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i ? £ £ *? - ^ PS-Mo ^ y , En . 16 . For the first time tlus session , their lordshipa had a longsitting ; the house not having broken up untS nearly ten o ' clock . The subject -which oocnricd their attention was merely a branch rfft . SK which in another shape has absorbed nearly the SfiSlfi - - —— »• ~ nt
PECULIAR BURDENS ON LAND Lord Bkauhoxt , in moving for a select committee to inquire into the burdens on real property , entered at considerable length into the subjeit , but our limits will not permit more than the mere statement , that he considered peculiar burdens and protection to agriculture were intimatel y connected , and that he would prefer the continuation to the repeal efboth . me burdens singled out as pressing peculiarly on the landed interests were the malt tax , the excise on oncRs , the hop duty , and the stamps on transfer of propert y . He exempted the tithe charge and the
iana tax . Sir Robert had put forward certain measures as a compensation to the landed interest , which were in fact , no compensation for the protection he was about to deprive them of . In conclusion , he begged to say that he had remained true to the cause of protection to the last , but if public opinion pronounced against Mm , he should not tarn sulky , but submit with a good grace . This would be a better course than useless agitation , which would raise class against class , and keep up invidious distinctions , fie respected the courage and sincerity of Sir R . Peel , but if his measures were carried in
the present Parliament , it would not be by the triumph of opinion , but in a trial of complaisance . Let the right bon . baronet appeal , then , to the country , and gain his ends , it they were to be gained , backed by a majority of the nation , instead of trusting to an able mancsuvre in party politics . Lord Brougham said that his opinions on the subject had not changed since 1820 ; he condemned all burdens which fell exclusively on land , and was ready to go much further than Lord Beaumont , who , in his opinion , was wrong in exempting the land-tax from the list of burdens .
Lord Dacrs thought that the landlolds were a very ill-used set of people , and shamefully saddled with an undue share of national burdens . He concluded with a furious attack on the League " conspiracy , " and its purchase of 4 . 0 s . freeholds . Lord Stanley argued that tithes were a peculiar burden o& laud ; and said that even if the claims of individuals were settled , that would not settle in his mind the policy of maintaining or abolishing the Corn Laws , which rested not upon personal pecuniary considerations , but upon their moral , social , and political effects , and on this ground he was prepared to defend them .
The Duke of Richmond delivered a bitter invective against the League , and uttered some implied threats , which , from a Chartist , would be stigmatised as rank and open incendiarism . Pressed as we are for room , we must find space for a specimen of this ducal speech : —Their lordships might rest assured that the farmers and yeomanry of England would take a leaf outof the book of the Anti-Corn Law League . ( Hear , hear . ) la no instance up to the present period had the _ fanners sent around their itinerant orators to excite the minds of the popular classes almost to the point of madness . ( Hear , hear . ) The Anti-Corn Law League , however , had adopted this policy . They had sent out their rural peri patetic orators to scour the country right and left , and to " blackguard" ( if
he might be permitted the expression ) all the landlords and farmers of the adjoining districts . ( Hear , hear , and laughter . ) Again and again had these agitators endeavoured to strike terror into the hearts of the farmers by alluding to the likelihood of their stacks being burned . The farmers had never retaliated by a similar policy . They had nerer attempted to intimidate the manufacturers , nor had they ever ventured to throw out any such hint as this—that it was as easy to ^ fire cotton as straw . " The Duke continued , that : — "Success never produced moderation in any political body , and the Anti-Corn Law League might say what they liked about their
approaching dissolution—it was his ( the Dake of Richmond ' s ) opinion that they would never dissolve until they had succeeded in destroying the Church in this country , and every other institution that was dear to the hearts of the loyal and . well-disposed . " And after eulogising the talents of Lord Stanley , and his secession from the government to fight the battle of native industry , he concluded by hoping that if " members of the other house dared , in defiance of their pledges at the hustings , to send them a bill for the repeal of protection , their lordships would kick it cut , and give the country a fair chance of deciding upon it .
Earl Grey , who made , on this occasion , his first speech in the Lords , said he agreed with Lord Stanley in the opinion , that the maintenance or otherwise of the Corn Laws must be based , not upon personal or exclusive considerations , but npon their general operation , and on that ground he would join issue with Lord Stanley . As to the committee moved for , he would not oppose it ; but , at the same time , he would tell tho noble lord , that having a common interest with him as a landlord , he thought the less said about this question the better . lie wished he had not raised it . lie believed that upon examination it would be found that so far from the landlords bearing any undue portion of the national burdens , the very reverse would be the case , and that they were
exempted from numerous hardens which pressed on other classes of the community . His lordship then proceeded to reply at great length to Lord Stanley ' s questions with respect to tithes , as a peculiar burthen , and other matters , and was followed by Lord Ashburtox , who had great doubts of the expediency of the proposed committee , which was more likely to be a scene of wrangling than productive of any important collection of facts . It seemed impossible not to consider tithes as a tax upon land , and the house should consider that in the event of land going out of cultivation when protection ceased , the first portion to go would be that which paid tithe . After a few words from Lord Beaumost , the motion as amended was agreed to , and the nomination of the committee fixed for to-morrow ( Tuesday ) .
Several bills were then forwarded astage , and their lordships adjourned .
HOUSE OF COMMONS-Mo . \ day , Feb . 1 C . From the mas 3 of petitions , motions , and question , previous to the resumption of the adjourned debate , we select the following , as most interesting to our readers : —
FROST , WILLIAMS , AM ) JONES . Mr . T . Dcxcombe gave notice that on Tuesday , the 24 th of February , he would move that an address be presented to her Majesty , praying that her Majesty would be graciously pleased to take into her merciful consideration the petitions which had been presented to that house in favour of the restoration of the liberty of Frost , Williams , and Jones . FACTORY BILL . Mr . Fibldex gave notice that he would move the second reading of the Ten Hours' Factory Bill on Wednesday , the 25 th inst .
THE ADJOURNED DEBATE . On the question that the house do now resolve itself into a Committee on the Customs and Corn Importation Acts , the debate was commenced by The Earl of March , who abused Lord Northland for UU sudden conversion—lectured Mr . B . Cochrane for an attack upon his lordship ' s father , the Duke of Richmond—predicted that the abolition of protection would be the ruin of the country—opposed the opinions of Mr . Sidney Herbert , and , after dwelling at some length on the inconsistency of Lord Lincoln , Mr . Gladstone , and other members of the Administration , who at the last general election had denonnced a more moderate measure than the present as "the fugitive humbug of a dying political faction , and who were now supporting a proposition for the total abolition ot all protective duties , he concluded by declaring that he could not give his assent to a measure so detrimental as the present to all classes of the community .
Mr . Milxer Gibson made a very clever League speech , but there was not a single novel argument in it . He urged immediate , in preference to deferred repeal . Tue question was now in such apositionthat it could not be endangered . It was indeed carried already , if not in Parliament , by the force of public opinions out of doors . Sir R . Peel was the surest of all political barometere . If they wishod to know what th # people were thinking of , let them look to what Sir Robert was doing . Mr . ILu . SET . and Lord Alfred Churchill , recently returned Protectionist members , deliveredthemselvss of maiden speeches against the measure . Sir W . Clay sDoke in support of the plan . . Mr . Dickjjssos and Lord Harm Vase avowed themselves to belong to the "deserters , " and their intention of voting against their former opinions .
Mr . Buck gave vent to a dismal prediction of the ruinous cousequences of the Ministerial scheme ; induced in a passionate invective against Sir Robert , and a bitter attack upon the League , and concluded by declaring his intention to give the measure a most decided negative . Sir John Tyrell made , as usual , a speech , which relieved the sameness of the debate , and gave rise to much laughter . Mr . James gave a little bit of history , which is so useful at the present moment , that we give it entire :- » " He was desirous to refer to the progress of
public opinion upen this question , which showed that , with a good cause , we never need to despair ; sooner or later it would be sure to prevail . In 1 S 31 he had seconded a motion , made by Mr . Hunt , for the total repeal of the Com Laws , and he found that he had had the good fortune to make use of arguments so much empxoyed of late at Manchester and othur parts oi the country . How many did the house suppose tuey had to support them by their speeches ? But one solitary niember-the late member forBolton , Colonel lorrens . And by whom were they opposed ? the jSorth hiding of lorkshirc- hv th <> richr linn gentleman fe . Chancellor of thelSe " ^ S last , not least , by the hon . member for Montrose ( Mr . ( Hume ) , wuo moved the pmious quwtion ^ McUwaa
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earned by a majority of 194 to 6 . In the majority were the right hon . bart . ( SirR . Peel ) , and the noble lord the member for the city of London , and every other gentleman then present who was now a member of the house , with one exception—and that was the hon . member for East Somerset shire ( Mr . Gore Langston ); l » s aon . friend near him , the member for Finsbury ( Mr . T . Duncombe ) , who had always voted for the total repeal , having been on that occasionabsent from the house . Seeing , then , what was the position of the political world , was he not justified in reminding the house and congratulating the country upon the extraordinary change which had crept over the spirit of the dream ot afl . tlie most distinguished public men upon this most momentous question ?" the event « an-i «> d > a maioritv B » t ., xi . : „ .: *„
And then came great of the night , the rising of Sir Robert Peel , who delivered one of his very best speeches in a most tellingand effective style . We can only glance at the leading topics touched upon by him . SirR . Prel observed , that two matters had occupied the attention of the house during this debatethe firat was the manner in which a party ought to be conducted ; and the second , how the contingency of a great political calamity could be mitigated and how the commercial policy of a great nation should be directed . On the first question a great part of the debate has turned ; but , surely , in the eyes of the people , that question wassubordinate to the two other questions—the precautions against an impending danger , and the principles of our commercial polit
y . On the party question he had nothing to oner to the house ; for party interests the government measures were bad measures . He admitted , too , at once that it was unfortunate that the conduct of them was intrusted to his hands . He believed , however , that there was impending over the country a calamity which was perfectly appalling ; and whilst there was a hope of averting it , he did not think it consistent with his duty as a public man to evade the difficulty which he saw approaching . He had not a word to say against the explanation which Lord John Russell made a few nights ago ; but he must read a letter which Lord John Russell had not seen , and which he had addressed to her Majesty during the period when he was out of office , to show that he had not
been desirous of robbing those of tho credit of settling this question who had originally brought it forward , or of embarrassing their course during the settlement of it . That letter ( which is of great length , and not less interest ) , was of such a nature , that he was certain Lord John Russell would be convinced by it , that he ( Sir Robert Peel ) had been prepared to give him the same cordial support which he ( Lord John Russell ) now boasted that he had given him . His belief at that time was , that this question ought to be adjusted ; and he had been prepared out of office to facilitate that adjustment both by his vote and by all the influence which he possessed , lie admitted to the party which had honoured him with its support , that it was entitled to withhold from him its
confidence . But was it likely that he should have voluntarily sacrificed its support , unless he had been influenced by strong motives ef public duty ? Be the consequences to himself what they might , ha would avow that his party could not rob him of the conviction that the advice which he had given to his Sovereign and the Parliament duriug thesa late transactions was consistent with all the duty which he owed to that parly . The month of May would not arrive without convincing the members of it that he should have abandoned ' . his duty to his country , his Sovereign , and his party , if he had hoisted the flag of protection for a time , knowing that he must then have deserted it . Before the house cane to a decision upon this measure , it was necessary for them
to know the state of Ireland as connected with it . For this purpose he read a series of letters received by the last two Irish mails from Sir D . Roche , Lord Stuart de Decies , and various other gentlemen in different parts of that kingdom , giving the most appalling description af the scarcity of the potatoe in Ireland . One-eighth of the crop was always wanted for seed ; and if that quantity was not saved from consumption as food , Ireland would have to struggle with famine in the next year also . It wa » impossible to supply that quantity of potatoes from any foreign country ; and the government therefore proposed to get the seed potatoes into its keeping by giving other food in exchange for them . Now , in that case would it bo possible for him in May
next , with a duty of 17 s . on the importation of foreign corn , to call on the people to pay such a duty for the food to be distributed to the people of Ireland to save them from starvation ? Supposing famine then to ensue , would the aristocracy be able to bear the odium of saying , " We will throw on the government the responsibility of supplying the people of Ireland with food , but one iota of the Corn Laws we will not part with ? " lie called upon Parliament to consider what had been the course taken by its predecessors on former occasions , when scarcity was impending over the country . On every occasion Parliament had removed for a time the duty on the importation of foreign corn . Tlie cheer with which that observation was greeted , he
received as an unanimous , or , at any rate , a very general assent that at a period of approaching famine the proper course to be adopted was a frse importation of corn . If that were so , then he asked thej house to expedite the passing of this bill , or else that all the duties on the importation of provisions be suspended . He reminded the house that in November last he had advised , and three of his colleagues had supported , the suspension of the existing duties on corn by an order in Council . There was ao day in his political life of which he was more proud than that on which he had recommended that suspension of the law . But the law was not suspended ; Parliament was now assembled , and it was not within the competence of the Crown to suspend
duties by an order in Council whilst Parliament was sitting . If there were a necessity for suspending the corn duties in November , that necessity was aggravated now ; and the house must come to one or other of these two alternatives—it must either maintain the existing law , or propose some facilities for the importation of foreign corn . If , then , all former precedent justified the suspension of the Corn Laws in emergencies similar to the present , let the house consider the laws to be suspended , and what the case weuld bo then . His conviction was strong that it would be utterly impracticable , after suspending the Corn Laws for six months , to bring them again into operation . It was an utter misapprehension of the state of public opinion to suppose that any
government , after the country had tasted for six months the sweetness of free importation , would be enabled to re-enact the existing Corn Laws in all their provisions . Would any sane man advise this government to give a guarantee in case of its suspending the Corn Laws for six months , that it would renew them at the expiration of the suspension 1 He then proceeded to notice the arguments winch had been offered against hb plan by the different speakers in the debate . Mr . Baring had recommended a compromise on this subject . "What was a compromise but a new law ? and was thi 8 a time for producing a new law whichhvould satisfy no party ? Referring to Mr . F . Scott ' s curious notion of the relation existing between a Sovereign and his Minister , which
he compared to that oi a client and his own counsel , he observed that there was this difference between the counsel and the Mintster—that the Minister took an oath to give his Sovereign the best couuael that his judgment could dictate , and that tho counsel did no such thing . Mr . Scott had spoken of him as the counsel of a party , and had claimed for himself the privilege which was formerly claimed for himself by Anacharsis Cloote—namely , that of being the Attorney-General for the whole human race . Adverting to Mr . Colquhoun ' s assertion that he had not in this measure established a great principle , he remarked that if such were the case ne man in the empire ouaht to bo more indebted to him . Mr . Colquhoun had voted both for and against the repual of the Corn
Laws . He had been , since 1811 a determined advocate for a fixed duty ; and yet during the subsequent interval he had done all that he could to support a sliding scale . He wondered how he should have fared with Mr . Colquhoun , if , after he had carried the suspension of the existing law , he had got up and said , that government would stake its existence upon restoring the Corn Laws at the period when the suspension ended . But this was mere trifling . The real question before the house was , " Is this measure right ? " If it be , vote for it ; if it be wrong , vote against it , and withhold your confidence from the men who proposed it . He then
entered upon a dissection of the speeches of Mr . Miles and Mr . S . O'Brien , controverting the statistical returns of the former , and turning into ridicule the . latbetic colloquies of the latter with the tenantfarmers of his district . Both those gentlemen—and indeed , every speaker on their side—had treated thi » question as a Corn Law question ; but , in point of tact , it was not a porn Law , but a gnat national and commercial question . That portion of his measure which related to the Corn Laws might be rejected , and the other portion accepted , or vice versa , lie wished it , however , to be considered as a whole , and rejected or accepted as such . It was also the intention of the goyernmeat to adhere to its own orouosal .
ue statea tins , Uowever , distinctly ; to | tlie house -that it the agricultural body should be of opinion that immediate was preferable to deferred repeal , and if by muting with the Anti-Corn Law League they placed him in a minority , he should only consider what course he ought to take to give effect to the law so amended at their instance , lie would do Si" n t 0 / 7 Proposition of the governnow what effect success in the House of Commons might produce elsewhere ; but his opinion that it ^ SSf ^ ilff *™ » . «« al acljustmentof this estion
qu was so strong that he should prefer immediate repea so carried against him to tho chance of throwing the country into confusion by postponing for six months the settlement of a question which was now paramount to all others . The L'reat question was , bhall we advance in the relaxation of protection and m the removal of prohibitory duties , ° -, i » i ^ f ^ 1 ' , 11 ? " Mr Mies said , "Stand still ; but for the House of Commons to stand still on such a question was to condemn every previous giep which it bad taken in a liberal career of commercial policy . He then , entered into an eloquent detence ot his past , and into a lucid explanation
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of his present relaxations in our tariff . After showwi . it - ' u V ^ case the m » val of prohibition had contributed not only to tho welfare of the consumer but also to that of the producer , he called upon them calml y to reflect on what was the policy best suited to a greafc commercial empire like our own . Let them look at the moral , social , physical and geographical advantages which God and nature had . given to this country ; let them also look at their acquired advantages ; let- them reflect on their capitaI , their skill , their fre » press , their inimitable constitution , and then let them Bay whether this was K , ? w ?* 7 l ou S * ° dwad competition . What was it that they had to dread ? Which would bo their motto , " advance" or "retrograde ?" Other „<• :
countries were watching their example . There was no reason for expecting that everywhere they would be met with a hostile tariff . Sardinia and Naples had both adopted liberal systems . Prussia was already shaken . The most sound and sensible thinkers in France were bearing on a willing government , which was de 3 irous to follow that ot England , and to reciprocate advantages with iV * j c ? wore Si'tog encouragement in the United States to the party which was seeking to procure a more liberal tariff . Even if that party was unsuccessful , he advised the house not to punish itself by seeking to be revenged on others . ? n JM ^ Ce t 0 ^ i entIe ™ n of England , founded not on theexperience of three years merely but on the experience of every previous relaxation ' of restriction
, was to persevere in the course upon which they had entered . By passing these measures they would take another guarantee for the content and love and willing obedience of the population ; and it a calamitous time should come , when we must offer them exhortations to bear their destiny with fortitude , it would be a consolation for us to reflect that we had relieved ourselves from the necessity of regulating the supply of food in a time of famine , and that ma period free from clamour and excitement we had anticipated difficulty and removed every impediment to thefreecirculationofcoramerce . The right hon . baronet , after a speech which occupied two hours and three quarters in its delivery , resumed his seat amid loud cheering . On the motion of Lord Jouk Manmers , the debate was adjourned till to-morrow ( Tuesday ) .
After some routine business the house adjourned at a quarter to two o ' clock . - HOUSE OF LORDS-Tuesday . Feb . 11 .
BURDENS ON LAND . On the motion of Lord Bbujmont , the following noble lords were proposed as a select committee to inquire into burdens on real property , and also into the legislative exemptions and pecuniary advantages in respect to' taxation affecting landed property , vii —the President of the Council , the Lord Privy Seal the Dukes of Buckingham and Richmond , the Marquis of Lansdbwno , the Marquis of Salisbury the harls of Aberdeen , Stradbroke , Lovelace , Grey Radnor , Malraesbury , llardwicke . and Ellenborouuh
Lords Asliburton , Dacre , Brougham , Cottenham , Beaumont , Monteagle , Rcdesdale , Colchester , Stanley , and Dalhousie . A short conversation ensued as to the mode in which the committee should conduct the business entrusted to it . Earl Grey and Lord Campbell recommended the adoption of some of the Standing Orders of tho House of Commons with respect to such committees ; but tho subject was ultimately dropped , on the understanding that Earl Grey is to bring it on again next week . The other business was of no public importance , and the house adjourned at a quarter to six o ' clock
HOUSE OF COMMONS-Tuksdat , Fkb . 17 . Several railway bills were read and ordered to be committed . A great number of petitions in favour of and against protection , were presented . Petitions against the enrolment of the militia ( as being , according to some of the petitions , altogether unnecessary , and , according to others , contrary to the doctrines of Christianity ) were presented from three places in Cornwall—from Bristol , Leicester Monmouth , St . Luke ' s , Chelsea , and other metropolitan parishes ; from 7 , 900 inhabitants of Salford , tho West-Riding of York , and various other places . Petitions in favour of a Ten Hours' Bill were presented by Mr . Duncombe and Mr . Duncan .
THE LATE ASSISTANT POOR LAW COMMISSIONER , MR . M . W . PARKER . Mr . Christie presented a petition from this gentleman , complaining that the Poor Law Commissioners had sacrificed him in order to avert from themselves the odium which had arisen from the proceedings at Andover . The petitioner prayed that a committee might be appointed to investigate his conduct and that of the commissioners . The lion , member gave notice that he would , on Wednesday , move that the petition be printed with the votes , with the view of bringing the subject under the consideration of the house .
FRIENDLY SOCIETIES . Mr . T . S . DiracoMBK , in pursuance of the notice ho had given , rosu to ask leave to bring in a bill to amend the acts relating to friendly societies , in order to give protection to those very valuable institutions . The first act that had been passed for the regulation of those societies was the 10 th Geo . IV ., cap . 56 , which was amended by the 4 th and 5 th William IV ., cap . 40 . The object of those acts was declared to be to give greater security and power to extend the objects of friendly societies for any purposes which " were not illegal . " Now it would appear to every one not learned in the law , that those words were sufficiently comprehensive ; but he was sorry to say that very lately a doubt had arisen upon the subjectin
conse-, quence of a ease" which , had been tried in the Court of Queen ' s Bench , in which Mr . Justice Wightman had pronounced j udgment . That j udgment had had the effect of paralysing tho certificate given to those societies . The case had arisen in consequence of a dispute between the directors and one of the members ( named Scott ) of the South Shields Investment Friendly Loan Society . Tbat society had duly submitted its rules to Mr . Tidd Pratt , who had certified it in 1841 . The ^ directovs , on the dispute arising with Scott , summoned him duly before the magistrates ; but they refused to entertain the case , which was finally and consequently brought before the Court of Queen ' s Bench , when it was ruled by Mr . Justice Wightman , that the society did not
come under the provisions of the law . The learned judge had said , " I am of opinion this society is not a f ' riendlv society , aBd that the words , ' for any purposes winch are not illegal , ' must be considered so as to bear some relation to the objects of the act . " Now , it would be probably found that two-thirds of the friendly societies in the kingdom mi » ht be disputed on the same grounds , and tho object of his amendment was simply to make more plain tho meaning of the words , " purpose which is not illegal . " Those societies were most valuablo , and it would be a very serious detriment to their utility if they were not supported in time . The amendment which he was about to proposo had received the approval of all persons connected with loan societies to
whom he had submitted it , and it had the approval also of Mr . Tidd Pratt . With respect to the opinion of Mr . Justice Wightman , he should say that tho Solicitor-General had given another opinion , to the effect that Mr . Tidd Pratt was right in certifying to that very society the rules of which were now doubted . The Solicitor-General had given a similar opinion with regard to another friendly society ; and whon they saw such doubts upon the subject it was evidently highly necessary that they should be removed . He , therefore , asked permission of tho house , and the right honourable baronet , to bring in & bill to amend the law relating to friendly societies . Leare was given to bring iu the bill , which was ordered to be rer . d a first time , printed , and read a second time next Wednesday .
THE EMIGRANT SHIP CATARAQUE . On the motion of Mr . IIumk , copies of all reports and correspondence respecting the loss of the emigrant ship Cataraque , in Bass ' s Strait * , in August last , having 309 emigrants on board , were ordered ; as was also a copy of the report of the officer at Liverpool , on tho state of the Cataraque before sailing from Liverpool in April , 1845 , and what the length of contract , whether the captain and mate had passed any examination , and how long the captuin had boon at sea . In moving for those reports , he ( Mr . Hume ) had no wish to cast blame on any one , but where they saw out of 415 persons who left Liverpool on board that ship no fewer than 400 lost within a few hours , it did appear that something should be done to investigate the cause , to prevent a recurrence of such a calamity , and to preserve the lives of people
FAMINE AND DISEASE IN IRELAND . Mc-UCofflEujaiiciiBtice , that on Monday , the - < Jru oi I eo ., he should move for a committee of the whole house on the stateoflrelanil , with a view todevise mean * to relieve the miseries of tlio people . In the course ofa long speech on the condition of Ireland , the hon . member showed that the population of that country , so far from augmenting , as seme people believed , was actually fjillinjjj and wasting away . The populationreturns proved , that between 1821 and 1831 , the population increased by one Million ; between 1831 and 1841 only by half a million . This fact , the ; surest test of deep internal misery aad suffering in the condition of a people , was attempted to be accounted for by emigration , but those who did so while they gave the emigration in between the year 181 H and 1841 , did not take into account the emigration during the
former ten yeais . and thus-left out of sight an essential ingredient in the question . Lord Devon ' s coning ... sion had stated , that from the evidence they collected on oath , and from their own observations , they found that the agricultural population of Ireland suffered great privations avid hardships ; that they were badlv housed , badly feii , badly clothed , and bad ' . y paid for their labour ; tliat in many districts the only food of the people was , potatoes , and their only ¦ drink water ; that their cabins scarcely protected them against the weather ; that a blanket was a rare luxury to them ; that their pigs and their manure constituted their onlyprorjcrty ; and that altogether t'aey endured more suffering than the people of any ' other country in tiurope . This was not the assertion of any agitator m ; demagogue , but the distinct and emphatic assertion . Tit men who were beyond the possibility of suspicion , and beyond the possibility of being deceived . The
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agricultural population of Ireland is calculated at 7 , 000 , 000 , and 5 , 000 , 000 of these at least are labourers , in the situation thus described . But during the last four years , in which the people ot Ireland were thus living , they had produced and exported for the consumption of this country , no less than 2 , 000 , 000 of quarters of bread stuffs , and 2 , 000 , 000 cwt . of flour and different sorts of meal ; and even between the month of October , 1845 , and January , 1840 , they had exported to this country oxen , bulls , and cowa , 32 , 883 ; calves , 583 ; sheep and lambs , 82 , 570 ; swine , 104 , 141 ; ao that the dreadful anomaly existed in Ireland , that while she produces in abundance her people are starving . Mr . O Connell thea adduced an immense mass of
statistical am ' , documentary evidence , bearing on the present state of that country , and showing the alarming nature ot the crisis . He next proceeded to show that scarcity was always accompanied by disease , and especially by typhus . On this head he said-It has not been found that fever is diffused by the atmosphere , for the disease has uniformly ceased when provisions became abundant . You have the cause , the effect , and the cure . The cause is scarcity ; the effect , fever : the cure , a more plentiful supply of food . It is singular to observe how constantl y this has occurred . I have several instances of great famine in Ireland , showing how invariably scarcity has brought fever in its train , and that fever lia » disappeared when harvests became abundant . In 1734 and 1735 there were wet summers , with bad harvests ; fever appeared in the winter of 1734 , and did not disappear till the autumn of 1736 , which brought a most abundant harvest ; between 1740 and 1743 , 1798 and 1802 \ 817 and the autunrn « f 1818
, , 1 S 25 and the autumn of 1827 , the same sequence of bad crops and disease of good crops and the disappearance ef disease , was to be observed . Mr . O'Connell then suggested the remedy . They could easily command funds for meeting the emergency A revenue of £ 74 , 000 under the . Wooda aad Forests , derived from Ireland , had been lor years applied to the improvement of the metropolis , and the ornament of Trafalgar-square . Let them lay an income tax on the rents of Irish landlords ; thirty or forty pur cent , on absentees , ten per cent , on resident ; for the tenant must perish if the landlord did not contribute , lie suggested other expedients , as that of the government taking into their own hands the control and direction of the construction of railways , so us to provide the means of immediate employment . The measures already adopted by the government lie highly applauded , but they were trivial when compared with a great exigency , when dearth threatened the land .
Sir James Grmum complimented Mr . O'Connell for the moderation of his tone , and the absence of all exaggeration in his statements . He then recounted what the government had done , from the appointment of the commission in November last to inquire into the failure of the p nUtoc crop , down to the introduction of the Public Works Bill , the Drainage Bill , &c , in each of which there is a grant of public money ; the entire amount , in the shape of giant or otherwise , intended to be applied by government for the promotion of employment being no less than £ 468 , 000 . In addition , it was anticipated that no less a sura than nine millions would be expended during the next three years in tho uonstruction of railroads . Under the operation of the Poor Law , destitution would be relieved in the workhouse , and
disease would be attended to in temporary fever hospitals ; and the government were prepared to introduce a measure , founded on a precedent in the year 1832 , for the purpose of proviJing extraordinary precautions to guard against the spread of infectious disorder . These efforts , he trusted , would meet the present emergency , in which it was calculated that nearly one-half of the potatoe crop had failed ; and in order to prevent the recurrence of similar calamitics , and to lay a foundation for the permanent improvement of Ireland , he trusted that the house would promptly take the primary step of relaxing the laws which restrict the importation of food . Mr . Shaw , while admitting the habitual poverty of the Irish people , was of opinion that the failure of the potatoe crop had been much exaggerated .
Mr . John O'Connell considered the official information adduced by the government a sufficient guarantee for the accuracy of tho allegations as to the nature and extent of tho distress . Since he had come over to his parliamentary duties , he had found a strong sympathy existing on the part of membew respecting it , and a great anxiety to adopt measures for its alleviation . Hitherto Ireland had been sacrificed to the selfish interests of England ; the country had beun treated on the now usele . ss hand-and-mouth system , temporary remedies being provided for pressing exigencies , but for years forgetting and neglecting it ? The Union had depressed the material and moral interests of Ireland ; the life-blood of its body politic was exhausted by the drain of the absentee ' system , under which four millions and a half were annually abstracted from its resources ; and the public money which the government now proposed to bestow was not equal to the public revenue raised in Ireland and expended elsewhere .
Lord John Russell advised Mr . John O'Connell to seize every opportunity of urging , within that house , the wrongs of Ireland , and the remedies which he considered applicable . The House of Corrmons represented the United Kingdom , and it was its duty to listen to any statement of any grievance which might afflict any portion of it . He hoped that after the statement of Sir James Graham as to whs . t the government intended to do , Mr . O'Connell would not at present press his motion . It would be in his power to renew it if ho found that the proposed measures were ineffective for the crisis .
Mr . Lawson was afraid that Sir Robert Peel ' s measures would reduce England to the condition ot Ireland , and he could not see the wisdom of permanently ruining one country in order to provide for a temporary calamity in another . Mr . 0 'Conjski . l withdrew his motion , with the understanding that he reserved the power ot again bringing the same subject under consideration if
necessary . ADJOURNED DEBATE . The adjourned debate on the Corn Laws wasfurther resumed by Lord John Manners , who quoted Carli , professor » f political economy , at Milan , in favour of the opinion that corn ought to be an affair of administration and not of commerce . Without giving in too readily to | the " Oligarchy of Red Tape , " he had been disposed to bow to the opinion of government ; but this question , if it was to be settleJ , ought to be settled upon comprehensive principles , and not upon transitory , evanescent , self contradictory grounds . The noble lord contended that the government ought
to have oponed tho ports , and then afterwards to have come to Parliament to authorise such steps as might bo expedient , and not proceed by the "lumbering" measure proposed . He told the right lion , baronet that for the future no man in England would have any confidence in him , nor care what he thought upon any subject whatever . He wanted some proof that Prussia was " shaken . " lie denied that the people were inclined towards free trade , as they were led by Arago , Thicrs , and Louis Blanc , wko opposed it . lie fenred the new law would alienate the rural classes , upon which the Sovereign relied , in cases of emergencies , and accordingly should oppose it .
Captain Layard , in an energetic f roe trade speech , supported the measure , and Mr . Robert Palmkr , of Berkshire , opposed it ; but there was nothing novel ineithor of their addresses . On the last named member taking his scat , about forty or fifty members rose to address the house , but Sir Ciiarlks Naiukii caught the Speaker ' s eye . The Gallant Commodore , amidst loud cheers , said he thought that tho speech of the Right Hon . Baronet on Monday night would hnvo terminated the debate , by carrying conviction to . all ; but the protection party seemed desirous to prolong it , in the vain hope of procuring some mitigation of their doom , lie asked them , did they want to plough with the same horses they did twenty years ago ? If Sir Robert Peel
had opened the ports , as one of the preceding speakers had recommended , the protectionists would have opposed him as fiercely as they do afc present . He thought Sir Robert 2 * eel had gone as far as he could . Sir Charles then proceeded to amuse the house , and at the same time give somewhat of a new aspect tothe debate , by describing his own farming system ,, and exposing the unfounded fears of the agricwlturistL lie advised the landlords ,, instead of making long speeches , to give long kases-.: ( Laughter and cheers . ) If they were aefc satisfied with this advise just Let them go down to . Scotland ,, and see the way in which tho land wa g cultivated' there . ( Hear ,, hear . ) The y had nn adverse climate , at leasfe three weeks bebi' . id this countiy ,, but . let any one go through the
Lothians , and see tow turning were cultivated , and wheat drillsdi ami look at their improved implements * thoir steiun-cngiae !) threshing out their wheat , instead of the cluvasy system pursued ta many parts ef England . ( Hear . ) If the same plan was pursued throughout England aa the Scotok did , this country would soon become an exporting instead of an importh jg country . Although a sailor , he was also a practical farmer of four years' standing . ( Much laugjater . ) lie took a farm in his neighbourhoodnot a very large one—of forty acres . ( Renewed langhter . ) Gentlemen might laugh , but what was w > d for forty acres was good for 400 . ( Cheers . ) lie took these forty acres , and found it was bad landwhat was called in Hampshire forest land . His predecessors could grow nothing ; the land was foul , and had never been cleaned out ; like manv gentlemen
opposite , they went with the plough four inches deep , and Uad men with four horses drawing it . They lost money , as might have been expected , and three or four of them went away ruined . He began to farm exactly as his predecessors had dono , and at the end ofthe year hu had lost £ 200 . ( Laughter . ) He began to think this was bad farming , especially when he found that a good fellow near him , who farmed ten acres of the same land , had constantly fine crops . His land was dry , though ho had no capital , and he seemed to live very well on th ; profits of his farm . Ho at last said to him , " Old boy ! 1 wish you would explain to me how it is that ymi , who have no capital at all—you , who hav « only a little pony and your ; wifc ( laughter ) , get so good crops outof your land . " His reply was , that if he ( Sir C . Napier ) followed lm advice he would soon have as good crops as he had . He told h ' ini to take tho water oE , to clean .
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out his ditches , clean his tield . s well , and lay tow land over—that he . should first of all get a plough , gi > with it as deep as he could , and then go over the furrow with anotherplough cutting deeply . Ho followed this ti ' ^ > ani * l ) r 0 l ' uced a « excellent crop nexi y » ar . Ine land that never produced more th = n four or five quarters of oats produced eleven quniters . ( Hear , near . ) lie cantinued to follow the old man ' a sys « tern and now instead of the land lying fallow and die , as it all was m the neighbourhood , he had only three acres that were not growing crops . But the fci ? LT . , ft } ™ . h t 0 k « o » »!«« ™ growthe land had
n on . He one field with turnips a 9 arge an the , head ot mmt of the gentlemen in that house . ( Laughter . ) He had had his sheep feedin * upon thesu turnip * lor the last two months Aftor dexcribiiui the mixle in whieh he should t ^ dhisakei-p after the turnips were exlmusted , the hon . ami «» u lant member strongl y advised the agriculturists in that house to follow the advice of hi * poor neighbour and put in drains into their ( liters , to level tlieir banks , which only bred vermin and all sorts of weeds , to go to Scotland and get proper implements , and let them cultivate thoir land properly , and he was sure there would be no more heard ot the I ear of'
importation from a road . Mr . F . Shaw next addressed the house at great length , in a speech replete with the bitteie » t invective against Sir Robert Peel , lie considered the damage of the potntoe erop greatly exaggerated ; but although , no doubt , great distress would exist for some months , he still insisted that there had haev . an average crop in Ireland ; and for the temporary contingency a temporary remedy should he applied . He said Ministers would be handed down to posterity as the greatest political coward * that ever existed . The epithet " political apostste" was vehemently cheered by a knot of Protectionists around him , ' and after a speech , full of the most pointed abuse , the l , o i gentleman still hoped he might claim the ri » ht lion , baronet as his friend , which elicited the derisive clker of the house .
Mr . Bright said , that instead of Ase of Sir Robert Peel being the subject in debate , he had tlmughUhafr the great question ot protection was to be discussed , lhe people out ot doors did i ; ot care one rush for the split in the Conservative party . He was ready to admit tbat the principle of the aboliti » n-ot protection must be extended to all things , and indeed-the free traders had supported the abolition <>! ftho dutv-on machinery and cotton yarn . Mr . Cobdwi , in 1842 proposed a law , having lor its object to raise wages but the agriculturists answered , that waj ^ is-oo . uld not be raised by Act of Parliament ; but an nourafter they voted for a law the tffeet of which was to raise the price of the produce of their own osSates . The labourer has no protection ; nor do the landlords over
tbink of passing a law toenablehimoven to get n > oney to buythe corn which the landlords force Jimi to-buy at their own shop exclusively . Air . Jiriglit said that England exceeded all other countries in the world in the comparative quantity of grain grown ; but protection had brought the labourer to a state of decrepitude . He then argued upon the state of the raortages of thelandlords , and the Game Laws , and showed how they contributed in perpetuating the Corn-Law . 1 he public press was against the Protectionists ; ' Hescarcely believed that the landlords in tlieir hearts were averce to the measure ; but they voted against n l }^ atld aven S themselves- on the ASinister . tie had heard of men ping whistling to execution but the jovial faces of the Protectionists surpassed
even this . Within the memory of man Sir Robert reel s speech was the finest ever delivered within' tt e walls of the house , and he envied him as he went home the delight h » must experience at the thought of givingjoy and hope to the poor man . The L-al-ue had been condemned tor makin ? votes , but the fcord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas said , that this was not onl y legal but laudable . J \' o- funds of the League had , however , been applied to- this purpose , and he would say , that whoa the object of the League was obtained , the League would be dissolved , amfhe would add , that it was only the factious opposition of the Protectionists which prolonged its-existeneej by perpetuating the law , and causing distress to the " i'eat body ot the people .
Mr . Hudson condemned Sir Robert Peel ' s measures , which he deemed uncalled for ; but he would willingly have subscribed or have voted a- "rant to relieve the distress in Ireland . On thometion of Lord Duncan the debate was then adjourned till Thursday . The other orders of the day were then disposed of , and tho house adjourned at half-past two o ' clock . HOUSE OF COMMONS-WawEBDjy , Feb .. IS .
FROST , WILLIAMS , AND JONES . Captain Pkchkll presented a petition , pra « in >» that the sentence of transportation which had been passed on Frost , Williams , and Jones , mi « ht be rescinded . Mr . Aouosut presented a petition from Cookermouth , signed by 600 persons , praying that the convicts lu'ost , tt lllinms , and Jones . mi » hs be liberated TEN HOURS' BILL . Mr . Ireland Blaskburne presented three petitions from Warrington , in favour of the Tea Moms' Bill Air . Imeldkn presented petitions from Yorkshire and Lancashire to the same effect . EMBODIMENT OF THE MILITIA . Mr . P . Howard presented a petition ,, agreed to by a meeting in Carlisle , against the measure contemplated by government for callins out tho militia
OREGON QUESTION . A petition was presented from tke inhabitants of Leeds , _ prating the house to adopt all peaceable measures for the settlement of the Oregon que .-tion . COUNTY WORKS PRESENTMENT (
IRELAND ) BILL . On the order of the day for the brinaiu" up the report on this Bill being read , . Sir J . Gbaiiam said , that in . consequence of what had taken place last nignt , he wished to make ihree alterations ; the first was for the appointment of surveyors , the second for the payment of countv officers , and the third for the purpose t > i ' givin « - power to summon four additional grand jurymen when the number sworn was not sufficient to form a quorum lie proposed that the bill should be re-eomnnttod ia order to make these alterations . The house thcawentinte- Committee , when tke additional clause and the report was agreed to .
POOR LAW . Captain Pkchell moved for a return of the capy of any instructions issued by the Poor-law Commissioners for the purpose- o { uniting the pariah of Farnham , in Surrey , now under Gilbert ' s Act , with certain other parishes under the ] Puor-Law Act ; also , for a copy of any meiaorial of the Poor-Law Commissioners from the ratepayers of the parish of Farnham remonstrating against such union , or an * interference whatever . " ; The house adjourned at one o ' elock . [ Continued »» our eighth page . ]
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Attempted Assassination- i . x CKtm . as . ATE . —On Tuexday evening , about five o ' clock , extreme-excitement was caused in the immediate vicinity of Red Cross-street , Cripplegate , from the tact Jhat a . man , by tho name of Lacey or Facey , h ; u \ made an attempt to . murder another party , whose exact name could not be-ascertained , bub who-at the-time was at the house occupied by a Mr . Lewis , eordwaincr , of No . 8 , Cradle-court , lledi Gross-street , Cripplegate . It appears that about three o ' clock iu the niternooa the neighbour * in Cradle-court wore much annoyed by a stxious disturbance which had taken p-hwe in the first-ffioor of Ko ; S ,. in the court . Alxiut five o ' clock , however ,, the noise was wgreat that it waa feared that some violence would be committed , and consequeatly tho aasistar . ee of . " the police was sent for . Immediately , afterwards , however ,, a crt t > f murdor
was heard ,, and upon Mr .. Lewis eRterinu tke room he foaml the poor t ' ellpw ,. who it seems was visiting with La « ey-,. weltering in his blood , theaian Lacey halding hi : his hand at tlie time-a large carving knifeabout eight inches in length ,, with which , it seems lio Aad stabbed : the- unfortunate man , as his clothes . were perforated , and streams of blootl were i * suin » from X \ w- wwincl . Some of the nuishhwirs instantly " ! ran far Mr ; Ponder-,, surgcon ^ of 54 , ' Re < J Cross-streat , ¦ who pBomptly attended . During the iime the surgeos was sent for t \» e police arrived , who took the man Latey idto custody and convoyed him to the Msov-stmt station . \ Vfaea the surgeon examined the wound he declared it to be of a Ejost seriouH character ,, it bwing . incised and of considerable depth , penetrating the iatcrstiee just below the aixth-. rib on . the left side ,, immediately under tho heart . '
Accident ox tub Gkkat Wkstrsx RAiLv / jarl—On Monday morning an accident of a serious nature occurred on the Great Western Railway , between Box anil Middlehill tunnel , by which the lives * of several persons were endangered ; anil it is rurcuureil that one person was killed . It appears that 4 lie up-wail on leaving Bath hail an open truck , couiaunin" several workmen , attached to tho train ; aud when between Box and Middluhill tunnel , the tire of sue of tho leading wheels of the truck flew o £ which causwl
such an oscillation , that either throa « -h tVar a ' number jumped out , or were thrown from tlie triiefc by the motion . Neither the engine-driver nor the guards , were cognisant of any accident , until entering the tunnel the echo of the screams of those in the ' truck alarmed tho engine-driver , who instantly stopped the train ; and on going back it was diseoveral that nine persons were on the li . ne so seriouslv iuiumi that it was considered necessary to take thJm to tho wspital at Bath , and out * of them , it is said , has 3 ince died . '
RoimEnv on thh r IWs .-0 n Monday , at tho Ihames Policc-oBice , John TurceU and Anthony Urman were charged with h-imc upon the river with intent to commit felony . One liMit last week two chests of tea were stolen from a coastin" vessel and lowered into a boat . The thieves wore maki * g oft with their booty , w . hcn they were pursued by tlia crew ot a Ihames police galley . The robbers tlirtw tho tea overboard and made their efcaj-e . The prisoners were seen about hiilf-past one o ' clock ou M" nilay morning in a skiff , among the shipping betwi en nattle-brid gc aid l'icklu-hen-. n : tier , SoulK-ar ; . The tea was stolen from a vessi 1 near the same { lac ; Tluy were sentenced to tl ree months' imprisonment and hard labour in Bjrhton House of Correction .
Joretmx Jbtiwmto Jrorcitni ^Flftahfinfltfel
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" Ana I will war , at leastin words , ( And—shonia my chants « o happen—deeds , ) With all who war with Thought «" I think I hear a little bird , who sings The people by and by will be the stronser . "—Biboh .
THE FRATERNITY OF NATIONS-POLAND AND RUSSIA-UNION OF THE SLAVONIANS . Although the following interesting document was adopted in this country so far back as the 25 th of July last , the anniversary of the martyrdom of the five Russian Republicans thereiniiamed * it has never before appeared in any English publication . It was originally published in the French language , and a short time since a ( somewhat imperfect ) translation appeared in the Xtiv York Tribune . For the following translation we are indebted to a distinguished Polish democrat . At the present moment , when all « yes are directed towards Poland , this proclamation is doubly interesting : — raocLuunox of rotzi mow im losdox to xhzu BtJJSUS BBKTHBIS .
Russian Brethren!—It is to-day nineteen years since five of jonr compatriots , Pestel , Bestujef , * Mouraviet Bvlief , and KohovsW , peruhed on t he scaffold The Poles , in whose behalf we now address you , have assembled to celebrate the anniversary of the death of those mar tyrs to your future regeneration , and have thought their homage would not be worthy the memory of the mar tyrs , if they oia not communicate to you the thoughts which have , on this occasion , risen in their souls . Brothers ! a hatred , too violent to be lasting , too pro-Jonged to be matural , separates us from one another " his hatred , for which hardly any among us can render adequate r « ason , ought to yield to the reflections naturally due between two people of the same origin and the same faith . As Slavonians , we ought t o have but one and the same object—that of becoming free ; as Chrittians , we owe to one another mutual lore .
And , meanwhile , alas ! almost each page of our history setms written in innocent blood , which the two nations have shed while massacreing one another in subservisHcy ta the interests of a single family . And i » ihere any cause , divine or human , which can sanction the conduct of this blood ; drama , where the actors struggle without carrying away any advantage except the spec tacle of the ruin of others ! Instead of that , have we no other destinies to pursue ! As to jou , Russian * , jou have a great mission , noble duties to accomplish in ' the world , a great and imperishable glory to achieve , that which yomr martyrs indicated to you b y their deathwhich we have also indicated by remembering them in the midst of battles . It is the mission of forming , in -conjunction with us , into an army of European civilisation , and of the law of God , the entire Slavonian race , and of directing this force upon those regions which need "to be emancipated from the barbarism in which they are at present , and to form there societies useful to humanity —we speak of Asia .
And this mission , obvious to our consciences , which the angel of our race has whispered to you from the scaffold , and still urges on us in our exile , domandithat you should be free—that we should be free and independent—that we should be brothers ; and , aeaawhile , what ajayouf A despot , foreign to toji—the scion of a mixed German and Mongolian race , iu whose veins does not flow a single -drop of yours , of the Slavonian blood , common to us—Absorbs you , and places you iu a condition unworthy of men created in the image of God . Instead of irisa laws , in making which you might all concur through the representative * of yeur choice , laws which would put you in a way of using freely your intellectual , moral , and physical powers to realisegreat human destinies , and to be in
fraternity with all the other nations by harmonising thus the interests offaiherUnd , with those of humanity , you hata the will , the caprice of a tingle man , whom nothing restrains , and who makes of you passive instruments of oppression among yourselves , or of accomplishing foreign invasions intended to increase the number of these in . struments or victims to his violences , with no other aim than that of satisfying the instincts ol persoaal ambition . And this unlimited will raises around you an insurmountable barrier—a Chinese wall , which separates yon from the rest of the universe—the universe in which there ar » for you as many brothers as there are or shall be living men , and which bow , in consequence of your condition , aces in you only enemies worthy of contempt or of hatred , Satire , oh , Russians : we cannot hate you . From your bands we hare received , and ara still receiving , hard blows , yet we wish to see in yon only erring brothers , and our hatred is concentrated on the man who makes
use of you in the infernal service of a violent despotism , of a degrading slavery , which he makes weigh as heav ily on yon as on us—ou the man who labours , by all means possible to him , to destroy what we hold most precious and most sacred , our nationality , which ten consecutive ages , under the guidance of Providence , have created ; on the man , by whose command thousands of oar little children are snatched from the arms ef their wretched mothers . And it is not from to-day that the proofs of oar love and hatred may be dated—love for you , and hatred for the oppressor of our two nations . In 1831 , on the ere of our bloody combats for the independence of our country , we wrote npon our banners , "For our liberty mid for yours . " Ask your men , made prisoners during the last contest , in what manner they were treated among us ; they will not deny the fraternal sympathy with which they were received ; they will tell you that die condition of prisoners of war among us was far preferable to that of soldier in the armies of vour Tsar !
Since that epoch fifteen Ions years hare passed ; they tare seen Increase to a frightful extent both our national misfortunes and your slavery . With us the autocratgrows zealous to deal more and more terrible blows to our existence as a nation ; as to you , he pursues unrelentingly his despotic and libtrticide system ; and , to perpetuate oppression , chooses mostly among foreigners , whom nothing attaches to you or your interests , venal , rapacious , and servile officials . It was to put an end to this state of humiliation , incompatible with the dignity of men to whom God prescribes a wide , free , active , and continually progressive life , and which you have endured without a murmur , that the holy martyrs , to whom we pay the tribute of today , have given their lives . They have bequeathed to
you a beautiful example of devotion to the general welfare—to the real glory of your country . Will it not be followed t We do not know ; but for the honour of the race to which our two nations belong , we firmly hope it Trill be fnllowei "We hope it above all , when , casting a glance upon past ages , we see the persevering energy and sublime devotion which enabled you to shake off the ilongolian invaders , when their innumerable hordee were filling your caantry with fire and bloed . Why should not the same energy he awakened now , to shake off the joke , not of multitudes—as in the case of your ancient oppressors—but of a single one of their descendants -whose oppression is so much the more humiliating that it cannot weigh upon a great nation without appearing to receive its assent .
Tes , we must hope that soon there will be found among you thousands of generous men who will follow the noble example of these martyrs , to whose memories such power belongs , that a simple homage paid to them by the people of Warsaw sufficed to the Diet of 1831 although elected under the corruptiag sway of yourautocrat—to proclaim him fallen from tlie throne of Poland the veryday on which this homage was rendered . By following it you will emandpateyournationfrom the terrible joke that weighs upon it ; -, you will , as Slavonians , and in concert with us , extend a helpful hand to our brothers
of the Slavoniaa race , whether oppressed by a German or Mussulman family . And then the great thought of a federation of the Slavonian nations , first revealed on tae banks of the Jieva , may be realised—that cornerstone to the edifice of the redemption of humanity ; for you will have annihilated the obstacle of Tsarism ) synonymous with tyranny , which alone opposes it . As Christ proclaimed , on the eve of his death , that he had conquered the ancient world—the world of privilege and of brute force—so , from his scaffold , Pestel prophesied the realisation of this great thought , saying , " What have sotcn , triti germinate and bear fruit . "
Think of these word 3 , and then act . Tou can accomplish the great mission which God has confided to the eighty-fire millions of Slavonians ; you will enter the path of progress which He has prescribed to all His creatures , and be able to lsad into it the nations of Asia . Russian brothers ! will you hesitate to submit to this dhine will , which promists you a real and imperishable glory , and , instead of the hatred and contempt that now menace you , the blessings of so many millions now and hereafter ! Ton will not hesitate . Inhabitants of the north and east of Europe ! you will have a mighty influence npon the great work of the regeneration of nations , begun in the West towards the close of the last century . TVith a profound hope which God has breathed into us , yte salute the approach of this new era , offering you , from our state of exile , fraternal hands , always ready to rejoin those of our nation to second your noble efforts , if sot to officiate at the initiation .
Committee of preparation : — ( Signed ) Lewh Obokski , President . Julies Khelkhowski , Member . Tmadcs Kbempowiecei , do . John Kktxski , do . Chas . Stolzsun , Secretary . Believing that there exists , above all countries , a country common to all , in which the title of citizenshi p is conferred by the love of right—of brotherhood by community of idea , of religioa by mar tyrdom , and that Pastel , Mourarief , Bestujcf , Hylitfj and Kohovski , who died for the redemption of the Slavonian race , are the fellow citizens and brothers of those who strive for the cause of truth and justice on the earth ; believing the Slavonian race is called to a great mission , both as
tt > interior organisation , which they can accomplish only by a series of efforts fraternally co-ordinate , and that STarl ^ T' I W * **"* ™* eeographi-Z , ™ ^ ° Sach efforts * ' believing that the IT a 1 r » t ^ 8 ° ™« . tS can only be defeated by a holy alliance of nauons , and sympathising espeddlv . vnh the Slavonians who ^ t som daj „ ° ite- ^ , with Italy against the common enemy—Austria—the Central Committee of Young Italy—a National Association , united heart and soul with the vows , the hopes and the aspirations of thePolish patriots , unites , in the naine of the association , and with sentiments of gratitude for the invitation that has been given them in the above address . Signed on behalf of the Central Committee by Joseph Mazzini .
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 21, 1846, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1355/page/7/
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