear , ' and cheers . )' " lie had no objection to
take liis fair share of responsibility ; but he had a givat objection to the people refusing to take their fah ' shai'G . ¦ ( Cheers . ) It was all nonsense to suppose , that the struggle once commenced , was going to end iii the repeal of one law , or another law . lie believed that it would finally end in the makintr of new laws , and , as the manifestation of the public will was necessary for the achievement of this desirable object , and as the meeting at Kersa ' -nioor , under the man that never flinched from his post , and upon whom the people would re ! y , ' would best elicit that will , and manifest the public wish , he most- cordially supported the motion . ( Cheers . )
. Mr . G . W . Wheeler rose to move the third resolution , as follows i—That we , the inhabitants of SLanchester , in public meeting assembled , do hereby . declare our unqualified and entire confidence in the wisdom , energy , integrity and ability . of . Thomas Slingsby Duneomba , Esq ., anil that we respectfully solicit his counsel , eouuteuance , and support , iu the present critical crisis , and that we pledge ourselves to be guided by his advice , and never to abandon or forsake him so Ion ;; as he manifests that purity of intention which has hitherto distinguished him as an able senator , and an Mouest man .
lie said , " that at that late hour , and after the able speeches they had heard , and from tlie conviction that theve were gentlemen to follow him who would do more justice to the resolution than himself , he should be as brief as possible . There were few in thatmeetinjf , lie believed few in England , who were not prepared to acknowledge Mr . Duncombe ' s unquestionable claim to the confidence of the working classes , and , therefore , as he believed the sure way to induce others to follow his example was by proving ourselves grateful to those who had so worthily set it , he had great pleasure in lnovins fie resolution .
Mr . M'Grath presented himself to second the resolution , and was most enthusiastically received . He said : Now , respected friends , I'll tell you a few of my reasons for seconding this resolution . In the first place , I assert that Mr . Duncombe is the only man in the House of Commons that has the entire confidence of the whole people . ( Cheers . ) True , our indoniiiabic champion , Mr . O'Connor , who is always at his post , possesses the unqualified confidence of every
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working-man in England ; but , then , we musi confine our observations to our representatives in Parliament . Now , where was the man but the noble-hearted Duncomhi—the lion-hearted Duncombe—to resist Miles ' s . infernal fabrication of a Master and Servants' Bill—that bill , friends , which would hare plunged you into the lowest depth of degradation and poverty—that bill , friends , which would have nut the stamp -of slavery , of abject slavery , upon the forehead of every working man throughout the land—that bill which would have taken from you the poor privilege of appealing against the tyranny ot your taskmasters—that bill which constituted , every man a judge in his own case—it was Duncomlie that strangled that hellish monster in its conception . ( Loud and continued
cheering . ) Friends , ' that ' s not all that Duncombe has done . Iu the last session of Parliament , who brought the disgraced -Secretary of State , that held the seals of office , that he might break the seals of letters , to justice ? Aye , it was Duncombe . Who has damaged the Tory portion of Peel ' s Cabine more than any other man ? It was Dunconibe . ( Loud cheers . ) Ah , but I don't stop here , friends : those are but mere questions of detail ; but I ask those who think that there are other honest membera in the House of Commons—I ask those gentlemen , however honest they may be to themselves , are they honest to us ? And , friends , now to take the question out of doubt or hypothesis , I ask , where is the other man in the House of Commons that is nn enrolled member of the Chartist Association exceptthe brave , the incorruptible Duncombe ? ( Tremendous cheering and waving of hats . ) Ah , friends ,
but that's not all . Men sometimes do tl > y > gs through personal motives . Duncombe did not wait for the days of our triumph ; he joined us in the hour of our weakness . ( Renewed cheers . ) His name has a charm , his honesty carries confidence , his ability carries security . ( Cheers . ) Oh , my friends , what an inducement , what an encouragement for those who toil , and can scarcely exist , to sec the man who can live without labour o : » ing forward ami joining them in their struggle . Shall we not , then , do all honour to the man who has done honour to our principles ? and shall it not echo through the length and breadth of the land , that the great pressure from without shall be represented within , and that Duncombe , our owii Duncombe , our loved Duncombe , is the most perfect embodiment of that representation ? ( Loud and long-continued cheering and waving of hats . ) : Friends , I have great pleasure iu seconding the resolution .
As soon as the resolutions were carried , Mr . O'Connor presented himself , and said , that as he was no monopolist , he wished to allow that mesting to participate in all the honour , and all the triumph , that would result from the policy declared in the message . It would go to the world with increased force if sanctioned by a tremendous , respectable , and attentive audience like the present , if it was adopted , he pledged himself tliat before that day fortnight Dixon , Bairstow , Mason , Jones , Dorman , honest John West , M'Grath , Clark , Doyle , and Jiini-•' ¦ el f , would send the " Will-o ' -the-Wisp" of Chartism through the country once more , with more feathers
ii ^ its wings than it had even in 1 S 39 . Another thing that he would tell them , that if they were true to themselves , othera would be true to them , for liu wuuld tell them that the very moment that Mr . Roberts heard that the sound spirit of Chartism was going to be rallied once more , ho said , " Well , I will give my £ 5 witii all my heart and soul , " ami he would have made one of us to-night , but he is detained upon colliers' business in a distant part of the country . ( Loud cheers Cor Roberts . ) Our message requires no more speechyiying— I have read it distinctly—you all understand it—I trust , therefore , that some one will move and second its adoption .
loung Ramsay , in Chartism a man , in years a y > rith , then moved tlie resolution , and Dixon seconded it , when it was carried amid thunders of applause , every hand in the meeting being held up for it . A vote of thanks was then given to the Executive for their honesty in office and promptitude in action ; after which Mr . O'Connor proposed a vote of thanks to the chairman , which was seconded by acclamation . He then proposed nine-times-nine cheers for the Charter , and no surrender , which made the building ring . The meeting dispersed more than satisfied .
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GREAT CHARTIST MEETING AT ASHTON , On Friday night the spacious Charlcstown Chape ! was crowded in every part wherestanding-room could be obtained , to hear an address from Mr . O'Connor . Shortly after eight ' o ' clock ttiat gentleman entered the chapel and was received with , thunders of applause . The veteran , James Taylor , delegate to the Land Conference was elected to the chair , and after a few appropriate observations introduced Mr . O'Connor , who spoke at considerable length upon the several interesting topics of the day . He shewed clearly that no party , noteven the people themselves , understood tlic ruuibHng which was now going on in die public mind . It was nofc attachment to party , or preference for principles , so much as the determination to hit upon some plan by which the great
improvements of the age should be applied to national rather than class purposes . A hundred yesra ago , said iic , the lord and the squire were dressed in one kind of fabric , made out of wool , and the tenants Were dressed iu a fabric of inferior qualify ; and in the distinction they wore taught to i'eco . ani _ z « their inferiority and the lords' supremacy . While they were dressed in the fleece their ser . ' s were satisfied with the skin , but now , who , except by the more stately appearance of the farmer , Jiis better complexion from frugal living and more healthy occupation , than the lord or the squire , who can distinguish , between the first peer of the realm and his valet now ? . Ii'Brougham travelled with a valet whicli would be mistaken for the gentleman . ( Laughter . ) These things first levelled distinction and then created thoughts of equality . ( Cheers . ) This gas
, hal Isee before me , the power of locomotion , ( ravelling by railroad , steam navigation , the printing press , the penny stamps upon newspapers , tho penny postage , and hurricane flood of knowledge , are all one and all inci pient Chartism , ( Loud cheers . ) Chartism is the embodiment of the principle to subdue those great elements of wealth to man ' s wants . ( Cheers . ) This is amalgamation . This is the confluence of minds . _ This is progression , I see it in social more than in political arrangements . Everything is struggling to do away with inferority and to proclaim equality of rights , though not equality of property . Who , a hundred years ap , or fifty years ago , or twenty years ago , or ten years ago , ever witnessed the fashionable intelligence and court circular of the working classes . But they now declare your progression . They knock down the standard of distinction . Who can w > nd tho
announcement ot a Chartist tea party , Chartist br . ll , a ' Chartist dinner , or a Chartist soiree , and sec the precision with which aristocratic distinctions are observed , that must not come to the conclusion that the mind has progressed . Your bills and cards which announce the order in which quadrilles , waltzes , gallopades , and the polka are to be danced—the very music that they arc to be danced to , the refreshments that are to be had , and the master of the ceremonies who is to conduct the arrangements , and above all the creditable and fashionable manner in wliich they arc
conducted , who , I say , can fail to believe that this is progression and improvement struggling for permanency through representation . ( Loud cheers . ) The monopoly of the land , by the blundering aristocracy of this country , has led to the monopoly of legislation —the monopoly of legislation has made the social comforts that I have referred to the exception instead of the rule with your order , by representation you hope to make the rule . Mr . O'Connor then entered into a lucid explanation as to the causes which led to the resignation of Sir Robert Peel . lie contrasted Toryism under him with Toryism under the Wel-
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lington party , and then called attention to the iu-opressive policy of Peel as compared with the Ey we were to expect from the Whig ; ffi ; said Mr . O'Connor , would have prepared landlordism for that fall which tiic . r own . obstinacy has S o inevitable , and if they hud :. allowed ] lira To perfect his cure for their malady , they would have fbifml themselves with reduced lortuncs bntmth equal means , as compared with the price ot ever } - thV , to preserve their relative position in society . But , no , tliey will Ik ; killed and nobody , shau . help them lie then took a show of hands between Peel and R-ssell , when every hand-in the meeting was held up for Peel and not . one for Russell . Mr . O'Connor then drew a most feeling and . animated picture between the life of an agricultural labourer living upon his own resourcescalling no man his
, master , and the life of a slave who has no choice of masters but is the slave of al ) . He contended that the man who worked from twenty to thirty-five year ? , that is , for the best fifteen years of his life , at . artincial labour , was as old at that period as some men astuaJlyni'o at sixty—that then ho was entitled not only to forty years' wages for the fifteen years' work , but to such a retiring salary as would compensate him through life for the premature old age that society had brought upon him . ( Loud cheers ) . It is useless , said he , to contrast the wages of an agricultural labourer with that of a manufacturing operative—the one w « 3 younger at seventy than the other was at forty . ( Cheers ) . Mr . O'Connor then Illustrated the principles of tho lane ! association , and concluded the most eloquent address we ever heard from him , and thev were many , amid deafening applause .
Richard Pilling , " the yAintn op the movement , " then proposed a petition in favour of Frost , Williams , and Jones , which was eloquently supported by Mr . Poole , thedclegate to the conference tor Devonshire , and Mr . Clark , of the Chartist Executive , and , upon the whole , tho meeting not only gave general satisfaction , but has aroused tho '' Chartist feeling from that apathy in which it has so long slumbered into a- state of cheering hope and excitement , the people declaring their increased and'unbounded confidence in their old and well-tried Feargus . After the meeting broke up Mr . O'Connor started for Manchester , to be ready to take his place in the con « ference on the following morninjr .
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GREAT MEETING AT WIGAN . Wben the conference had closed its sitting on Thursday night Mr . O'Connor proceeded to Wigan to deliver a public address . The large room at the Clarence Hotel was the place appointed , and was filled . Mr . Nicholas Canning was elected as chairman , and after vending tlio bill , he introduced Mr . O'Connor , who was received with the most rapturous applause . The nuws of the resignation of Sir Robert Pee ! had just arrived , and Mr . O'Connor commenced by observing , ' " I am Prime Minister now I" ( Great laughter . ) lie then stated , that although the land had been . selected as the subject for discussion , that yet such a meeting , afc such a crisis , produced by a very unexpected circumstance , they would not feel satisfied if he omitted all reference to the subject . He
then took a rapid but clear review of the circumstances which led to the resignation of Peel , and the recall of Lord John Ruasellto office ; and he ' asked if the meeting of the Chartist party , whose co-operation was , no doubt , relied upon , was prepared to join . Wellington . Buckingham , and the oligarchy of England , in the restoration cf bloody old Toryism in its very worst phase , and made worse , more cruel , and tyrannical upon the presumption that inEPEOPLB had once more called it into life ? Will any man , lie asked , tolerate the resuscitation of this bloody ghost ? ( Shouts of " Never , never . " ) No , never , as long as I live . Shall it bo said that the English people gave strength to the Irish duke ? In 1 S 29 Ireland beat him single handed ; in 1832 England beat hini ; and the devil is in it , if , in 18 d 5 , England / Ireland , aud
Scotland—the rose , the shamrock , and the thistlewill not be an over match for him in his dotage . Gentlemen , Ireland is my country , though the world is my republic ; and heaven forbid that I should see the rising spirit of a nation crushed by the vengeance of a faction . ( Cheers . ) We have all our parts to play in tlic mighty struggle now at haud . We shall have to select the foe , and to choose our coadjutors . It is to the strength , the power , and tlie . danger of the foe to wliich we must look , and to tho ability of those who are to confront him , as tiie soldiers of the movement party . Gentlemen , I say it now , arid I say it emphatically , that no sacrifice niust be considered too great to save us from such an . infliction . Peel waits not to canvas the strength ofjiis pai'ty , ibv he knows-it . Wellinaton hesitates not to
canvas the resolution of his party , for he , too , knows it well . Russell waits not to understand the strength of his party , but all wait to understand the resolution and the determination of oui'piirty—the people . ( Cheers . ) Gentlemen , wb have bravely'fought the foo unitedly , and , though 'defeated , we have never abandoned our position . By our tactics we have hunted one stag with the most cumbrous antlers from tho herd , let us not change from tile ' scene , and let nofc the ground be foiled by other game that may pass the track , until wo hunt the game down . ( Cheers . ) I believe by wise and discreet management we may now make one party of the wise and the brave of the three nations , whereas intemperance or folly may give the foe an easy triumph , ( Cheers , ) The thunder is ours , and we will not ho robbed of our share
in the triumph .. ( Cheers . ) Mr . O'Connor then drew a feeling picture of his own position . ' If the people were overtaken' b y famine , or subjected to Wellington dominion—if you are hungry , said he , and have not even the power to steal the surplus that a repeal of the Corn Laws - would produce , ' and if there was nofc only no surplus there , but not enough for you , and if you were told that I was the man who starved you , what would be your ieelings , what would be my position ? But still further , if to place you in that position I had consented to place heartless gaolers over you in the shape of rulers , would not your lon « r cherished affection justly , nay , naturally be turned to gall ? ( Cheers . ) ' Aye , foi- now , mind , that I am arguing not upon a presumption , but upouacertainfcv—the certainty that we have thepower
to strengthes Wellington in his devilment , but we would not have the power toprevont its hellish effect . ( Cheers . ) Gentlemen , we were charged before with the emissaries of Buckingham being amongst us . I believe there were , but not of your class ; but , now how ; prondly I stand before you to meet those who charge me with being in the pay of Buckingham and the Tories . ( Loud laughter . ) Oh , what an opportunity I give my old paymasters of proving the treachery of " a deserter from their ranks . ( Cheers . ) llave I nofc lived through much persecution , have I not lived down much prejudice , and shall I not live t * live down tho power of oligarchical oppression . Mr . O'Connor then entered into a description of the state of Ireland , which drew tears from every eye , and literally raised his Irish audience , which was
numerous , to a state of madness , and when he had wound up his description he asked—And shall I be a party to give strength to those who would perpetuate such misery . such * cruelty , and such horror . ( Tremendous sensation and cheers ) . Mr . O'Connor then adverted to the policy of Sir . Robert Peel , and contrasted his progressive Toryism with the Toryism that would now struggle for pre-eminence . lie then tonic a revie ' w of the position and strength of parties , and concluded with a lucid illustration of what had been done by the Land Conference , and what was likely to result from the establishment of the society , and wound up by shewing that the destruction of the monopoly , conditions , privileges , and restrictions , under which the landlords kept the land of this country , and not the inability oi ' the land to produce , food enough for all , had led to the demand for free , trade , and had established what were called principles ot political economy , which were mere consequences of
landed monopoly . He also shewed that the mono * poly of the land was the basis of their own constitution , and made the audience laugh heartily by stating that he expected to get as much of the plunder for the land association for £ 5 , 000 , by March next , as he would have got last March for £ 12 , 000 ; and won't I , said lie . be ready . for the first cut at the panic ? He concluded his address amid deafening and long-continued applause ; and after a vote of thanks to Mr . O'Connor and the chairman , the meeting separated in the [ highest spirits . Mr . O'Connor invited the members of the . Land Association to his hotel , were they remained in convivial and instructive conversation till past . twelve o ' clock . A large number of the honest , consistent , and patriotic Chartists from Lamberhead-grecn and the surrounding districts attended , and , after the proceedings , returned home , in high spirits ; and thus ended the most spirited and important gathering that we have had at Wigan for many a long year .
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Alarming Finis akd Loss of Life . —On Saturday afternoon , about four o ' clock , a fire , attended with fatal consequences to a female , eighty-five years of ago , broke out at No . 4 , Bull ' s Head-court , Middlesex-streot , Whitechapel , in the apartment occupied by a Mrs . Jacobs . The fire , it is supposed , was caused in consequence of the occupier having by some accident fallen into the grate . The issue of a dense body of smoke , accompanied by the cries of the female , caused some parties to enter the room , when they found the poor old creature completely enveloped in flames , and the flooring , cupboard door , and shelves , burning most furiously . ¦ After considerable . trouble on the part of the neighbours and police , the flames were extinguished , but not- before the building was very seriously injured by fire and water , and the poor old woman burnt in such a frightful manner that the flesh peeled off her body when touched . After lingering for the space of a few minutes , death terminated her sufferings .
Holloway ' s 0 ixtment and Pius . —James Littlef a blacksmith , residing-at Cuckold's Point , : in May last , was going to Guy ' s Hospital , to undergo the amputation of his log , wliich had been bad for seven years ; there were upwards of twenty ulcers on it , and movtincation had commenced just under the knee . In this alarming state he was recommended to use Holloway ' s Pills and Ointment , which in a very short time cured the limb , to the great astonishment of all . If the two medicines arc used together , the moitdan * Kerou 5 wounds and ulcers , may , to a certainty be cured by their meaus . '• t , '
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* £ i , i sucBMtf von Karl Heinzen . Scbaerbeek . Selbstverlag des Terftssers . 1845 . 1 Puhlisted in Vinttfrtbur , 18 * 5 , vom Tcrfa sser aw Schr ift . " Wurtemhtrgi'O . Tahre 1 SJ 4 . "
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* $ * . GREAT CHARTIST MEETING AT MANCHESTER .
On Sunday night last the people of Manchester assembled in Carpenters' Hall to hear an address from Mr . Shaw , the delegate to the confcivncc , from Leeds , raid if we are to judge from the applause which followed almost every sentence that fell from the speaker , and the cheer / which followed upon tho close of the address , which lasted over two hours , we must do him the justice to say , that his first appearance upon the Manchester boards has boon more than triumphaut , and as Manchester possesses the most critical audienco , having heard all tin ; ablest lecturers in the movement , Mr . Shaw lias no small cause for sclf-gratulation . His voice is powerful , his reasoning simple , eloquent , and convincing , hi-i ' language good and hi 3 manner prepossessing . We heard many of tho Manchester critics emuhatically declaie , that " yon chap was a trump . " His lecture embraced all tho principles of the Charter , the rights of the people and the uourMition of their
opponents , and gave the greatest possible satisfaction . Mr . O'Connor addressed the meeting at considerabl y length altar Mr . Shaw had coacluded , upon the satisfaction aud pleasure that he felt at "every act done by the Land Conference , and then announced that the Executive , who had kept Chartism alive through thu land plan , hud now given the lie to their revilers , who said that they had ah sndoned the Charter . They are , says he , the first in the field when danger threatens , and when their principles are in danger , and wehave called a convention—a Chautist Ookvestios—to' sit in Manchester , on Monday , the 22 ml of this month , in wliich every town in ' North and South Lancashire , the We 3 G-Itiding of Yorkshire , Nottingham , Derby , Leicester , Norwich , Binuinghani , and London , will be represented . ( Tremendous cheering and waving of hats ) . Now , that ' s the way we have abandoned the Charter , said Mr . O'Connor . A unanimous vote of thanks was then given to Mr . Shaw and Mr . O'Connor , aud us hearty a one to the chairman ,
when—Mr . O'Connoragain came forward and said—My friends , we areas quick to design and as rapid to execute as the duke himself , as I just learn from sojug gentlemen who have returned from Stoekport , that the good lads there not only approve ot the plan , but have actually subscribed their share of the funds to carry is out . ' ' ¦
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D ecember 20 , 1845 . THE NORTHERN STAR . 7
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 20, 1845, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1346/page/7/
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