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THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, APRIL 11, 1846.
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i— ' " ^*"—^ — THOMAS COOPER, THE CHARTIST'S WORKS.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
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To be had of JoliRCleave . ncd all booksellers . ( Price -One Shilling . ) TWO ORATIONS AGHIXST TAKING- AWAY HUMAN LIFE , UNDEU any Circumstances ; and in explanation and defence of the misrepresented doctrine of " Son . Resistance . " ( Deliv . red in -the National nail , Holborn , on the evenings of February : 25 th and March 4 th . ) " Mr . Cooper is a man . \ i \ whose efforts we take great interest He possesses undeniable abilities of no mean srder , moral courage beyond many , and we believe a eincere and fervent desireto do real and permanent good to Jus own order * He has lately excited both surprise
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THE PURGATORY OF SUICIDES . A Prison Rhvme . In Ten Books . ( One Vol ., 7 s . 6 d . ) ' The most wonderful efibit of intellectual power produced within the last century . " —Tlie Britannia . " Here we have a genuiae poem springing out of the pint of the times , and indeed out of the heart , and ex-B erience of one who has wrestled with and suffered in it . I t is no other than a poem in ten books , by a Cliartist , and who boldly sets his name and his profession of Chartism on the title-page . It is plain that he glories in bis political faith more than in his poetry ; nay , his verse is but the vehicle of that faith . Vet , nevertheless , it is a vigorous ant ! most efficient vehicle . AVe must cordially confess that we have rcid the whole with a feeling of unfeigned astonishment . —Eclectic Review .
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WISE SAWS AND MODERN INSTANCES . ( TwoVols , 15 s . ) " A series of Crabbc-like sketches , in prose . Thty are manifest portraits , and admonish us of the author ' s skill in taking the literal likeness . "—Athenwtmu " We have read some of these stories with deep interest , and few , we are persuaded , will rise from their perusal but with feelings all the wanner for what they have read . They can scarcely fail to be popular with 'tils masses ; ' and , upon the whole , we think they deserve to be so . "—Atlas . "The author excuses the sternness of his pictures by alleging their truth . The justification is all-sufficient . Chartist as these sketches are , they are healthier , in tone and sentiment , than the tawdry fictions Tamped up for the reading public by some popular writers , that profess to exhibit the life of the labouring classes . "— The SfittMBlUL . ' ~~ '
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Also , just published , THE BARON'S YULE FEAST . A Christmas Rhyme . In Four Cantos . ( One Vol ., 5 s . ) "There is a rough earnestness , both in its thoughts and verse , which is strictly in accordance with the genius of our ballad minstrelsy . If it does not show , in point clability , an advance on the author ' s previous productions , it yet shows that he car . change his hand without loss of power . "— I&e Britannia . " Mr . Cooper appears to much greater advantage in < his seasonable poem than he did in his more ambitions attempt of " The Purgatory of Suicides . " " The Baron ' s Yule Feast" has a genial spirit , Tarious subjects , and a popular animated style . The poem is the best of Hr . Cooper ' s productions . "—Spectator .
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DAGURREOTYPE AND CALOTYPE . THE APPARATUS , LENS , CHEMICALS , PLATES CASES , and every other articl .-used in making aud mounting the above can be had of 3 . Egerton , No 1 , Temple-street , Whitefriars , London , descriptive Catalogues gratis . LEllEBOTJRS celebrated ACHROMATIC TRIPLET LENSES for the MICROSCOPE , sent to any part of the country at the following prices : —Deep Power , 60 s . ; Low Power , 25 s . Every artiele . warranted .
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Just published , by the Executive Committee of the National Charter Association , Parts I ., II ., and III . of THE POLITICAL WORKS OF THOMAS PAINE : to be regularly continued until completed . This edition of the works of Paine has the merit of being the cheapest aud neatest ever offered to the public . It will consist of five parts , stitched in wrapper , at sixpence each ; and will be embellished with a beautiful vignette of the author , engraved exclusivel y for this work . London : Cleave , 1 , Shoe-lane ; Heywood , Manchester ; and all booksellers and agents of the Xbrthem Star . N . B . Orders executed by T . M . Wheeler , General Secretary ; and by the various Sub-secretaries throughout the country .
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REDUCTION OF PRICES . rjilIE Trials of tiie Fifty-nine CHARTISTS , published J . in Eight Parts , at Sevenpence each , now offered in complete sets , at One Shilling per set . The same done up in cloth , with portrait , title , &c , Two Shillings per copy . Portraits , which from time to time have been presented with tlie Northern Star , and latterly sold at One Shilling each , now offered at Threepence each : —Richard Oastler , Robert Emmett , John Frost , John Collins , P . M . Jlc'Douall , the IteT . J . R . Stephens . View of JlonmoutU Court Houee during the Trial of Frost , Williams , and Jones . The First Convention . Letters of F . O'Connor , Esq ., to Daniel O'Connell , Esq . Published at One Shilling each , offered at Fourpence . Price Fourpence , The Emplovec-and Employed . By V . O'Connor , Esq .
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FARMING . Just published , a new Edition , neatly done up in cloth , price 2 s . 6 d , on THE MANAGEMENT OF SMALL FARMS . By F . O'Co . nnob , Esq . Manchester : Abel Heywood , 58 . Oldham-street . London : J . Watson , St . Paul's-allejr , PatcrnostRr-row ; and J . Clearc , Shoe-lane , And ma ; be had of all booksellers and agents throughout the country .
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EDUCATION . This day is published , demy 12 mo ., cloth , price Eighteenpence , THE HEW ETYMOLOGICAL EXPOSITOR or Pronouncing Spelling Book ; containing a selection of Words commonly used by the best writers , with their pronunciation , derivation , &c By William Hill . Much care and labour has been bestowed upon the above work , so as to make it the very best of its kind . Also , by the same Author , price Is ., the Rational School Grammar . Also , price Is ., the Companion to the Rational School Grammar . Abel Ueywood , 58 , Oldham . street , Manchester ; London , J . Watson , Paternoster-row ; J . Cleave , Shoe-lane , Fleet-street ; and all booksellers .
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_ NEW PENNY PERIODICAL On Thursday , April 23 rd , will be published , No . 1 of the L ONDON PIONEER ; Containing forty-eight columns of closely-printed letter-press . The largest and cheapest sheet ever published for a Penny . Edited by Baron Crow , and contributed to by Scrutator ; Emiline B . ; Mrs . Fulwood Smerdon ; Amelia E . ; Juliet ; Christopher Smallwood ; and others . A Book worth twopence , containing the Life of a Soldieu , will be presented gratuitously with No . 1 of the LONDON PIONEER . Published by B . D . Cousins , Duke-street , Lincoln ' sinn , and sold by all booksellers . Give jour orders early .
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Just published , Fcp . 8 vo . cloth , price 7 s . Gd . THE ARISTOCRACY OF ENGLAND ; A IIisTORT roR tug 1 ' EoriK . By John Harden , Juu . " Cromwell . What then is the great root of all our grievances ? "PrM . The Aristocracy ! Give us their truo history , and you unriddle the secret of every national embarrassment !" London : Chapman Brothers . 121 . Newgate Street .
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TIIE FIRST NUMBER FOR NOTHING ! Every Purchaser of No , 1 ., now ready , Price One Penny , of a Re-issue of "Dyson ' s School and Family English Dictionary , " will receive , GltATIS / No . 1 . ( to be continued in Penny Numbers ) of "THE PEOPLE : " BY M . MICIIELET , The Celebrated Author of Priests , Women , asd Families . Order Dyson ' s Edition , the Best and Cheapest . Translated by Dr . P . M . M-DOUALL . Ready every Thursday morning .
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Also , at the same time , in Numbers , Price One Penny , " SONGS FOR THE PEOPLE : OR , TIIE POETRY OF CHARTISM ; Being a Selection of Songs by the Best Authors , in Favour of POPULAR RIGHTS and PUBLIC LIBERTY . Complete for One Penny , in a Neat Wrapper , the Only Edition ¦ now obtainable , as Utilised ly the Birmbigham Conference , THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER , Being a Bill to provide for the Equal Representation of the People in the Commons House of Parliament ,
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UNITED PATRIARCHS BENEFIT SOCIETY . Four Hundred Persons have becomt Members in Siailfimtfis . Open for a short time to Healthy ^ fen up to Forty-five yean of Age .
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THE LAND . The names of all who draw prizes in the ballot on Monday next , will appear at full length with their places of residence in the Star of Saturday next .
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IRELAND . Mr . O'Connor will lecture in the Hall of Science en Saturday evening next , at eight o ' clock . Subject . Ireland , her grievances and remedies—the Coercion Bill and the Land .
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No tice to Agents . — The papers of all agents , without exception , will be stopped who do not transmit the amount of their accounts by next week . We neither beliere that the war with . American nor bad trade has rendered some , who excuse themselves upon these pretexts , unabto to pay . We know that working men pay for their papers , and we know that if our agents don't pay us that our paper maker , printers , and people will not take the war or bad trade as an excuse , therefore , all our readers who may be disappointed next week will know the parties to -whom blame attaches as we arc resolved upon strictly adhering to this rule .
The Northern Star. Saturday, April 11, 1846.
THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , APRIL 11 , 1846 .
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IRELAND . "IRELAND WILL BE OUR GREAT DIFFICULTY" has grown into a ministerial proverb ; a proverb the truth and aptness of which we by no means deny in its qualified acceptation . We admit that Ireland has been the great difficulty of past governments , but the caprice of each has constituted the difficulty of its successor . The onl y perceptible difference that a change of government should present is , the substitution of one policy for another . With Ireland , however , change of government means not change of policy , it means change of masters , and hence we find the problem of difficulty solved . A Tory government creates difficulties which a Whig government finds it impossible to remove , because masters have to bp . changed , and vice vcrsti . Under
the old principle of Tory rule , the accession of the Tory party was hailed by their partisans as their license to rule without law , to govern without constitution , and to plunder without responsibility . Upon the other hand , the policy of the Whigs , especially since the passing of the Reform Bill , has been to introduce an opposition patronage , a partisan conflict , a transfer of uncontrolled ri ghts and privileges to THEIR OWN partisans and supporters . This is the policy against which Sir Robert Peel has to contend , and which constitutes his great difficulty , lie has attempted to govern Ireland not by the destruction of this pernicious policy , but by the sul stitutionof a rival intrigue ; a policy which has deprived him of Protestant confidence and of Catholic respect .
There is" a striking contrast just now between his Irish POLITICAL difficulty and his English com . mercial embarrasgmeat , with this single difference , that the same truckling policy that has been so successful for years in Ireland , will not be tolerated for a single season in England . Into whosoever hands the DIFFICULTY of governing Ireland shall next pass , that government n / ay have learned that Ireland cannot longer be gove "ied upon the
principle of Tory ascendancy or Catholic patronage . The alternations from Church an < t State plunder to coercion will no longer satisfy any party . The Irish people have now grown beyond the power of whimsical and capricious government . a ' ji the good old times , as they are called , af unbridle . ' 1 Toryism , the accession to power of that faction com Muted every Protestant a law-maker . Every villa ee had its petty tyrant , who set himself above the 1 w and the
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constitution . Every landlord , every parson , every Protestant functionary , every constable , every little yeonaan , every spy , every perjurer had each their respective claims upon the government ;—claims which could not be resisted , and which could be only satisfied by a patent of superiority over their Catholic coun - trymen . Lord Normanby , when Viceroy of Ireland , attempted to turn this policy to Whig account , and preserved his popularity by a mere transfer of patronage and a capricious exercise of executive powers . Now we would ask Sir Robert Peel in sober sadness
whether he has the folly to suppose that his proposed Coercion Bill will destroy those several difficulties o ' ministerial creation and veconcile the conflicting parties in Ireland to this his new policy of government-We may admit as a maxim that truth ripens by re petition , while it is equally true that false rumour and misrepresentation gain strength in their progress . Now it is to the misrepresentation of Ireland through the newspaper press and through Irish absentee landlords resident in England , who , to justify their own oppression , would represent their countrymen as barbarians , that Sir Robert Peel and every minister who has preceded him must ascribe their greatest difficulty . When perfect calm and absence
of prcodial agitation prevails ,. then is the season of ministerial quiet * ministerial indifference , and ministerial security . Then Ireland requires nothing because she is peaceable . Whether this quiet is a consequence of Mr . O'Conncll ' s promised fruit from tranquillity , or from a partially bettered state of things , whether transitory or permanent , government does not stop to inquire . One would naturall y suppose that the period of calm was the season most fitting for wholesome change , and yet we defy any man to point out a single instance in which that calm has not been the tomb of ministerial promise ; a fact which teaches Irishmen that they must look to the minister ' s fears and not to his justice for the redress of their grievances .
It is only upon occasions like the present , when Ireland is threatened with the suppression of the constitution , that her real condition begins to peep through the cloud of misrepresentation ; and English members are called upon to perform the almost impossibility of divesting their minds of the fallacy of the fabrications and misrepresentations of the Times newspaper , and interested landlords ; just at the moment when their minds should be unprejudiced , and when they should be prepared to give an impartial Judgment between Ireland and her oppressors . But how is this possible , when the fabrications of that journal , and the libels of Irish landlords , have gained strength in their unopposed course , if not " ripened into truths ?"
In his letter of this week , Mr . O'Connor refers to the representation of the Times when there was a DANGER of Ministerial interference , and a prospect of some remedies being applied to the long-standing grievances of Ireland ; and in these days when the power of the press is admitted to be all but irresistible , we are bound to canvas the manner in which that powev has ken used . It is- well to remind landlords that they have duties to perform as well as rights to exercise , while the press of England not
only fails to perform the duties that it owes to the public , but would invade every legitimate right , which should be the governing rule of newspaper action . No man can have forgotten the period to which we refer ; and , as we commented upon the slander of the Times when it was first published , it must be fresh in the recollection of our readers , that that journal asserted—THAT WIIEREVER THE STRANGER TRAVELLED IN IRELAND , WHETHER NORTH , SOUTH , EAST OR
WEST , OR IN WHATEVER DIRECTION HE DIVERGED , THAT IT WAS IMPOSSIBLE TO MEET WITH A SINGLE INDIVIDUAL WHO HAD A SINGLE REAL GRIEVANCE TO COMPLAIN OF . It is upon such unblushing information that English members of Parliament , being themselves Protestants and landlords , have been led to believo that violence , aggression , lawlessness , and murder are characteristics of the Irish people , rather than consequences of oppression and misrule . If people have no real cause of complaint , no real grievances .
and if they commit murder , it must be proof of the depravity of their nature ; and may well justify a suppression of the constitution and Ministerial harshness . The old system of clearing estates , of ousting Catholic tenants to make way for subservient Protestant voters , of hunting PAPISTS from the homes af their fathers , in the vain hope of exterminating the national religion , and converting Ireland into a Protestant colon )' , was matter of history , and must have been known to the editor of the Times . In
passing , we may observe , that Ireland , as a Catholic country , has furnished more plunder to the Church and to the State , than if the people had been Protestants . Had they been Protestants , the moral power of the majority would have presented successful resistance to the misrule and misrepresentation of the minority ; but , when ; i country is governed for pelf , it must be ruled upon sectarian differences , which ever produce national weakness , and enable the few to lord it over the many .
We now return to the consideration of matters of history—matters with which every child who has heard of Ireland , or read of Ireland , has been made familiar , and of which no newspaper could b y possibility have been ignorant . The atrocities of the Irish landlords are beyond the belief of English gentlemen . We have published the true state of Ireland times out of number within the last eight years . In Mr . O'Connor ' s letters to the Irish landlords , he left nothing unsaid upon the subject . On the 28 th of last month we summed up the state of the Irish peasant in a brief , but mournful
compendium . The atrocities committed by the hoary old sinner , Geriuiid , had not then been published . They have subsequently appeared , however , and have gone far to confirm our general statement . The facts of that cold-blooded butchery have been published in a clear , plain , impartial , unexceptionable , truthcarrying manner , in the Freeman ' s Journal , from the report of its own Commissioner , who heard , saw , and judged for himself , rejecting every particle of evidence which appeared to be coloured or partial . This
statement old Geriubd , living at a distance from the scene of his murders , has attempted to refute ; and here we publish a rejoinder to Mr . Gehiukd ' s reply , from the columns of the Evening Post , and we ask any man to read the rejoinder , ind then to read our article of the 28 th of March , and say that we have over-coloured the picture of Irish grievance . \ | IIcre follows tho rejoinder published in the most moderate paper in Ireland—the Dublin Evening Post : —
" I have read with attention a letter of Mr . Gerrard's , and I take it for granted that Mrs . Gerrard , whose property it is , was fully persuaded that the sheep and the bullocks would be better paying tenants than those dispossessed ; still , knowing all the facts as I do , there is one part of his letter I cannot suffer to pass unnoticed , which is as follows : — •'' I assert , confidently , that the people who were dispossessed were treated with the greatest kindness and consideration , by my agent and those actin " under his orders , during the taking of the possession , and several of them at the time , and since , thanked him for so treating them . '
"Now , for the kindness and consideration ; and 1 defy one single syllable to be contradicted by either Mr . Gerrard , his agent , or his body-guard :-l " 1 st . Were not twelve carts , each having four men , as levellers , and in each cart a supply of spades pick-axes , and crow bars , brought out with the military and police , and were not from thirty to forty of the men set regularly at each house , with their implements , until it was levelled with the ground ? " 2 nd . Was not the rent forced upon the agent , and when ho refused , the unfortunate people implored of the officers to take it ? " 3 rd . Was not a party of police brought down to a hut in the bog , to dispossess one miserable creature m sickness ?
" 4 th . Were not the fires that were taken out of the fallen houses , and settled in the ditches on the high road , and off the property , for the purpose of boiling a few potatoes , were they not here scattered about and the people driven from them ? " o . Were not some of the tenantry who had left the houses the night previous , knowing what was to follow , and who had erected a few sticks , with a blanket over them , for shelter on t !« e other side of the
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road , was not such torn down over them , and they driven off ? " 6 th . Did not the agent apply for the military and police to be allowed to charge the unfortunate people clean off the lands , after all the houses were thrown down , as he did not consider the possession complete so Ions as they were allowed to remain in the fields , and whose only offence was weeping over the mouldering rums of their once happy homes , where mure tkan one-half of the twenty-eight families were born . "
So much for kindness and consideration ; so mucii for ' dry thatch and old rafters , ' worth about 20 s ., the entire roofing of the twenty-ei ght houses . I speak from what I witnessed with my own eyes ; and 1 think I have placed too high a value on both , and which still remain on the roadside . " It might be worth the consideration of that good landlord , Lord Londonderry , if , in the Coercion Bill , he would introduce a clause , that in the event of the Gerrard property ever being placed under the provisions of it , Mr . Gerrard should be taxed for all the expenses .
" I fully acknowledge Mr . Gerrard ' s right to do what lie likes with hisown , but he must recollect that it is very easy to kindle a flame by which others may suffer . The act was enforced , harshly to a degree , and in the most tranquil part of Ireland , and on the most quiet and inoffensive creatures breathing . " Let us now ask whether the Irish Coercion Bill is intended or calculated to bring the real offenders in this case to justice ? Here is a case where all the power of the law , the local authorities , the police force , and paid miscreants of the murderer , are enlisted and hired to commit a savage and barbarous act ; and there is little doubt that the same staff
would cheerfully take further vengeance upon their victims . Let us then suppose a case under the Coercion Bill like the following : — Dauby Houseless was yesterday brought before Gait . Squeezetenant , J . P ., by constable James Flint , upon the charge that he was found out of his house after sunset . The charge was fully established against the prisoner , and upon being asked what account he had to give of himself , he replied , " Yer honour ' s worship , I have no house , their honours levelled it on me yesterday , and turned me out , and the woman , and the little family , out on the roadside , and though I offered the rent to Mr . Gkuk them .
Capt . Sqeezetesant : Oh ! I have nothing to do with that . I suppose you were ousted by process of law—you should have given up possession when it was required of you , without putting your landlord , who is a most excellent , amiable , and indulgent gentleman , to the trouble and expense of forcing you out . Dauby Houseless : Oh ! yer honour , it wasn't axed of me , and where would I go to . I was looking for a sheltered place agin the wind and rain for the childer , when this gentleman comes up with his BAG'NETi ' and makes me a prisoner , and but I ' m frantic , for I don't know for the soul of me what ' s become of the woman and the childer .
Gait . Squeezetexant : Well , you should have thought of that before . Serjeant Flint has discharged his duty very mildly . You must be transported for seven years . Dardt Houseless : Wisha ! transported—for what ? Is it for being turned out of my house to starve ? What law is that * Cait . Squeezetexast : A very proper law . A \ aw made for the PRESERVATION OF YOUR
LIFE . Darby : By gorra but it ' s a queer way to protect a man ' s life , to tumble his house down about his ears , and then to transport him because he ' s out of his house . I'll engage if I knew that that would be the way that I wouldn't give up possession so easily , but I'd venture my life first . Sqceezeiesant : Prisoner , I don't wish to be harsh , but you are now adding to your guilt , for threatening to offer a resistance to the law , which might terminate in murder , for which your life would be forfeited .
Darby : What the divil do I care for my life if you take my house , ami my childer , and ray wife , and transport me from my country . Shure and wouldn ' t it be better for a man to be dead than to be treated like a rogue ? SquEEZBTBSANT ; Serjeant , remove the prisoner . Stick , make out his committal , and let him be instantly removed to the county gaol . This system of lawless outrage and resistance to the laws of the country must be put down with a strong hand . Serjeant Flint ( dragging tho prisoner b y the collar ) : Come along , don ' t give his worship any more trouble .
Darby : wisha , yer honour ' s worship , I axes yer pardon for giving you so much trouble , but will you let me see the woman and the childer before 1 goes to gaol . Squeezetenant : No , certainly not ; its an indulgence that might have been permited if you had conducted yourself in a proper mauner . Serjeant flint , remove the prisoner instantly . Darby : 0 yea ! blessed be God ! take my life at once if you won't let me see the crathurs before I go . 0 yea ! blessed be God ! BUT ITS A HARD
WORLD FOR THE POOR . Now , here we stop , leaving the English reader to reflect upon the horrors likely to be inflicted upon tlie poor houseless wanderer by this atrocious LANDLORDS' TYRANNY PRESERVATION BILL , simply asking , if he will be a voluntary participator ill those acts by withholding his signature from the petition praying for their prevention .
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Will any man say that Chartism was mere sound , the howl of the dissatisfied , and the clamour of a rabble when he sees nearly TWELVE HUNDRED * POUNDS subscribed by the working classes within eight days , for the PRACTICAL developmen t of Chartism . The manner in which the Land scheme has progressed , furnishes the strongest justification for those who have been taunted with violence and dcclama . tion . Those were necessary ingredients in arousing an oppressed people ; firstly , to a sense of their o * a
degradation ; and secondly , to a knowledge that of themselves , and without any alteration in the law , or in the system of representation , that they had the power to do much in the way of social change which , must ultimately tend to political advancement . While we direct attention to this new and greatest social move ever attempted in any country , we confess that our feelings are not without a mixture , if notofpain , of great anxiety , as to the manner in which the power and trust vested in the several officers shall be discharged . We hint not , we canvas not , their integrity ; we speak solely of their caution
, their prudence , and their watchfulness . Under discreet and wise management , the Land Society of itself is capable of effecting a great social and political change in this country ; while a single false step , or departure from the path of strict prudence , would give a blow to the popular movement which might peril it for years . Hitherto every tiling has been conducted upon the most prudent and strai ghtforward principle—the strictest economy has been observed , while every opportunity has been embraced to give effect to the general wishes of the societv
and that sucli will continue to be the course of the ruling body , we entertain not a shadow of doubt . Meanwhile we use the Land plan as an auxiliary in aid of the great principle of national redemption , we must not lose sight of the great political game now being played by the several parties in the State . Every day ' s knowledge of what is now passing both in and out of the House of Commons must convince our readers that we form no hasty judgment as to the probable treatment and final result of Sir Robert Peel ' s commercial policy .
A ' cry early in the debate , while all was anticipated speed , "hurly burly , " and non-resistance , we ventured to predict that the Easter recess would not see the measure introduced into the Lords , and that it would he late in summer before its fate would be known . We went further , we ventured to assert that its fate would seal the doom of Sir Robep . Peel ' s ministry , if not of Sir Robert Peel ' s fame .
What we then asserted and now re-assert is established whether the measure shall succeed or fail . ] f the measure succeeds the landed aristocracy will be routed , disorganised and disbanded to such an extent as to compel them to court popular influence as the only moans of preserving their position in society , Upon the other hand , should the measure fail , the Whigs , the Corn Law League and the Liberal Irish members will make a desperate effort , a death
struggle , to convert national disappointment to party purposes . It is for this contingency that we have laboured incessantly to prepare and marshal the national mind . It is to take advantage of this emergency that we have besought the working classes to elect discreet and trustworthy delegates so to represent labour , that out of the contention of faction their class may derive a better share of the spoil than reckless
pledges and extensive promises . And it was from a consciousness that , in any event , Peel ' s measure would lead to the necessity for such a representation , that the Executive of the Chartist body wisel y , prudently , and constitutionally deferred the holding of the National Convention until such time as the country should be roused to the necessity of having a full , complete , and satisfactory representation of tae Chartist body .
We are aware that some , who are not members of the Chartist Association , but who , upon the contrary , have used their poor endeavours to arrest the progress of the principle by denunciation of the Executive , have expressed magnanimous horror . at ¦ i this violation of the Chartist constitution . Now , we hold that the Executive have power , or that they have not . If they have power they have exercised it in our opinion wisely , if they have not power there is no necessity for their existence as a body . It ' the National Convention had been convened with the
conviction that an extraordinary meeting was indispensable , the Executive would justly stand charged with the folly of having subjected the country to unnecessary expeuce , and with the imprudence of having exhibited what must have appeared our weakness to our opponents . The two Conventions would have spoiled each other , while in the event of an extraordinary assembly being rendered unnecessary , the Chartist cause will not have sustained one particle of damage by the short postponement of the Annual Convention .
We deem it the more prudent to be explicit upon these several points , in consequence of the wise policy acted upon by the Executive of not meeting accusation by recrimination or even by defence , and we feel assured that those by whom they have been elected , and for whose interest and whose cause they have manifested the greatest zeal and energy , will hold with us . We rejoice to think that the dissatisfaction upon this point is confined within the narrowest possible limits , and that now , upon the eve of the first development of practical Chartism , the Executive can meet their brethren upon the public stage with a consciousness that they have performed their duty , and where representatives will ever receive public approval as the reward of public honesty .
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Answer this question !—Have you provided against the casualties of Life , Sickness , and Death . *—If not , hasto and enter this flourishing Institution . Society House , Hound Table Tavern , St . M » rtin ' s-court , Leicester-square . Society ' s Office , 13 , Tottenham-court , New-road , St . Pan . eras , London , Enrolled and Empowered by Aet of Parliament , to extend over the United Kingdom , To have Agents and Medical Attendants . The Society is in Pom-Divisions , for its Members to receive , according to their pajments , the following Benefits : — £ . s . d . £ . s . d . In Sickness per Week , from ... 0 9 0 to 0 IS 0 Death of Member , in 0 0 to 20 0 0 Death of Wife or Nominee 5 0 0 to 10 0 0 Loss by Fire 5 0 0 to 20 0 0 Superannuation per week 0 4 0 to 0 fi 0 Contributions per Calendar Month , for Sickness ana Management ... 0 1 i to 0 2 7 Meetings at the Society House , every Monday evening . Persons can enter at the Society House , or ac the Office , any time . Blank forms and Information for the Admission oi Country members can be obtained by applying to the Secretary or Treasurer , or Agents in the Country Towns where . Localities are formed . Also / information for forming Localities , appointing Agents , Medical Attendants , Ac , can be obtained , by letter , pre-paid , enclosing postage stamps for return letter , or three postage stamps for form , &c , direct , Mr . Daniel Wm . Rutty , Secretary , London Office , No . 13 , Tottesliam-ceurt . Newroad , St . Pancras .
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . The Easter recess has closed the first part of the parliamentary campaign . A glance at the position in which it leaves affairs docs not tell so favourabl y for the Ministry as was expected a fortnight sinoe . The anticipation then was that Pkbi . would have secured at least the passage of the Corn Bill through the Commons , and afterwards , perhaps , the first reading of Hie Coercion Bill , upon which , singularly enough , he seems to have set his heart , to the risk , and as it has proved to the delav , of the other moa .
sure . The battle was in his own Iiantla . lie was within sight of victory . The motley troop gathered together under his standard—Whigs , Leaguers , llepealurs , aud Peelites—were unbroken , and the sturdy but smaller force of the Protectionist body had no chance of resisting them , when all at once that overstrained sense of courtesy , that reverence for parliamentary usages , precedents , and etiquette , which
forms Sir Robert ' s weak point , induced him to pves foi ward the Irish bill . The determination acted like a strong chemical solvent on the strangely combined parties by whom he was supported—resolving them into their primary and simple elements . Each resinned its accustomed position . I ' oel was lefc with his own small band on the Treasury benches . The Protectionists and Repealer * have virtually beaten him . Each will return to the defence of their
respective positions with redoubled energy after the recess . If the statements as to the imminence of tho impending famine in Ireland be at all founded in fact tho ministry will be obliged to pass some temporary measure to meet the calamity . Ou this point both the Irish memhers and the Protectionists are agreed , both promise their resistance , and both sternly declare their determination to fight their respective buttles to the last .
When , after these protracted struggles in the lower llonse , the Corn Bill at last , some time in the month of May , is sent to the Lords , it is said that its reception there from the Protectionist p arty , under the leadership of Lord Stanley , is to be ot a most hostile nature . The Lords will consume the remaining portion of the Session by wrangling about the Free Trade mea sures of the Premier , with all the forms of delay which parliamentary usage permits to be resorted to on such occasions . A Ion" session with dubious results is the prospect
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CHARTISM . When the democratic spirit was infused into the working classes , and when their adhesion to those principles which were calculated to place them upon an equality with their oppressors , and to make all men equal in the eyes of tlie law , promised one day to be in the ascendant , many professed admiration of the principles while they affected to regret the total absence of PRACTICAL AGITATION ; It never struck these nice discriminators that Whigs and Tories , when out of office , were as incapable oi showing symptoms of power , except through the me
ilium of agitation , as the Chartists . This objection to Chartism was offered , however , merely as an excuse for not joining its ranks . In those . days the advocates of Chartist principles were invariably met by the philosophers with , "WHAT HAVE YOU DONE ? Where are we to find symptoms of your strength and progress ? Your forces have been scattered , and your leaders consigned to the dungeon . " Those sceptics had not the wisdom to sue , that those charges , in themselves , were proof of the growth of a new principle , and of the terror with which it inspired those who . are called the supporters of legitimacy .
If the Reformers had failed in their last struggle for the Reform Bill , the leaders of that party would have shared the same fate as the leaders of Chartism . When the battle Was over the victors would have taken vengeance upon the luo&t prominent leaders , in the hope of intimidating the body from another assault . Nothing so forcibly proves the strength of a political party , as the severity with which those in power stretch the laws against the propounded of the new doctrine . Nevertheless oppression ever has its effect , and does , we confess paralyse agitation tor a season . It has the same
effect upon the national mind thatinedicino has upon a patient . If , however , there had not been something durable , fascinating , and convincing in the principles of Chartism , it would have been hnpossi-We , alter the several heavy blows and great discouragements successfull y aimed at the body , to have resuscitated the principle in any practical form , and it is because we can now give a practical answer to those who ask for a practical manifestation of our power , that we think the present a fitting season to use what is now passing in the Chartist world as an illustration of the growth of Chartist principles .
It we arc now asked for a distinct and unmiaUkeiiblo proof oi practical Chartism , if the philosophers should now say , where is there an appearance of your strength , your power , your union , or organization , we point with pride to our Land column and say , ' behold the ledger of our strength . ' Wil lany man Bay that the Chartists are not an organised body ?
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4 THE NORTHERN STAR . April 11 , 1846 . fc ^^^ M MMM ^^^^^^ _ = ¦ ' ' " ^ —|
I— ' " ^*"—^ — Thomas Cooper, The Chartist's Works.
i— ' " ^* " —^ — THOMAS COOPER , THE CHARTIST'S WORKS .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 11, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1362/page/4/
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