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- ¦ ' ¦ - WAR "WITH AMERICA . " ADDRKSS TO THE WORKING CLASSES OF GKEAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES . IXDEl'ESDEXCE OF THE OREGON . Attlic usual meeting of the Fraternal Democrats held oa Sunday evening , in their place of meeting , Great Windmill-street , Ifcnry Ro > s , in tbe chair ! the . subject of the threatened war between Great Britain aud the United Suiu-s was brought under tae consideration of ti . e meeting by G . JuIkih llarnev-. Several speeches were delivered , and it was Ultimately resolved to hold an adjourned meeting on Tuesday evening , then to consider the propriety of adopting an address to tlis working ckttses of Great Britain and the United States . •? WAR "WITH AMERICA . "
On 1 uesdny evening ( last ) a very numerous mating took place , tltcr- 'Om being'densely crowded with democrats belongin-: to most of the " European States , " including ( beside * English , ) French , German , Scandinavian , Swiss , < fca ., < Sw . Henry Ross was a ^ ain called to the chair , and four secretaries to the meeting , British , French , German , and Scandinavian , were appointed . The chairman having briefly explained the intended business of the evening , G . Jclux IIakxet then rose , aud proposed the adoption of the following ADDRESS OF THE FRATERNAL DEMOCRATS ASSEMBLING IX LOXDOX , TO TilE WOUKING CLASSES OF GKEAT BKITAIS ASH THE EXITED STATES . " All men are brethren ' . " Feiends asd Brothers , —With extreme sorrow we hare witnessed of Jate the attempts made liy intiTCsted and ign » rHnt parties , to foster enmity between the people of Britain and the United States ; an enmity which , if not subdued and eradicated , threatens , at no distant day , V involve the two nations in war . ' . Ye claim the right to address you , on the ground , that although not a very numerous party—indeed , not claiming to be a " par ty" at all—we belong to a variety of
nations , and are thus entitled to represent—at least in dtgree—tbe interests and sentiments of the workiuj ; order of Europe . A few British men belong to our 3 i « s ? xnb ! v . but tlie majority is composed of natives of Prance , Germany , Switzerland , Scandinavia , and most o tlie other states of Europe . The working class is Oar class ; many of us by liinli , and tlie rest by adoption , belong to the working order . The interest of the sons of toil throughout the world is our interest , and national tifctini-tio 8 we have repudiated , contented to regard each and all as brethren , members of one family—the human nice .
Those of us in this assembly who are not natives of Britain , have been driven to this country by political prosciljnioii , where we have found a refuge from the storms which desolate the homes of our fat litrs . Great number f (¦ f our brethren have sought ami found a home in the ; > ed States . We , who are natives of continental ] if , mast be grateful to both countries for ' the asylum lr-ts afforded us , and we shall best exhibit our grade by lifting up our voices on tbe side of the men of ce and progress , in aid of their tfforts to preserve the o nations from a fratricidal and desolating war .
Working men of Britain , we are rev . dtiit amongst you , - < nd therefore we o&r in the first instance , a few words to you . The question at issue between your government : md that oi the United States is ( briefly explained ) this : The territory in dispute covers a surface of 350 , 060 square miles , aud is bouuded on the north by the British and Ka ^ sian possessions , on the south by Mexico , on ttie east bv the Kocky Mountains , and on tlie west by the Pacific Ocean . This territory is called tlie Oregon , and was originally claimed by Spain ; subsequently that country ( as is asserted by the British Government ) ceded to Britain the joint sovereignty , or occupation , of the territory , and at a later period transferred all her claims oa the cwunirv to tUe American Union . The British Ga .
veratneut claim a portion of this territory , the United States claim the whole . The limits of this address will not pvrmit us to review the claims of the two governments : suffice it to say , that four several attempts have i ) cen made to settlejthe question by negotiation , which attt-mpts have resulted ih nothing beyond mere temporary arrangements . The existing arrangement is tbe "' joint occupation" of tlie territory , subjsct to be set nside by et . iw of the contending parties giving the other a year ' s notice to that effect . Such notice the American Congress haveiiuw uader consideration , * aud as the British . Go-Temmeht sei-ms u .. tinclmed to yield to fie demand of the United State * , war is rendered imminent . If neither party will compromise , an appeal to brute foicc appears ta lit
me-vitsililtf-Strongly deprecating and protesting against an y sncn " appeal , " we a * k you , working men of Britain , are you jnvpared to sanction a war ? What will yoxi profit by a war ? What have uougaiin-d by past war- ! From the time of William the Xorniau to the time of William the Dutchman , the records of your country ' s [ history attest ti ; e fact , that " the history of kings is the martyrology of nations . " "Without going any further back than the t-omnisiK'ement of your modern sxstan of government , under the auspices of tlie Dutch prince of " pious and immortal memory , {!} " to whom yon owe tbe foundation « f y « iur monster " debt , " aud the other blessings which h-. ve flowed from the rule of the fund-mongers , we must remind y > u that the war ugainst France , which commenced in 1 CSS , and which was undertaken to gratify
the ambition of the neuly-imported king by thwarting Tii < -amid ion of Louis XIV .. las-. ed nine \ ears , and cost , in taxes raised at the time , sixteen millions , and in loans twenty wuilions , being a total of thirty-sis millions . The waroftheSp'iui ^ h succession followed ; it lasted eleven ye . r-. mid co » t in taxes and 1 < mihs sixty-two and a half millions . The SjiauUli war , which commenced in 1730 , lasted nine years and Ci « t . m taxes and loans , fifty-four million-. TJirii came " the seven years war , " which bad its origin in a dispute between England aud France respecting American territory , which now neither country ji .,. < ,. « .,. c . This war co > t the English people , iu taxes and loans on hundred aud twelve millions . In all these wars , \ ou , the British people , had no interest whatever , but in the wars we have uext to direct your attention to .
your trii" -interests were really i < leu < incd uith the principles in m-n y < ra rombutcil against . We speak of the " American War" and the " French Revolutionary War . " The war apiin ; t American liberty , which resulted in the just ' iumili : inouofth <> lSiiti $ hari > tocracy , uudtheglurious < onsummation of American independence—that war , which lasted tight years , cost you , the British people , in iaxe < ana loans , one hundred and thirty-six milliyns of mwiry . The French Revolutionary War , or , more properly > p .-akiiii- . the war against the French Republic , ia < -te'i nine years , a : nl cost you . in taxes and loaus , four hunlrni mid » ix ; y-iour millions . Almost immediately loilowcd tJic war against X : i ] mleun , wliich lasted twelve years , and cost th British people , in taxes and loan * the
eiioni . oa- .-uui ot one oilhou , one hundred and fifty-nine t : ulU < m » . We say lwthinjc of the "Hals wars" siucelSlO , imr « f the en .-rmous coat of your army , navy , and other f jros since that cute . Iu the course of one huudred and tnenty-feven years ( from 1 CSS to 1 S 15 ) , more than half xuat tno « was spent in war . The taxes wire increased fr » . m t » vo millions to tlieir present amount , ( about ) fiftytwo millions ; In 1 CST , the year before your "glorious revolution (!) " the ' National Debt" was unknown ; now , iu spite <•¦ " the almost countless millions you have paid us principal : m < i interest , you stagger under the load of tLrlit iiuiidrcd millions of debt , the payment of the jfvarly interest < m which swallows up more than half the iiftv-ttvo iiiiihons of taxes .
Is it ii ;« -i-. s > ary to repeat the question , " What have you gain - : by war 5 " From the nuan .-ial we now proceed to the saunter acco int—tlie t- >; ii . iated number of Jiritith alone , who were slain orp liilied . In the war which began in l ( iS 3 were ... ISO . OOO Ditto ... ... 1702 „ i' 50 , 000 Ditto ... ... 17 :- » „ ... 240 , « 00 Ditto ... ... 175 K „ ... 25 O . QU 0 Ditto trarusaiiut America 1775 „ ... I'OlHIdO D : tto war against France 17 i » : j „ ... 7 U 0 . O 00
Total in oue hundred and twenty-seven years 1 , 820 , 000 T ! i' -t < e faufcs and figun-s , understand , estimate oulv vow l <> ss and sufferings—ilie taxation audsluughier ivbicVy-nr , th .- Ifntisli people , have borne ; « s-. iy uoihiug of tbe e : i < : ilil'US wealth diship ^ ted . mid wholesule slaughter , wliicn all tlie nation- , ot Europe , and the people of the United States , have suffered iu these wars . We confine ourselves t < i your losses aud sufferings , lor our business is with yuti—our object is to dissuude you from war , by 6 be « ringyouthe folly of renewing the madness of former times .
We address yon , the working classes , specially , beanse on you has fallen all the t- ost , and the jjreaterVhare of the murder occasioned b y these wars . We say alt the cost , because the taxes paid bv U » K rich nn « l tlie lion-productire classes are all Hrung from your labour . All that the idl-r « of society possess , they have plundered from jou . Consequently , although they mm to share tlie burdens of the State , jrou teollj ; pay all . and have besides to supjKJrt these idlers in their luxurious existence . As to the murder of war , you hare always the largest share of it , without any of the lying " glory . " Turn your eye * at ths moment to the banks of the Sutlej , where your " order , " " mowed down in masses , " are gawtted as so many thousands " rank and file" killed and wouuded . Tor only the aristocratic officers isreserved the " glory " of being recorded by name in the annals of nationaUiomiade . True , the poor soldiers have the " glorious " privilege of dying on the " bed of honour . "
AtnHtion ' s honoured fools-Yes honour ! decks the turf that dads their clay ! Vain sophistry , in them behold the tools , Tbe broken tools , that tyrants castaway !" "We have shown you , British worldug-men , that your fathers had no interest in the wars above enumerated , unless where their interest was on the side of their socalled " enemies . " Let us now show you , that as regards this threatened war with America , you have no interest in "The Oregon territory . " The empire of Britain is already immense . On that empire , we are told , "the sun never sets ; " for "the chartofyourcolonies is a chart of the world in outline ; you sweep the globe and touch every shore . " Surely , this might eratifv er en
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a Roman lust for conquest . But what benefit are these : colonies to you ! Like the native land of your fathers , I the land of the British colonies is monopolised by aristocrats and speculators . There is fiofoot of land , either tu Britain or tlie colonies , that you , the tcorking-dassts , can call yottr own . The colonies are useful to your . masters , because those colonies add to their wealth , power , and magnificence ; but to you they are barren acquisitions , or add but to your burdens . Should the British government acquire the Oregon , its acquisitiomvill benefit only your masters . W « j will take the laad—l / 'Oj / nill fill all the Wither situations , civil and military , of the new colony your share will be the slauRliterofthe combat , and the cost of winning and retaining the conquest . T . ic privileged classes only can benefit by the acquisition of the Oregon ; if there must be fighting , let them fight their own battles . a Roman lust forconquest . But what benefit are these
W e now turn to our American brethren . The speeches in the American Congress , tlie addresses of popular orators , and the editorial appeals of the press , satisfy us that a lar ^ e party exist in the States hostile to everything British—unfortunately seldom making any distinction between the British people and the British aristocracy . Much of this hostile feeling is the natural result of the yet-remembered struggle in which your fathers had to cmbat for liberty and life as a people . Much is also to b « excused on the ground that a mistaken idea exists in the States , that the British people of all classes are influenced by ambition an «) the desire to prevent the growth and spread of the republican institutions of America .
Tlnsmay be true of the privileged classes oi'Britain , but it is not true of the working class , who are as little cursed with : he folly of national ambition as any people on the face of the earth , and who , so far from being jealous of the republican institutious of the New World , earnestly desitc the establishment of like institutions in the Old . The nationality-noHsense which appears to so largely influence political discussion in Americans rapidly disap . pearing in this country , and we are convinced that the British working men woul . l much rather fight / or republican institutions than ogainstthem . We need not here recapitulate tlie cost " and horrors of war ; it will be sufficient toremind vou that the war of 1812 caused an enormous in .
crease of your public expeudituie , which the custom duties failing to meet , recourse was had to heavy direct aud indirect taxation . The English Excise Laws were engrafted upon the States , and domiciliary visits were directed " at all reasonable times . " Besides which , though the war lasted ouly two rears and eight monthe , the United . States government was compelled to borrow enormous sums and incur an amount of debt which it took twenty years to pay off . Supposing you win , tnko and keep the whole of the Oregon , its acquisition will be but a barren compensation for the loss of life and wealth which even a two or three years' war would cause . Like the working class of Britain , you , the working men of America , will have to bear the cost of the war ; 500 . will suffer most of the slaughter ; you willliave but little of the " glory" of the contest , and reap no more of the profit of the victory , if you achieve it . If you engage iu this contest your folly will be without excuse . Do you
desire an extensive national territory ? You have it already ; your republic is even now of almost illimitable extent . You own tbe sovereignty of land which , to even moderately cultivate , would require your present population to be increased ten-fold , and to call forth the full resources of which , your population should be enlarged at least a hundred-fold—yet you clamour for more land ! Suppose you take the Oregon , who will be its masters ! Not you , the working men . Like the working men of Europe , the great mass of you are landless in your own laud . The old states , the states of more recent creation , and your newly . acquited territories , are , for the most part , in tlie hands of landlords and jobbers , to the exclusion of tho great body of the people—the same system will be established in the Oregon should it be * ' annexed " to the Union . 'Working men of America , would it wot he well to insist upon having land for yourselves , rather than fighting to add to the enormous possessions of landlords and speculators !
Working men of America , we have warned you that the present cost and suffering of war will mainly be borne by you ; but this is not all , nor the worst , lucrease of tvrritory will bring with it a permanent increase of your navy and " standing army , " an increase of naval and military officers , &a increase of tax-gatherers , and other locusts , who , having a disrelish for honest labour , will strive to permanently quarter themselves upon you—first by prolonging the war , and afterwards by voting the continuance of " war establishments" in time of peace , to retain your force-won possessions . The result cannot fail to be the corruption of public morals , and the ultimate dustruction of your Republican institutions .
There is one argument which the advocates of war address to the cupidity of the two nations—namely , "Whichever nation shall command the ports of the Pacific , will ultimately command the trade with China . " Suppose so ; let the men who profit by " trade , " * nd make fortunes by "trade , " let them struggle for commercial supremacy if they will ; but the victims of trade hare no gosd reason for fighting for the ports of the Pacific , or any other ports . While in Britain manufacturers and merchants have gained princely fortunes , enabling them N out-rival the old territorial aristocracy , the working men , whose labour and skill have been so successfully employed by the " traders , " have been reduced to the lowest state of social existence . Deprived of their labour by the operation of machinery , or earning but a miserable
subsistence , their wives and children immolated to the "Juggernaut of steam , " they have become poorer and poorer , as their masters have become richer and richer . Britain boasts the most wonderful " trade" the world has ever yet witnessed—her commerce brings to her ports the riches of the world , but thesu riches are not shared by the toiling classes ; work and want , the Poor Law prison , and the pauper ' s funeral , are tlieir sole rewards . We have good reason to believe that a similar state of things already exists in the United States . In the commercial and manufacturing portions of the Union , the tyranny of capital is absolute , and the " slavery of wages" not less galling than in Britain . The existence of trades' unions , the statements of public journals , and the facts narrated
in private correspondence , leave no daub : as to the increase of destitution , the social slavery of the workers in all the large manufacturing and commercial cities , and the advance to absolute power ot the holders of lav . d and capital . The progress of commerce has served but to extend and consolidate the tyranny of tho rich and the slavery of tlie poor . What matters it , then , to the working-men of either country who commands the Chinese trade ? When the working-men of Europe and America have the sense to insist upon a just distribution of the products of their industry , and a fair exchange of their superfluities , commercial ports will be of equal value , and open to all nations ; no one nation will have the monopoly of tfeem , and wars , for their acquisition , will bt but a tale of the past .
Admitting , for tuesake of argument , tbe right of Britain , or America , or both , to lay claim to the Oregon , a careful examination of fhe ^ claims set up by each party lead ; us te the conviction / that theclaitn of one country is about as good as that of the other . An equal division of the territoiy would ( under this view ) be , therefore , an equitable adjustment ; and this , we believe , tlie British government is willing to assent to . Beyond this—alwajs admittiiiK tlie claims of the two governments—there is but one resource , that of referring the matter to arbitration . Tlus the British government has proposed , and the American , government has rejected .
Intelligence has reached London this day ( March 3 rd ) , that all arlitration whatever in Hie question of the right to the Orejonterritory lias been refused by tltegovernment of the United States . By the American jcurnals received from New York , we learn that on the 27 th of December , 1 S 45 , the British Minister proposed to the American Secretary of State , that negotiation having failed , tlie question oi a just partition of the territory should be leit to the arbitration of a third and disinterested party . This the American President rejected . On the 16 th of Jauuary , 1 S 4 C , the British Minister proposed to the American
Secretary , that if the United State * have an objection to kings , to suhmit Viequestion to the arbitration of a mixed convention , with on umpire ; or to a body of distinguished civilians . He proposed to meet the viens of the United Suites by submitting the question of title , and in case it be found that neither party has a title to the whole , then to submit the question of equitable partition . To this last proposition , tbe American Secretary returned answer , on the « fe of February , that— " To no poxasr , however intelligent or respectable , nor to any body of citizcus , couUl the United States constnt to refer a claim of a character like Outt she possesses to tie Ot&jon territory . "
Working men of America , dots this mean wab ! Does it mean that your Republican government , which should set an example of justice , moderation , and jieace to tlie rest of the world , is determined to light up the flame . " , and " let loose the dogs of war V We are no admirers of the institutions of Britain ; on the contrary , our sympathies ate entirely with the institutions of America , but we say it with a sorrow wewill uot dissemble , tkat the obstinacy of yonr government , if persevered in , will do more to stay the march of Republicanism in Europe , than all the persueution which aristocrats can wage or kings decree . Working men of Britain and America , one course is yet open to both countries , by adopting which neither the interests nor the "honour" of either could be compromised , while its adoptiou would be a positive benefit to mankind .
If , for the sake of argument , we have admitted the claims of the two governments , we have no hesitation in asserting , that in pure ri ght and justice neither country hns the slightest claim to the territory . The supposition that any particular governmen t can acquire a right over an unclaimed part of the earth , merely from tlie circumstance of its having dUcoTered that there is such a part in existence , is an outrage on every priuciple of justice . Such countries are frte by nature , and should be leit free . The actual settlers on and cultivators of the soil , these are the rightful sovereigns of the soil , and should ha at
perfect liberty to choose their own form of government , and their own institutions . The British fur-huuim and American squatters are the present occupants . The country is large enough to form an independent state Or indeed Several states ; and when the population is . sufficiently numerous , institutions will doubtless be formed in accordance with the wants of the people , and the enlightened principles of the a . ; e . To prevent future contentions , Britain and the United States should agree that whatever institutions or laws the new state might adopt , should , as regards Britain aud the United States , be the same for both and independent of both .
Such appears to us to be ilie beat means of settling tin s " vexed question . " Neither Britain nor the United States have any ni-cd of the Oregon , they hate both more land than they can cultivate , or than either of them properly govern . Will will it be for the human race when
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these territorial disputes will be known no more , that ts ' M be when ths Umd slia . ll be no tonger monopolised by goeemments ,-ohsses , and individuals ; but made the common property o ' f all , the common fund- for ( he » usl « nan « e of all earth ' s citildmi . Working men of Britain and America , if you approve of the view we have taken of this question , be ' up . and dome , aud act forthwith to preserve the peace of the world . Gather in your public assemblies , mcinorialifeyour Parliament and Congress , create and guide an enlightened public opinion to this end , and influence your respective governments to act justly , honourably , and for the welfare , instead of the misery , of the human race . these territorial disputes will be known no . more . That
Working men of Britaiu , your interests are altogether on the side of peace . War would distract public attention from your grievances , would add to your burdens , might probably afford a pretext for your government curtailing your scanty libertius , under the pretence of "providing for the public safety , " aud would indefinitely postpone your political emancipation . Exclusive institutions , bud laws , aud 11 vicious social synteui , are your only real " enemies , " aud against thesu only you should raise the shout of war .. Working men of America , you are , or should be , the pioneers of freedom ; such was the mission bequeathed to
you by Washington and his great brother patriots . That mission you will best fulfil by perfecting your institutions—by abolishing the slavery of white and blackwages and the whip—by driving from your legislatures thu landlords , usurers , lawyers , soldiers , and other idlers and swindlers ; by making the veritable people , the wealth-producers , really " sovereign , " and thus establishing a real , instead of a nominal , Republic . War will not aid , but will prevent you accomplishing these reforms . Achieve these reforms , aud everywhere the people will demand your institutions , aud your triumph will be complete .
A war between the two nations would revive the barbarous national prejudices and hatreds , which happily are now fast perishing before the light of knowledge aud the advance of national intercommunication . Our desire is to promote the fraternity , freedom , and happiness of nations . Iu this spirit we have addressed you ; in this spirit we salute you as brethren . Henry Boss ( native of Britain ) , Cltairman . Thomas Weiiiieh ( native of Britain ) , \ Cael Sciiappeu ( native of Germany ) , (_ . Jean A . Michedot ( uative of France ) , f ^ r " anes - Peter IIulm ( native of Scandinavia ) , / London , March 3 , 1346 . Carl Sciiappkr seconded the adoption of the address , and addressed the meeting in English aud German . After brief addresses from other speakers , the question was put , and the addretts unanimously adopted . It was then ordered to be published , signed as above .
The following resolutions were then unanimously adopted : — 1 . That the British and American journals be requested to give publicity to the address adopted by this meeting . 2 . That tkis meeting appeals to the working men of Britaiu to immediately assemble in public meetings to protest ugainst the threatened war with America ; aud to take into consideration the propriety of advising the British government to assent to , und propose the independence of the Oregon territory . G . Julian IIarney gave . notice that at the next regular meeting on Sunday evening , March 15 th , he would call the attention of tlie assembly to the war in India . The chairman then vacated the chair , and the proceedings terminated .
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THE CHARTIST EXILES . THE EXILES' RESTORATION COMMITTEE , TO T . B . MACA . ULEY , ESQ ,., M . P . Sir , —Having been constituted a committee for promoting the return to their native land of John rrost , Zephaniah Williams , and William Jones , we hold it to be a duty which we owe to the exiles , and to the community at largt , to address a few word * to you at the present time . The motives which impel us to pursue this eours * are , in the first place , devotion to the cause of these expatriated persons , and in the second , a desire to prevent , as far as possible , tho minds of others from beinc imbued or warped with those heartless notions of political expediency which appear to be the most striking characteristic of your implacable nature . TUe immediate circumstance
which induces us thus publicly to audits you , is the appearance in some of the newspapers ot two letters to which your name is attached . We hare read these letters with deep attention , and our impression ib , that they neither sustain your celebrity as a classical writer nor redound to your character as a philanthropist or a politician . The one referring to the exiles evinces an obduracy of heart , a vindictiveness of mind , an implacability of spirit , which would harmonise better with the character of some semibarbarian despot than with that of an enlightened member of the British legislature . The other is a miserable , an insulting attempt to prop the tottering fabric of class injustice ; to make the pcoplo believe that you know their interests better than themselves ;
that they aro bencfitted by being voteless , and that it is perfectly consonant with reason and justice that they should be liable to compulsory enrolment in the militia , and thus become instruments in the hands of their oppressors for upholding the very system that robs , degrades , and enslaves them . In this letter , sir , you leebly urge doctrines wliich aro waning fast —doctrines , at the erroncousness and absurdity of which the intelligence of the nineteenth century laughs ; doctrines which render their supporters objects of the contempt of all reasonable men , whilo just as iinpwtently you make a Quixotic attempt to assail those great principles of political science which have nature tor their basis and philosophy for thoir exponent .
In one of these elegant epistles , you assign your reasons for refusing your support to Mr . Buncombe ' s motion for the presentation of an address from the House of Commons to the Queen , praying the award of the Royal clemency to Frost , Williams , and Jones . This letter is the harshest thing of the sort it has been our lot to perusa for some time past . It really appears to us , judging from its tenor , that if you hail the power you would revoke the commuted sentence , and with exquisite pleasure carry the horrific , the brutal , the sanguinary original into execution ! But , thank God ! such dispositions as yours are the fewest in number .
You , sir , characterise these men as " great criminals . " AVe shall not go into the subject of their criminality now ; it is too well understood to be necessary . Everybody knows what they did , when they did it , where they did it , and how they did it . Neither shall we dogmatise as to the motives which impelled to that course of conduct , resulting in such disastrous oMisequences . We will , however , hazard the presuifftion that they were the purest—the noblest that can stimulate human action . We ate not , sir , justifying the conduct of Frost , Williams , and Jones , neither shall we unqualifiedly deprecate it . Much , sir , might be said , if not in defence , at least in palliation of it . The world has an arbitrary rule by which it judges rebellions : according to it , their success is their justification—their failure is
their condemnation . The principal actors , in the one case , arc great heroes ; in the other , great criminals . But the impartial thinker should take into his estimate the motives to action , irrespective of the conuequences We do not believe that the conduct of Frost , Williams , and Jones , was the effect of a ruthless or depraved disposition . The excellent character as good citizens , good fathers , and good husbands , maintained by these men , forbid the harbouring of any such thought . That their conduct was rash and imprudent in the extreme , we readily admit ; but we cannot discover in it that glaring criminality which you tell us is so obvious to your mental optics . Their criminality appears to us to be akin to that of Washington , of Tell , of Wallace .
of Ilampden , of Emmett , of Fitzgerald ; names which virtue has hitherto pronounced with veneration—names which fame has inscribed upon the scroll of immortality ; memories wliich , ages hence , will be enveloped in the bright halo , a world ' s reverence , when that of a Macauley will only be mentioned in connection with political tergiversation , Whig jobbery or schemes for upholding a grinding , oppressive , arid anti-Christian system of class mis-rule . You s-iv w * * ttw has R ? t 1 yct been Batis »« l as respects trost , Wilhams , and Jones . This , sir , when put in more understandable phraseology , fa simply that vengeful natures , like mat of Thomas Babineton Macauley , is not yet satisfied . Instances , however recur to oar minds wherein the law wan satisfied with a few moHths' expatriation , for greater crimes than those alleged against Frost , Williams , and Jones much greater , to use one of your own similes than the crime of robbing a hen-roost . The Canadian
rebellion must be fresh in your recollection ; a disastrous event brought about by the injustice of that expiring , that execrable faction of which you are so worthy a member . That revolt was crushed ; many were killed and wounded ; a great number wore made prisoners ; the majesty of the law gloated its royal eyes over the strangulation of twenty-nine of them ; while several were sentenced to transportation for life . Their cause was eloquently pleaded at the bar of the House of Common . " , hr Mr . Roebuck ; the Royal clemency was exercised , their sentences were revoked , and they were restored to those homes made desolate , and to those hearts made disconsolate by their absence . Thus , you perceive , there are weighty precedents in favour of the release of these " great criminals , " whose punishment you tell us , with seeming regret , is less than that of poor lads for picking pockets . All we a » k is even-handed justice ; all we implore is the same mercy for the Welshman which has been extended to thnCanadiiin
We would advise you to alter your opinions , or to kaep them from the severe eye of public scrutiny . They will not stand the ordeal of investigation . Your opinions upon the subjects of the franchise and the militia are too despicable for controversy . You dare not enunciate them before audiences of the enlightened inhabitants of Edinburgh . At the last general election you received a most significant hint of the abhorrence iu which they hold your principles in the fact that when the show of hands was taken ) your Chartist opponent , Mr . Lowery , had a majority of four to one over you . Depend upon it * tin \ . \ tiii
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refusal to do a simple act of justice will not be forgotten , when you again solicit the favour of the inhabitants of Edinburgh . Change your notions , good sir , if you would have the respect of the | people ; clierish them , if ybu prefer tho . favour of faction . Your opinions are far in the rear of the spirit of the age ; the public mind has lung passed that point in pro . ress , when crafty logicians could palm the orthodoxy of your views upon it . Tue lriends of the exiles entertain strong hopes of success in tlteir present efforts . These hopes are not dupreasod by your menaced opposition . They arc founded upon the intense feeling abroiul favourable to their release ; upon the integrity of character preserved up to the time of the calamitous outbreak ; upon the fact , that tiie highest law authorities , inrefusal to do a , simple , act of _ justice will not be for-
cluding six ot the fifteen judges , have most solemnly declared their trial illegal ' .. and , upon the fact , tha t during the six gloomy years of tlieir captivity the conduct of these great criminals has been irreproachable . We say , emphatically , that if these men are not worthy to be made the recipients of the Royal clemency , that tlie prerogative oi' mercy had better at once be declared a nullity . The friends of the exiles appeal with confidence to the benevolent and humane —they appeal to those who square tlieir conduct by the golden rule ot justice , to do as thy would be done by—they appeal to all , through whose hearts flows tlie limpid current of philanthropy , to lend them a helping act in the cause of humanity and justice . 1 have tho honour to be , Sir , on tke part of the committee , yours very respectfully , Thomas Makiin Wheeler , Secretary .
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distrcts . ItwasthenresolVed- "Thatthesecretary should issue collecting-books to the committee , to raise subscriptions in favour of the object . " Deputations were then appointed to the five divisions of the shoemakers , to [ tne tamers , cabinet-makers , typefounders , silk hatters plasterers , stonemasons , the United 'irades , and to Mr . Duncombe . The meeting then adiourned until Wednesday evening . The committee again met a t the l ' arthenium , St . Martin ' s-liiue , on Wednesday evening , March ' the ' 4 th , Mr . John Arnott in the chair . The deputations to members of Parliament , the public press , the Finsbury and other meetings , and the address committee reported . The reports were deemed satisfactory and received . The committee were delighted with the very cheering prospect of success likely to attend their humble efforts . After according a vote of thanks to the . chairman , they adjourned until Sunday afternoon ( three o ' clock ) , at Turnagain-lane . districts . " It was then resolved— "That ^ he secretary
MEETING IN SOUTHWARK . A numerously attended public meeting was held at the South London Chartist Hall , Blackfriavsroad , on Monday evening , March the 2 nd , on behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones . Mr . Fairchild was unanimously called to the chair , and said , the purpose for which they had , that night , met was purely philanthropic , and no man could more desire the restoration of the much-injured men than he did . He thought their longer continuance in a felons' land would be a disgrace to a civilised nation . ( Cheers . ] Mr . T . Clark , in an able , energetic speech , which elicited the loudest applause , moved the first resolution , similar to the resolutions adopted at all meetings held for this purpose . Mr . Bell , in an able
and argumentative speech , seconded the resolution , which was carried unanimously . Mr . Doyle , in a speech of much eloquence , moved the adoption of a petition , embodying the foregoing resolution , which was seconded and carried unanimously . Mr . Thomas Cooper , with his usual ability , moved the adoption of a petition on behalf of William Sherrat Ellis , which was seconded by Mr . Alfred Hunnibell , late of Stafford , aud an acquaintance of William Ellis . The petition was unanimously adopted . Mr . John Gathard said , he was intrusted with the following most important resolution : — "That this meeting have read with extreme disgust , the base and inhuman letter of Babington Macauley , M . P ., relative to the unfortunate yet noble-minded Welsh
martyrs , and hereby expreSB their aeep conviction , that any human being who can hold and utter such , worse than brutal sentiments , is totally unfit to represent any enlightened constituency . " Mr . Gathard read the letter above referred to , and sat down by moving the resolution . Mr . Philip M'Grath said , he felt great pleasure in seconding so forcibly written a resolution , and he had every reason to believe it would be unanimously adopted . ( Hear , hear . ) lie believed such an hatred of inhumanity existed in the breast of Englishmen , thut mus ' i induce them to execrate such sentiments as those enunciated by Thomas Babington Macauley . ( Loud Cheers . ) The case of Frost , Williams , and Jones , was well known , a , nd understood by them , and hence
they were all favourable to . the return of those men ; therefore ; he would confine himself to the dissection of tlie letters of Babington Macauley , who was reckoned among the clever of the Whig Malthusians , and hence it was necessary that the people should understand him . Mr . M'Grath then read the letter relative to the late national petition , and said the man who could put to paper such falsehoods was a wilful slanderer . ( Vocileruus cheering . ) We do not call for national bankruptcy , nor for the destruction of property . ( Hear , hear . ) We , in that petition , simply asked for the just right of all , namely , that every man of sane mind , non-convicted of crime , and of twenty-one years of age , should have a voice in the making of those laws he is called on to
obey . ( Loud chsers . ) We still contend for this , and are still determined to continue the struggle until success crown our efforts , despite all the base calumnies of glib philosophers . ( Great cheering . ) Again , we asked in that petition that the religious rights of all should be respected , that every man should bu allowed te worshi p God in accordance with the dictates of his own conscience and which , he believed was strictly in accordance with philosophy , reason , justice , and common sense . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . Macauley had charged the Chartists with having a desire to confiscate the soil . So far from this being true , we declared that it had already been confiscated . We did more , we pointed out the robbers , among whom numbered Babington Macaulev .
and we demanded that those robbers should restore the stolen property to its rightfal owners . ( Vociferous cheering . ) Babington Macauley said , he " refused the franchise to the working classes by the same rule as he would refuse a razor to a man who would ask him for it for the purpose of cutting his own throat . " He refused !—who gave him the franchise to bestow or withhold aB he pleased ( Loud cheers . ) He knew some , of whom Mr . Macauloy was of the number , that said the franchise was a trust ;; but he ( Mr . M'Grath , ) wished to know who had invested them with the trust ? ( Great cheering . ) There was another subject deeply interesting to them , on which Mr . Macauley had passed some flippant and impertinent
remarks—he meant the embodiment of the militia ; and which ho trusted , notwithstanding the sublety ot Mr . Sidney Herbert , they would be prepared to resist to a man . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . T . B . Macauley contended that the state had a right to call on all to serve in the militia . Now , he ( Mr . M'Grath ) contended the government had no such right ; and their right was confined to those who had the franchise ( Groat cheering . ) He had not in the course of his life read or heard anything half so brutal as the letter of this sapient legislator . Even the great bulk of the middle classes were in favour of the restoration of those " great criminals . " As a proof of this , a friend of his had waited on the shopkeepers , calling at every house in Great Windmill-street , and only met with one refusal to sign a petition in their behalf .
( Loud cheers . ) In what did their criminality consist ? In their patriotism , in their love of country , in their humanity , in their burning desire for the welfare of humanity , and their aspirations for the establishment of a universal brotherhood . ( Great ckeenng . ) In those eHnobling sentiments thai warmed the breast of a Russell , a Howard , a Syduey , V » or a Hampden , that glowed in the heart * of . an Emmett , a Fitzgerald , or immortalised the names ol a Skirving , Gerald , Margarot , and Palmer ( Vociferous cheering . ) He was surprised that a being professing to be the representative ef the Modern Athens , of the Scotch metropolis , should venture to pour forth such brutal and inhuman sentiments , seeing that scarce ten persons in all Scotland
could be tound . to agree with him ; so great was the veneration for patriotic martyrs and heroes , that the Scotch grave-yards abounded with monuments to those twin-brothers of the Welsh martyrs , Skirving Gerald , and Palmer . ( Loud cheers " ) Notwithstanding the malignant slanders hurled at the heads ot the suffering exiles by their Whig persecutors , he coulu congratulate the meeting on the near approach ot the day of triumph ; and then every man among them , when hailing the return of Frost , Williams and Jones , might lay his hand on his heart , and say ' " llus is indted part of my work . " ( Tremendous cheering . ) The resolution was put , and carried amid great applause . A vote of thanks was given to the chairman , w ho briefly responded , and the meeting dissolved .
Hammersmith . —At a public meeting held at the Dun Cow , Brook-green-liine , on Tuesday evening , March 3 rd , Mr . Cook in the chair , it was unanimously resolved— " That Colonel T . Wood , one of the members for the county of Middlesex , present the petition on behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones , for this district . " " That Mr . U . II . Cook bo subsecretary , and Mr . J . Newell sub-treasurer . " " That the best tlianks of this meeting be tendered to Mr J . Harris , late editor of the 'English Chartist- . Circular , ' for services rendered to this locality . " " That steps be taken with a view to holding public meetin » s once per month , in the spacious Temperance IlaS Bndge-road , for the furtherance of the Chartist cause . " " That the petition sheets now out for si » - nature be returned to Mr . Stallwood , on or before Sunday night , March 8 th . " A vote of thanks was given to the chairman , and the meeting dissolved
MEETING AT PAISLEY . A public meeting of the inhabitants of Paisley , on behali of the Welsh patriots , was held iu the Chartist tnurch , Canal-street , on the evening of Monday . Councillor Campbell was called to the chair , and in a very able and appropriate address opened the business of the meeting . Duncan Robertson proposed the first resolution , which , having been seconded ' by Mr . James Fleming , was put and carried unani . niously . Mr . Uobert Cochran then proposed the petition prepared by the committee , which was
secouded by Mr . William Campbell , who made a powerful appeal to the sympathies of the meeting on behalf of the exiles . The petition was unanimously agreed to . It was then agreed that the petition b ' e forwardad immediately to Mr . Duncombe , and that the four M . r " s . connected with the county viz Messrs . Ilastie , Stewart , Bouverie , and Baine , be severally written to , and requested to support the motion of Mr . Duncombe . A vote of thanks was carried by acclimation to Councillor Campbell . Mr Campbell having replied , the meeting separated .
Bkomsgrovk .-A meeting of the Chartists was held at the Horn and Irumpet , Broms » rove on Thursday , when the petition sheets for tl " e restori tion of Frost , Williams , and Jones , were lmm » ht in containing two thousand four hundred signatures ' which were forwarded to Mr . Duncombe for present ^ t . pn The county members for the eastern division 0 Worcestershire have been written to to support SeiX Petiti ° ' bllt a " SWers have not S » Barxsi . et .-Letter to Lord Morpeth-Mv Lord . -As secretary to Frosfs llestoratio Com ^^ n saaw faaS the liberty of telling you that they are t £ driver iti
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what you state them to be . It was because their noble and philanthropic souls recoiled at the she dding of blood , that caused them to be in the unhappy condition they are now in . My Lord , let us just test your dislike to shedding blood by your actions . J . ne system that you bolster up sends thousands annually to a premature grave ; how many , at this very moment , are languishing with hunger , while your lordship and those of your kidney are wallowing in licentious indulgence ? And , my Lord , where was your dislike to the shedding of human blood , when you voted for that atrocious , bloud-thirsty , and inhuman Poor Law , wliich accursed law has caused thousands of human beings to commit suicide as the only means of escapin g its brutal barbarity ? My what you state them to be . It was because their
Lord , it may seem right enough for persons in your station of life to philosophise and calculate how many filth y crumbs will keep body and soul together , if those whose fate it may be to become the victims of your worse than Algerine Whig Poor Law ( poor enough , God k » ows ); but , for my part , I would sincerely thank Almighty God to swallow up the universe with an earthquake , rather than such an unnatural state as at present exists should continue any longer . My Lord , 1 should like you to demonstrate your superiority over me , to prove your right to be a lordly drone , and ray right , or rather wrong , to be your abject slave , deprived of everything that can make life at all desirable . Yet such is the relation my class stands in to your class . If you think that you , and the whole unfeeling crew , whose flinty hearts cannot only let them refute to lend a helping hand , but yield their demon-like assistance to continue the bondage of the glorious and ever-beloved
John Frost and his brave associates , can reconcile the people to such brutal conduct , either by your deceitful smiles or your savage frowns , you will find yourselves miserably deceived ; as I can promise you , in the name of the oppressed millions of this country , there shall be no peace for the wicked till our land is adorned with the presence of the illustrious and hallowed John Frost and his co-sufferers . This you will find the case if ever you take another electioneering tour through the West Riding of Yorkshire . The very name of John Frost is considered by tho productive and useful portion of the community to be synonymous with everything that is excellent arid virtuous ; while , I assure you , the name of Morpeth conveyB a very different impression . I remain constantly , no very great admirer of your lordship ; yet I would not injure you , I would only prevent your doing mischief . —John Ward , Secretary to the Frost Restoration Committee . Barnsley , Feb . 20 , 1846 . To Lord Viscount Morpeth .
Sheffield . —rhe petition in behalf of Frost , Williams , Jones , and Ellis , has been forwarded to Mr . Duncombe , containing 13 , 000 signatures . The borough and county members have been written to , mid the following are the answers from two of thorn : — London , Feb . 23 , 1846 . Sib , —I have been favoured with your letter , requesting my attemion to the petition from Sheffield entrusted to Mr . Duncombe . I lure every wish to attend to all the wishes of my constituents ; but , in this case , I make no promise of support . I have the honour to he , Sir , Your humble servant , — Morpeth ,
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FROST , WILLIAMS , AND JONES . ^ Important article from the Horning Advertiser Wednesday . ] Our readers must have observed , from the frequency with which petitions have of late been presented to Parliament for a remission of the sentence of transportation for life , which Frost , Williams , and Jones are now undergoing , that the public mind has recently been much occupied with the destiuy of th « se unfortunate men . The feeling is strong and general , that a free and full pardon ought to be extended te them , and that this pardon should be granted without further delay .
It is gratifying to find that , amid the profound and universal sympathy which is felt for the state convicts in New South Wales , no disposition has been anywhere betrayed to attempt to palliate the offence for which they are suffering . The grounds en which it in sought to obtain the remission of the remainder of the sentence passed on the unhappy men , are two in number . The first is , that the majesty of the law has already been sufficiently vindicated . They have now endured the horrors oftranspoitatioa for six years ; and considering the hardships of their lot , that term of punishment must have amply satisfied the claims of justice . As they are men of intelligence , and had moved in a better sphere of life than the generality of coiwicta , they uave suffered as much during their six years of transportation as others would do in three times that period ,
The mercy of the Sovereign may , therefore , be solicited with peculiar propriety on behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones . There is not , we believe , a single individual in the country who would not be rejoiced to see the clemency of the Crown extended to them . It would add greatly and deservedly to the popularity of the Sovereign , and would be regarded as a gracious act on the part of the government . But there is another reason why the friends of humanity may , with a peculiar propriety , approach the Queen on behalf of these individuals Serious doubts are entertained by several of the Judges and most distinguished legal gentlemen in the country , as to the validity of the proceedings at their trial .
it ts the decided opinion ot the legal authorities to whom we refer , that , inasmuch as the list of the witnesses to be brought against' the prisoners on the trial was not delivered until five days after the delivery of the copy of the indictment mid the list of the jurors , the whole proceedings were vitiated . The law , according to Sir Frederick Pollock , now the Lord Chief Baron , requires that the list of witnesses , the list of jurors , and tke copy of the indictment , should all be delivered to the prisoners at one ami thesame time . It was proved on the trial that a copy of che list of witnesses was not delivered until five days after the delivery of the list of jurors and of a copy of the indictment .
Lord Brougham is of the same opinion as Sir l'redenck Pollock . The non-delivery of the list of witnesses at the proper time , his Lordship holds to bo iatal to the whole proceedings . " It applied " says his Lordship , in a speech in the Ilouse of Lords m 1840 , on the subject , "to every one of the witnesses . A stronger case for absolute acquittal I have never known in the whole course of my professional experience . I consider , looking at the circumstances of the case , that the unfortunate individuals are entitled to a total release—an extension of mercy it cannot be called , because 1 consider that a total release is a legal right and justice . " There is no mistaking language like this . Is is as plain , unequivocal , decided , energetic , as language can be . That the Judge who presided on the occasion , felt that there was much force in the objection referred to , was clearly shewn by the fact that he reserved the point for the consideration of the fifteen Judees
of England . But . 1 still stronger proof of the validity of tlie objection urged in favour of tho prisoners is to be fouud in the fact , that nine out of the fifteen Judges declared that the non-delivery of the list of witnesses with the other two documents would have been fatal to the entire proceedings , had the objection been taken in time . Nine out of the fifteen hem that it hat ' , not been taken in time . The other ni . Judges hola that it was not only a fatal objection , but that it had been taken in time . Here there is a large minority of the fifteen Judges of England , solemnly declaring , after the deepest deliberation , and the most ample discussion of the merits ot the point at issue , that the trial con-XKf T \ mushment ot < tkse unhappy individuals Here liiejTtti *
It was at the time the source of surprise iu West-£ n ZlIf tha . ) Un 1 er aU tlle c «« tances the men should ever have been sent out of the country iowYh rth ' , W 0 Ul ( 1 £ C but d 0 in 8 a gracious aeti now that they have suflered six yean of trausportal tion , to remit the remainder of their sentence , and restore them to their country and their friends . The myriads who have petitioned for tho release of fcrost , \\ llhams , and Jones , are not only justified in doing so lor the reasons to which we have referred but they have a case in point to urge as a precedent ' Ihe Canadian rebels have received the mercy of the Sovereign . I hey have been pardoned . Some of them have returned from the penal colonies to their own
country and iriends , and others are filling responsible situations ;™ the British Colonial Government . It attorded us at tho time great gratification to find that the Royal clemency was extended to the Canadian rebels ; but if either of the two classes of convicts had » preferable claim to the mercy of the Sovereign , it was , for thereasoHs already stated , Frost , Williams , and Jones . At all events , we are sure there will bo a unanimous concurrence of opinion with us when we say that it would not only be ungracious , but absolutely cruel , and monstrously unjust , to exact from the Welsh convicts a further term of the terrible purashment they are enduring , after having extended the clemency of the Crown to the Canadian rebels
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* London , Tuoesdat . —Since the above address was adopted , news has reached London from America that the resolutions for the abrogation of the Convention of 1 S 27 have passed the House of llepreseutatives , hy a majority of 163 to 5 i votes , and there is uo doubt that ther luv ttitubeen adopted hy the Senate .
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THE EXILES' RESTORATION COMMITTEE TO THE ELECTORS AND NON-ELECTORS OF EDINBURGH . Gentlemen , —We trust that apologies will not be required for the liberty we have taken in thus publicly addressing you . We feel urged to the pursuit of this course by a high sense of duty . We have , gentlemen , undertaken the management of a cause which we are resolved to guard with the most scrupulous vigilance . And whenever , or wherever , that cause is assailed , we consider it imperative upon us to rush to its vindication . The cause alluded to is the rest oration to their native land of the exile Patriots , Messrs . Frost , Williams , and Jones . Gentlemen , we have to prefer a complaint asainst your
representative , T . B . Macauley , Esq ., for an attempt to obstruct the accomplishment of ' the object which we have in view . Two letters of his have recently appeared in one of your local papers , and , judging from the tenor of one of them , Mr . Duneombe ' s motion on Tuesday evening , in favour of the exiles , will be met with his determined opposition . One part of the policy of the Restoration Committee has been to illicit the expression of the great est amount of sympathy in Lehalt of those friends of the rights of labour . Our object in this address is to give effect to that policy ; our purpose is to ascertain whether the views of the enlightened inhabitants of Edinburgh , in regard to the liberation of Frost , Williams , and Jones , are in unison with those put forth by T . B . Macauley , Esq .
Gentlemen , these individuals , although according to the highest authorities illegally convicted , have now suffered six years of gloomy bondage , and your representative says the law is not yet satisfied , because their punisiimcnt is less than that of poor lads for picking pockets ! The wives and families of these men have endured six . years of torturing anguish , produced by the absence of their nearest and clearest friends . They are about to appeal to the humanity of the British Parliament , and your representative tells them to banish hope from their hearts —that their sufferings are interminable ! We ask whether the principles of such conduct are compatible with thut clement disposition , which forms the brightest adornment in the human character ? We cherish strong hopes that Mr . Macauley will very soon discover that there are but few hearts in Edinburgh to throb responsive to the promulgation of his heartless principles .
Gentlemen , your representative holds opinions , upon other important subjects , which we deem totally at variance with j ustice . You will see , by tlie letters already alluded to , that he is favourable to the compulsory enrolment of the militia . He has the effrontery to tell the young men of Edinburgh , that it is for their benefit to be forced to pursue the throat-cutting trade for 7 s . a-week ! He appears to be tyrant enough to force youth into the army , and , as a consequence , age into the bastile , and hypocrite enough , to tell the people that his impelling motive
is zeal for the public good ! He would hne you ten pounds for refusing military service , or send you to the treadmill for three months , all the time assuring you that he was the friend of your interests ! He would , to our monster war establishment of 250 , 000 men , add 40 , 000 more , because his imagination is haunted with the spectre of a "hostile armament " in the Forth ! He would considerably augment the fifteen millions sterling , annually abstracted by taxation from labour , to uphold the army and navy , yet takes to himself credit for being an economising
relormer ! Non-electors of Edinburgh , you are most grossly insulted by your pseudo representative . In one of these letters he gives his " best consideration" to the subject of the franchise . lie gravely assures you that he refused the people the suffrage on the same ground that he would refuse a razor to a man who wanted to cut his own throat ! Mark the insulting arrogance of this Whig pensioner— " / refused them the franchise , " Who , or what , we ask , is this pre-SUinptuous upstart , that dares to Bay to the people of Britain , " 1 reluse you the franchise ? " Whence derives he authority to use such daring language ? Who is he that attempts to deny his fellow creature those rights which he has equal capacities to exercise—those privileges , not of man ' s , but of God ' s institution ? The haughty , despotic mortal , capable
ot all this , is T . B . Macauley ,, Esq ., Whig M . P . for the City of Edinburgh ! He is afraid , lie says , that the possession of the franchise by the people would change them from peaceful , moral subjects , into ruthless confiscate of public property 1 And hence , to prevent so direful a consummation , he withholds from them the suffrage . Gentlemen , this crafty Whig refuses it for reasons the very reverse of those which he assigns . He withholds it not , as he says , to prevent spoliation of property , but that the spoliation ot your labour by landlords , fundlords , and profitlords , may proceed without interruption . To use a simile of his own , he is fearful that the razor of the franchise , in the hands of an intelligent people , would be used in lopping off such excrescences from the nation ' s burden as his Indian pension , or in exterminating those voracious monstrosities whose destructive fangs are ever stuck in the vitals of industry .
Gentlemen , we conceive that the avowal of these heartless principles by your representative , imposes upon you the necessity of declarin g your real sentiments . Your silence at present , will identify you with these odious views entertained by Mr . Macauley . He is opposed to the release of Frost , Williams , and Jones .. If , gentlemen , you think otherwise ; if you deem them worthy of restoration , we call upon you , in the name of humanity , to proclaim your philanthropic aspiration to the world . If you consider the compulsory enrolment of the militia tyrannous and oppressive , now , while government is concocting its new militia laws , is the time for you to speak out in unmistakeable language . If you think the principle of universalenfranchisementtobe just and truthful , then let the world know that there is no similarity between the polities of Thomas Babington Macauley and those of the inhabitants of the important town which he so foully represents . Thomas Martix Wheeler , Secretary .
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Exims' Restoration Committee , Friday Evening . —Mr . Godwin in the chair . Mr . Stallwood reported from Finsbury respecting the getting up of a nublic meeting for the exiles , in that borough . Mr . Moore also reported the movements made by the members of the National Association in favour of the return of the exiles . Mr . Clark reported the result of an interview with Mr . Duncombe . Mr . Milne reported a favourable result of the deputation to the carpenters . Mr . Milne also reported favourably from the tailors of the Blue Posts . Mr . Luke gave in a favourable report from the broad-silk weavers , the City shoemakers , the cabinet-makers , and the farriers . On the motion of Mr . Clark , it was resolved , — " That a tea party , concert , and ball , should be
got up , at the Parthcnium-rooms , on Friday , March 24 th , in aid of the funds of the Committee ; " and Messrs . Wheeler , Stallwood , Souter , Milne , and Wliiimore , were appointed to make the necessary arrangements . Mr . Dunn reported from the City locality , and Mr . Simpson from Camberwell . On the motion of Messrs . Clark and Stallwood , it was resolved— " That an address should be got up to the electors and non-electors of Edinburgh , calling upon them to do justice to Babington Macauley ; for his cowardly attack upon the Welsh patriots ; and also , that copies of the addresB be sent to the various metropolitan and provincial paperslikely to insertit " ihe meeting then adjourned . -On Sunday afternoon the Committee again assembled , Mr . Milne in the chair . Messrs . Clark , Doyle , and M'Grath , reported the result of their labours , and read favourable replies from several
M . P ' s . Messrs . M'Grath and Mills gave in a favourable report from the skein-silk dyers . Mr . King reported from the broad-silk weavers Mr I home was added to the committee , havin * been deputed from a party of friends meeting at ° tho Hall of Science , Goswell-street . Messrs . White and Heney were also added to the committee . On the motion of Mr . Clark , x \ was resolved- " That the secretary send to Newport , Wales , to induce them to get up a petition signed b y tb town connril ; also one by he inhabitants . " It was also resoh . cd ^ S SZ f"W *?¦ C 0 ramittee " »«» M write to the secretary at Manchester , requesting him to endeavour to get the trades of that town to petition in favour of the object . ' ; On the motion of Messrs . M Grain and Rogers , it was resolved- " That the Executive should be appointed as a deputation to tho ynnous editors ot newspapers in London , reouesting
tieir assistance in tlus humane undertaking" On the motion ot Messrs . Simpson and Clark , it was regolved— Ihat the various members of the committee with such help as they can procure , should wait with a petition on the ministers of religion , iu their
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1 C , Suffolk-street , Feb . 24 , 1816 . Sib , —I have received your note of the 21 st , and will endeavour to bo in my { . lace upon Mr . Duncombe bringing the subject it refers to betore the house . I need not tell you , thut ihe interference ol a popular body , like the House of Commons , with the prerogative of the Crown in matters which ' afiect the administration of public justice , has always been looked at with great jealousy , and is liable to very serious objections . At the same time , there are sometimes cases which justify it . Whether the present is one in which public justice may be considered satisfied , I must hear a link moro of the intermediate conduct of the parties before I presume to decide . I shall be glad , however , you may depend upon it , in this , as in all eases , to make punishment as lenient as is consistent with the safety of the community ; and , as you ask for nothing in your note but a fair consideration of the statement , I can assure you , that I shall approach the subject with a strong desire to find a justification for giving my support to this petition . Yours obediently , Mr . George Curtis . J . Parker .
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V . ^ fcsti ^ iaMiv " ' - ^ - ' ¦ " ' ¦ ' ¦" h ! L . 6 THE ; NORTHERN / STAR . March 7 , 1846 . : , I
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 7, 1846, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1357/page/6/
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