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THE LATE MALTUS QUESTELL RYALL.
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Fbench Advertisers. -- Advertisers, as a class, are not remarkable for modesty; perhaps it would bo no
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TnE late Mr. Liston.—The will of this late popular comedian has just been proved in Doctors'-com-
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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marjr ^ s ^ c-tstar mi »—a— i ¦ mi AMERICAN WORKING MEN'S MOVEMENT . EMANCIPATION OF LABOUR A 3 D TnE x > A ^ L ) » The New Toi'k National Reformers arc steadily progressing . They have two or three lecturers out , and an agent at Washington , labouring to enligliien the people and there legislators on the all-important ¦ question of •* free soil . Rccenc numbers of Young Aintrica contain reports of a number of meeting ! -, from which we give the following extract * : — Jlr . Brisbane said , we come to claim u r % 5 it which lays at the very foundation of human rig hts ; to carrj oat la practice the political svstem of this country , which politicians have not understood . Men argue for the sacredness of contracts , forgetful of the original fraud which has forced men into them . >' o contract is uh-ding which is an outrage on justice . la Turkey men aim women are trained to bcHereit right that sonic men shall have a hundred wives , and now and then bap one up and throw her iuto a river ; but no laws or contracts can justify such practices . The poor must rise and assert their rights , for the rich canuot he expected to do it We hare got rid of a military tyranny , and now we must « et rid « f a commercial and manufacturing aristocracy ,
which promises to be more powerful even than that . Sternal right is at tiie bottom of this movement for the soil , lie belonged to no political party , and did nut think tiiis movemcut could be carried by an amalgamation with either ; but by going straightforward with a determination to do justice . ( Clivers . ) Horace Greeley was a AVhijr , and contrary to the advice of his friends , and guided only by his own strong sense of justice , he has come out in favour of this movement , and his was the first influential daily paper that has done so . lie believed that the mass of the people were honest , and had no great confidence inthe leaders . He would say , keep aloof from the parties , and put confidence in men who have been long devoted to the cause . Appeal to the hearts and the common sense of the people , and triumph we must .
iir . Uuffch said that his subject was the labouring classes ol Great Britain ; but he had not bad the time he had expected to devote to it . He had been three times is England , and had made the ccudition of the labourers the subject of his inquiries . He was aware that tl-eeuttr . prise ^ of UieXationai . Reformers nas looked upon by some as visionary , fanatical , and wrong ; but there never was a new enterprise , however just , that had not met wiih similar opposition . We grow up to admire what we are taught to love and admire when young . If , then , the i ' atioual Reformers are satisfied that they have promulgated a great truth , let them go " on ; and it appeared to him that their measures were so expedient and so right in themselves that nothing was wanting but their promulgation to obtain the assent of a large majority of the
American people and give light to all the nations of the earth . ( Applause . ) lie then read from a manuscript a brief plan of making the public land fice to actual settlera , according to his view of the subject , ( which differed in no essential particular from- that of the Associatiun , ) and which he thought , if fairly presented , would be pushed on by thousands of ahlejjadvocates , : snd in a very few years we would be able to elect a President and a Congress to pass the law , which would do away with the evils of the renting system , and secure one portion of our territory , at least , from the possibility of aristocratic domination , by prohibiting the possession of land by any individual who tvould not occupy and cultivate it for his use . ( Cnee » . ) And why ? Because he had been to Europe , aud seen the only class who were worth any .
thing , the producers , trampled nnder foot by the lordly 2-j . ud aristocrat of these countries . In England the tiller of the soil must pay the landlard an annual rent equal to tvnat he ought to pay for a permanent possession , to build np an aristocracy of lords , dukes , and earls , who held the land by no right , human or divine , but simply through conquest and robbery—( cheers)—an arhl icracy of birth , vfho then reguired enormous taxes on every thing the poor man makes use of to keep up their distinctions , and who must have a priesthood taking one-tenth of all their produce , as a part of their system . After dwelling upon the enormous taxation of the English people , to provide for the sons and daughters of the . landed aristocracy , and to keep Hp the distinction of class , he narrated , from his own observation , the case of a mechanic ' s daughter who had married iu o an aristocratic family , but never been recognized by any but her husband , become a widow . Theologians had charged the devil with being the author of many bad things , and the cause of much misery ,
suneriug , and crime , and he had not a word to say in his behalf ; but when he compared what the devil could do wit- what aristocracy can do , and is doing , he was compelled to decide sgaiust the aristocracy , if not in favour of the devil . What cau the devil do ? He cannot take bread from anybody . If a man plants a hill of potatoes , and there are ten in the hill , the devil can ' t take one of them . ( Laughter . ) He never did do so ; it was never charged upon him . ( Increased laughter . ) He cannot set even a sinslc grain of corn from the farmer . But what does the aristocracy do ! It takes at least one half the poor man ' s earnings iu Englaud , and a great deal of them iu this city . ( Cheers sud laughter . ) It compels them to commit sin . This the devil can ' t do ( Cheers . ) Therefore aristocracy is a thousand times more to be detrsted even than the devil . ( Loud cheers and laughter . ) Let us , then , establish one spot on this , earth where aristocracy shall for ever be kept away ( Cueers . )
Jlr . Bkisbaxe was then called upon . The misery now prevailing in society , said he , can ' t be reached by . charity . Give men then- rights and they need no charity . i o boon is needed . If justice prevailed , misery would disappear . There is a wholesale robbery somewhere , and theXationai Keformers believe it consists in the monopoly of the soil ; to put an end to which they propose , as a first measure , the freedom of the public lauds . We will take these lands say they , because they belong to the people . In this movement , most especially , did the National Ueformers have his sympath y . For the first tine on this earth have the working classes asked for the fundamental right of man to the soil ; and if they caa establish that , monopoly is dene away with , and poverty is at an end . The now starving millions of
England would produce an abuudance if they had the ehauce of tilling their own soil . It is because their lands are confiscated that they are poor . Only to ask for justice would violate no law of God or man . * ( Cheers . ) Tha question of the freedom of our public lauds is not a question of policy ; it is not a mere question of obtaining a farm without an outlay . It is a great question o ! human right . Man has a ri ght to the soil , because he has a right to live . To dispute his right to life is to impugn the justice of God . If the Creator had given man wants without the means of supplying them , he would Tiave been a wicked Creator ; therefore , the very endowment of man with faculties and capabilities proves that he has a right to suppl y his wants , develope his faculties , and to assert his manhood . If man has uot a right to of the
apart earth , he cannot say his body is his own ; therefore , the right of man to his body implies a right to soil to go with his body . Deprive him of his soil , and you make him a w .-uderer , an outcast , and an exile , and thereby commit an enormous outrage . A man is a sovereign ; aud he has a right to say , " My home is here . God has ssen fit to place me here , and here I have a right to stand as much as have the angels a right to dwell in heaien . " ( Cueers . ) A contest has been going on for political xishts , aud v . e have obtained some of them . Ihis right to the soil is the ultimatum of political rights , and when we have obtained this , we have industrial rights to obtain , and should proceed to form a new Industrial Charter ! The truth was that the aristocracy growing up in this country were just as vile as any in Europe . lie had travelled in Germany , and found less aristocracy there than here . He bad seen an humble engraver mixing iu societv
with such men as Rothschild and Humboldt , who would not have been admitted to the society of the merchants and bankers of Xeiv York . We are about to begin a new social history—to write a new chapter in political economy . In conclusion he would briefly explain his position with the Satioaal lleformirs . He had been spoken of asa Whig . lie had nevu- voted with any political party , simply localise lie could not see anything radical in their measures , while he could see much Belfighnesi in their desire to seize upon the substance of the people through the offices . When in France last j ear , a lriend had sent him a copy of the " People ' s Itights , " and he saw at once from its perusal ttat the National Keformers had planted the seed of a mighty revolution , ami he knew fremthat day that it must succeed . ( Great applause . ) Heatonee wrote a letter expressing his views on the subject , and last spring he had ^ iven his first vote for the National Reformers . ( Loud cheers . )
Mr . Tihms addressed the audience with much effect for half an hour . In concluding , he said he had been a warm advocate for negro emancipation in England , but having discovered that some of its prominent advocates had pocketed immense sums b y the operation ; and that the planters , having got rid of the expense of supporting slaves in sickness and old age , were enabled to obtain their labour cheaper than before , his eyes had been opened ; and when he came here aud heard men advocating the abolition of jouttero slavery , who were the owners of thousands of spindles , and forcing their labourers , even little children , to work fourteen hours a day , he thought he could not be again deceived , and it eeemedtohim that the best way to commence the abolition of slavery was to obtain a free soil . ( Loud cheers . ) The Secbetakx said we had done a good deal of talking lately , and he thought it was now time to act . We had soon to choose Charter officers and candidates for the Constitutional Convention , and it was necessary for
the general association to nominate mayor and constitutional delegates . He advocated at some length the laud imitation principle , showing how it would settle compactly enr agricultural counties that are now depopulating , and enable people to make their own roads instead Of being perpetually taxed for them by companies chartered to make them with the proceeds of land monopoly ; how it would gradually take the city populations into the country , till every family , both in city and country , could be master of a comfortable homestead , which not one in twenty can now secure . He also advocated the abolition of all laws for the collection of debts , or government interference with voluntary contracts , showing that families stationed on their own homesteads would have a character to sustain that would he a much more efficacious security for the fulfilment of contracts than laws which sustain a host of official non-producers on what would otherwise go to honest and lenient creditors . These two measures he thought of vastly more importance than all others that could come before the Convention , aud he
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' ~ ' " ¦ ¦ thought the association might agree opon these while they might differ upon o ther important but minor questions . Te these , therefore , and to an act of justice , the liberation of all men imprisoned for re « istance to land monopoly , he would pledge the delegates . ( The audience evinced their approval of these views bj repeated demonstrations of applause . ) CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM . At the second series of meetings , called for the purpose of discussing what principles ought to be embodied in the new Constitution of the State of New York , Mr . Evans , from the " Business Committee , " presented the following
REPORT . The Business Committee appointed to report to the meetings for the discussion of Constitutional questions , principles to be embodied in the new Constitution , in the order of their relative importance , respectfully report—That , in their opinion . , the great truths necessary for the foundation of a perfect Constitution are found in our Declaration of Independence , in the asserted inalienable right of man to self-government , to life , liberty , and the pursuit of happiness . These rights , they think , were well considered , and enumerated in their proper order ,
by the authors of that great national document , and all that is necessary is to carry them into practice . It would not , they believe , be of much utility to discuss incidental questions before settling upon fundamental principles . For example : the details of a judicial system depend much upon the Constitutional security of the right of life , and the means and materials necessary to support life ; therefore , the latter should be considered first . ' And with this view your committee offer the following resolutions , as , iu their opinion , embracing the subjects first in order *— .
Sesolted , That in the new Constitution the powers of the State Government should be strictly defined and limited . Eesolvci , That the first right being the right to life , the Constitution should prohibit the taking of life , except in self-defence , or in defence against foreign
aggression . Resolved , That the second right beiug the right to the means of supporting life , and the means of supporting life mainly depending on the soil , the light to the use of the soil ought to be restored to the people . Resetted , That the right to the soil may best be restored by limiting the quantity of land that any individual may acquire after the adoption of the Constitution , leaving those holding uuder present legal titles in possession for their lifetime . The above report was accepted .
MOVEMENT IN PHILADELPHIA . For some reason or other , probably for want of a , leader , there has till now been no public movement in favour of National Reform in Philadelphia , and Young America has not had as many subscribers in that city as in several of the villages of Pennsylvania . A few weeks ago , however , a Bower of "Young America" was organised there , and information has just been received of a public movement which has probably established a National Reform party of a thousand strong to begin with . The news is , that the Jcffersonian Democrats , a " progressive " party of about four hundred , split off from the Old Hunkers , and the Social Reformers , another pioneer band of about six hundred , have united on the
question of the freedom of the public lands , and will term the advance army of National Reformers in the Keystone State . — Young America . The Stock-jobbers . —Whenever any great national convulsion is expected , or predicted , we hear scarcely anything but conjectures as to the probable effect it will have upon " commerce" and the "stock market . " The newspapers too , seem to think that government has no need of any solicitude for the interests and welfare of any portion of its citizens , but such as are professionally and unceasingly engaged in amassing princely fortunes by plundering their more worthy and useful fellow creatures through the various indirect modes of legalised fraud , which
the present corrupt , unjust and oppressive system of society so abundantly furnishes . The fact of ene hundred families who are willing and anxious to labour beiug in absolute want of the commonest comforts and necessaries of life , is most bitterly lamentable iu the reflection , and immeasurably more important in its consequences than the bankruptcy ci every merchant—the sinking of every ship , ( without any loss of life , ) and the hanging of every broker and usurer on earth . Palace-dwellings are but little benefit to those who live in huts and dress in rags , and the rise and fall of stocks are of very slight importance to honest and industrious men * who know not where to get a dollar or a dinner . —Hike Walsh .
WAR . The following appeared recently in the New York Express , in the course of an article commenting on the threatened war between England and America : — "COKSEQUEXCES OF WAR . "The banishment of our merchant ships and coasters from the ocean andlakes !
" suspension of specie payments ! " universal sag money ! " dihect taxes ! " no bevexues from the c 08 t 0 m 8 ! " no commerce ! " Taxes on Farms ! Taxes on Cattle ! Taxes on Crops ! Stamp Taxes J Taxes on everytbin ^ J " i . NATIONAL DEBT OF TWO HUNDRED MILWONS , FOB a iras of fora teabs , ' " The bombardment of New York , Oswego , Buffalo , Detroit , Chicago , aud Charleston . "The blockade of all our Forts , Rivers , and Sounds . Constant plunderiogs upon the sea-toasts . " Repeated summonses to arms ! Conscription among the militia ! " Widows , orphans , hosts of men with one Itg , one arm , one eye , maimed , mutilated , < tc .
" These are but partial pictures . All will end in the resumption of negotiations , and if the negotiators cannot agree , in arbitration—the point we start from . " With peculiar consistency the New York Express is the bitter enemy of the American Land Reformers , the men who would put an end to the warspirit by making the land the property of the people . This " Oregon question" is a struggle between two governments for land , each wanting to monopolise it to the exclusion of the rightful owners . The way to prevent all ter r itorial wars is clearly to take the land from governments and classes , and make it the property of the people . If the editors of the New York Express desire that there should be an end to wars and unnecessary taxes , let them Join the National Reformers .
DECLINE OF THE WAR PARTY . [ From the New York Sun of March 7 . ] The Oregon War Hope is failing rapidly . The persevering efforts and anxious wishes of its friends cannot restore it to vigour ; for it is now evident that patience and parchment will secure everything that could be obtained by war . A war between two great members of the European family , between descendants of the same indomitable race , would be the greatest calamity that man could inflict upon the civilised world . To both natioRS , it implies triple taxation , debts of hundreds of millions to be cancelled bj posterity , destruction of millions upon millions of property on the ocean , the ruin and mourning of a hundred thousand families , and the severance of commercial ties and ties of friendship which
should unite the two countries in cordial amity ; We were in such a state of unexampled prosperity—new states came to us so naturally , like children to our western homesteads—that we wearied of so much unbought power and joy , and longed for strange excitements . Our statesmen , too , longed for a mora rapid and noisy fame than the calm fulfilment of their duties brought them , and thought if they could "hurry up" a national quarrel , it would come to them on the trumpet shout of battle and the gauds and flashes of triumphal processions . They believed that millions of intelligent freemen would bend their necks to heavy burthens and give their sons to the sword , for no better cause than to have a dozen demagogues styled "brave patriots , " half a dozen more heroic generals , " aud one out of them all , the " war-president . " When the honour of our common country is assailed , there will be but one voice in the
land . Our women would rise and bid their husbands go forth and dry theirtears while they armed their first born for the defence . But when politicians attempt to make this unanimous and 6 acred thought the instrument of personal and political agrandizement , the ; evoke a dan . gerous spirit . It will look—it will understand the useless call—and then it will rebuke and rend the wantonness that called it forth . At this day , no one , who reads with careful impartiality the state of our foreign relations , doubts that our government , if guided by calmness and sound policy , will obtain in peace and honour all we can ask in justice ! Will any man say he wishes war merely that he may swim on blood to a higher station ! We do not make personal application « f these questions . We n « er do sucft tftinjs toillinoly . Besides , if there are no truths at bottom there can be no personal application . Kous venom .
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calumny to say , that they are tolerabl y impudent . But the British section o . f that interesting community are in a fair way to be outstripped by their Parisian brethren . One of the latter for instance coolly advertises that people who won't buy his walklng-canes , deserve public whip ^ iug in the marketplace . Another solemnly warns fathers of families that if they don't buy his religious and moral books their children will go astray , and aitost commit crimes which will bring them to the galleys . "What , fathers of families , " asks the virtuous advertisers what will be your feelings when yon see your children dragging the chain of the galley-. slave , aud betlnnk you thatitis all your fault for not uavimr t-wnht
them the Family Instructor , price only ( Jt , ? " A third indignantly remonstrates with parents i '< iv not purchasing his " patent anti-taking-in-tlie-waterboots . " lou vrill kill your children , " he cries ; " and when the blessed babes arc dead , you must write on their tomb 3 , "died in the flower of youth , from ti'e hard"fil , refusal of the worthless |» atents to disburse < 3 s . Cd . iu the purchase of a pair of the excellent boots <> i the illustrious Snooks , boot-maker , JtueSj . Ilonore . " *
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MORE SHOEMAKER STRUGGLES . THE "SELF-EMrLOYING SOCIETY" OF MR . KENDALL'S MEN , AND OUTRAGEOUS INTERFERENCE OP THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT TO PUT DOWN A SIMILAR ATTEMPT AT MARSEILLES . To the Editor of the Northern Star . "From the ranks of Labour must arise the constructors of that social machinery which shall insure the accumulation of popular capital . "—William Ilewwi , in the People ' s Journal , No . 15 . Sir . —As you will probably notice yourself the pamphlet called "The Master Mastered , " and in this way put your readers in possession of some ot the facts of the case as connected with the rise ot tlie societv first above named , so I shall merely here
observe that the workmen forming this society have been now out of employment for nearly ten weeks ; and that the only cause , as alleged by their late employer , Mr . Kendall , Strong Boot and Shoe Maker of Drury Lane , and other places in London , for ^ dischar ging these his men , has been simply because they refused to give up their trades' union , that they might become his easier prey in his desire to do , in true Duke-fashion , just " whathe liked with his own , " for so , it would appear , he wished to consider his workmen . But , independent of this [ particular treatment , they have long been a most ill-used class ; and now as their only means to baffle the fell designs of their oppressor , even in the stronghold of his selfishness , they have determined , as the Belfast
Shoemakers have already began to do , to become THEIR OWN EMPLOYERS . On last Wednesday evening ( writing as I now do on Tuesday , ) they and their brother workmen of the same branch held a meeting , en masse , on the subject , "having held another one before , at which the following resolutions were agreed to ; and by the publication of which in the Star the members of other trades will have cheir attention drawn to the scheme , while the men themselves may be thereby otherwise benefited , seeing , from one of the resolutions , that an appeal is about to be made for money assistance to other trade societies for the purpose of immediately and effectually carrying out this noble project of the Strong Boot and Shoe workman becoming his own employer , and thus at once and for ever to master Ms master !
EESOLUTIONS . 1 . That three or four members be now appointed to act as a provisional committee for the carrying out of tho proposed " Shoemaker ' s Self-Employing Society , " as connected with those workmen now on strike from Mr . Kendall ' s ; and that it be recommended to be careful in the choice of these individuals , as being sober , prudent , and intelligent men , seeing that so much of the success of the undertaking must depend on the character of the selection made ; and that Mr . Devlin be requested to act with this committee in order to secure the further benefit of his services .
2 . That the committee so appointed , in addition to the code of Rules already in part formed and agreed to , and to the fulfilment of every other requisite duty ef their office , have also the power to use such means as may be thought best towards creating a fund for the purpose contemplated , either by waiting upon , or ordering communications to be sent to , other associated bodieB of working men ; or to such individuals as by their character , wealth , position in society , or known sympathy with the sufferings of the oppressed , may warrant any such application .
3 . That as a commencement of this fund , and so that some portion at least of the parties now unemployed may be put as soon as possible to work , there shull be laid on a levy of sixpence per member , in addition to the present one for strike support , the first payment , to be made the first week after thetimeofvotiug , and every other payment on the next following week ; and that these payments , when paid up in whole , be carried to tho account of each paying party , as their first instalments ( if they so choose ) in the character of shareholders . This levy to be kept on for five weeks , and then to be subject to a reconsideration as to its further continuance or not . 4 . That a report of progress , faithfully druwnup , and signed by the secretary aud committee , be laid before every section of the district once in every month , and thus the better to keep the attention alive to every matter connected with this important social struggle .
The names of the committee appointed were , in addition to Mr . Devlin , Messrs . Hennesy , Walker , and Groom , with power , if necessary , to add another to the number . I now , Mr . Editor , come to the second heading of my present communication , and here the further information 1 would . wish to convey to your readers may be very soon stated . This has just come to me from the hand of an earnest and kindly friend , Mr . Thomas Ireland , the secretary of the " Central City Provident Society , " a well devised and most serviceable institution . lie has taken the account , he says , from a French paper called Z « Populairc , and as lie has translated it , it thus runs : —• " In Marseilles there are nearly two hundred and
forty boot and shoemakers , and two thousand four hundred journeymen . The latter lately got up a new book of rates , being a trifling rise on their former prices , and presented it for adoption , when a hundred and sixty-two of the masters agreed thereto , while the remaining seventy-eight who refused , combinins together , bound themselves , under a penalty of 300 francs , not to employ any workman who should demand the increased rate of wages , and a hundred and thirty of the number were discharged . On this all the other workmen spontaneously quitted their employment , though in the most peaceable manner ,
and some of whom attempted to form a co-operative workshop . The employers , seeing such an endeavour , now appeared to give up their opposition , and agreed to the demands of the workmen , and thus the matter continued for about two months , when the police * interfered , asserting that it was the workmen who should submit to the masters , and not the masters tu the workmen . Seven of the men were then arrested , and twelve others who had fled the town were likewise indicted , and when , on the trial coming on , which continued for three days , the whole nineteen were condemned to imprisonments of one , two , and three months . The king ' s solicitor maintained that
THE WORKMEN HAD SO RIGHT TO BECOME MASTEUS , in forming together an industrial and commercial bociety . "We have been informed , " says the editor of Le Fopulaire , "that the president said to the accused , it is quite useless for you to revolt ;] for there are the gens d ' arraes ; and if tho gens d ' afmes are not sufficiently strong , there are the soldiers , —a picquet , a company , a battalion , a regiment—all that is necessary . " This transaction , observes Mr . Irelaud , shows the miserable dependence of labour on power and capital , under the present social arrangements in France , as well as in England , and also in every other country . " We , of the working classes , are , however , a little better off here in England than from this account it would appear they are in France . Government has not yet , in the same summary manner , Btepped in to take the side of the master , when about to be mastered by the former mere dependent workman . Sir Robert Peel , himself , has long ago
said that the " working man must take his own affairs inte his own hands ; " and lately again , in tho concluding debate on the Corn Laws , he has enunciated his own desire , as chief minister of the Crown , of '' ADDING MOST MATERIALLY TO THE COMFORTS AND EW 9 YMENTS op the miulions . " Be it , then , the great business of the " millions" themselves to help to the like " adding ; " and in London , Marseilles , and in every other place , to try and try on—no matter how many failures may intervene—till thev hare thoroughly MASTERED THE MASTER " ( wliioh is a most evil name in itself , ) whether tyrannically ruling on a throne , or domineering from behind a board over his low seated victim , in the person of the wages-enslaved operative shoemaker . 'Hub , truly , is a high and holy work , and God will assuredly knit the nerve , and infuse the intelligence to bring about this priceless accomplishment !! Yours , &c , The Editor ob iub Cordwainer ' s Companion .
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# The authority defined under this word " police" has a much wider bearing in France , and on the continent generally , than it has in England , as in the instance here given , the text itself will testify , where it will bo seen that it was the government which , in this case , was the interfering party ; the subject at issue , having during tho two menths which transpired from the time tho employers gave their temporary adhesion to the demands of the men till the vengeance of tlic law wns brought to bear upon these same men , being , no doubt , most earnestly debated upon in sundry of the close-closettings of the Tuillcrics , between the revolution-enthroned Philippe and his sago ministers " of all werk ; " and this specimen dues , indeed , appear to be as disreputable as it certainly is undignified .
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THE TURNOUTS IN LANCASHIRE . NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF UNITED TRADES FOR THE PROTECTION OF INDUSTRY . Addrets of the Central Committee to the Trade Societies and Working Classes gmvraUy of Gnat Britain and Ireland . Fellow Countrymen , —The combination of master tradesmen of Liverpool and Birkenhead having at its meeting , March 23 rd , 1846 , thoug ht proper to issue a placard containing various reasons why unions ot journeymen should be " comp letely broken up or rendered powerless , " and the following resolution lor that purpose having passed at that meeting : — That each ef the masters new present will require every workman in his employment to sign a declaration that he does not , and will not , belong to , nor subscribe to the funds of any Trades' Union , and will discountenance any appropriation of the fund 6 of any Sick or Benefit Society to the support of a turn-out of their own or other trades .
And each employer now present ( testified by his signatur « to this resolution ) hereby declares that he will not e / nploy any workman who refuses to sign such a declaration , John Tomkinson , Chairman . The Central Committee of the Association for the Protection of Industry feel it their duty to offer a few remarks thereon . The above resolution is accompanied by a long statement , to the following effect : — That there are forty-nine firms in this combination of employers , representing which there were sixty-one persons present at that meeting . That the strike at Birkcnhead still continued ( with the exception , as they state , of the Joiners ) without any prospect of its termination . That this strike was caused and carried on by Trades ' Unions , and that many workmen in Liverpool were
contnbuting to the strike ; and that as many workmen are dissatisfied with the proceedings of the clubs , and would willingly abuudon them , they , tho masters , by the foregoing resolution intend to broak up their Unions altogether ; and that to meet the difficulties connected with the strike at Birkonhead , they had two alternative ! , one to snspend all work at Liverpool while that strike lasted , the other to require every workman to sign tho declaration above mentioned ; that as the former would beunjust towards those of their workmen who are not members of the Union , ( and thet rijoice to know that there abe mant sucu ) , they have adopted the lattor alternative , as it would gire to every man a free choice and afford him an opportunity of quitting these dangerous combinations which are the bane of every community where they exist—that as far as they are concerned they would rather pay high wages thanlow , but , as it is THE PUBLIC AND
NOT THE MASTER TRADESMAN , WHO HATE EVENTUALLY TO PAY THE WAGES , they are determined not to submit to dictation be the consequences what they may—and while they hope the majority of werkraen will accede to their proposition , yet , if unfortunately the ; should be disappointed , they confidently appeal to the community that the erection of buildings may be suspended until the workmen as well as masters are relieved from the thraldom of luch tyrannical combination . Working men , here you have the singular anomaly of a combination of employers , meeting for the purpose of suppressing by the most arbitrary and tyrannical means the combinations of workmen . The right to combine is assumed by themselves and exercised in every line their placard contains , while they deny in the strongest , and most offensive terms , the same right to their men .
These " master" combinators , in denouncing the combinations of their workmen as "baneful ; " as being secret and irresponsible tribunals : as repulsive and unjust in all their tendencies ; as exercising tyrannical dictation ; as being dangerous ; as interfering with the freedom which is the inalienable right of every man ; as causing uncertainty to rest upon every transaction ; as preventing all security in making contracts ; as contrary to the spirit of the times ; as repugnant te every principle of justice and humanity ; remind us of the defenders of negro slavery who always denounce the abolitionists as dangerous enemies of the public peace , as foes to mankind , to justice and humanity , and the declared will of God .
We reply to tins abuse by stating the true reason why working men combine . They combine , becauso in the bargain for the sale of their labour , their employer has a great advantage over them . His necessities are not so immediate as theirs , he can without much inconvenience stand out in the bargain while they are compelled by ivant to submit to his terms . To correct this inequality of position , so disastrous in its results , workmen combine . On their part , therefore , combination is only to prevent their being deprived of what is justly due to them . We entirely agree that labour as well as capital should be free , and that every man ought to be at liberty to dispose of his labour when , where , and
how he pleases ; and that it cannot be lor the advantage of the working classes , that irresponsible agency , and dictatorial inquisition , should exist to create monopoly and tax industry . But on the part of the workmen we deny that their combinations assume or exercise any pernicious influence . From the nature of things , combinations among workmen must be purely voluntary , they have existed , as the statute book attests , for centuries . This long continued practice in spite of legal penalties is irrefragable proof of their voluntary nature ; and proof of this fact , if any were wanting , is also afforded by theso master unionists themselves , for they refer at the close of their statement to " those of their
workmen who are not members of the union , and they rejoice to say that there are many such . " It is clear , therefore , from their own statement that many of their men are free agents , and that dictatorial inquisition , of which they so loudly complain , lias no existence , and that " no man can dispose of his labour without haying first enrolled himself as a number of a union , " is without foundation . These master unionists call the union of their men " secret tribunals "—this they must know to be untrue . There has been no secrecy whatever in the application at Manchester and Eirkenhead for the advance of wages sought by the workmen . Two months' notice was given in both places , though the masters kept their intentions secret until the moment they refused the advance .
We agree that all restrictions and prohibitions upon labour are in the highest degree pernicious , and that they ought , wherever practicable , to be resisted , and yet these master unionists are themselves attempting a prohibition ; they are endeavouring to restrict labour to non-unionists , and to create a monopoly in favour of such men for their own ulterior advantage—this we say ought to be resisted to the utmost , as a most pernicious monopoly founded upon a tyranny , whose injustice is only equalled by its insolence .
The motive for this tyranny , evidently , is to aid the employers engaged in opposing the claims , of the men at Manchester and Birkenhead . It has been a constant complaint against the unions of workmen that they , to the injury of themselves and their employers , interfere with the laws of demand and supply , in attempting the impossibility of keeping up wages against a falling demand for labour . This complaint has been re-echoed through the press until it has become a standard argument against Trades' Unions .
Now , however , there is a demand for labour in these two places over supply , and the men are simply availing themselves of what their public instructors have told them to wait for— " Wait until the demand for labour exceeds its supply , and then your wages is sure to rise "—has been the injunction of all tho political economists , and now the workmen are met by the masters Trades' Union , formed by their own showing expressly to prevent &ny rise under these very circumstances . taking place . What is the indubitable inference from this ? Why , clearly , that all attempts to better their condition on the part of the working classes are on some pretence or other invariably opposed by vast numbers of the class above them , who vainly think that in keeping down the labourer they elevate themselves .
We now come to that portion of their statement which is as amusing as it is extraordinary , namely , that it is not for their own interest that the masters thus form themselves into a Trades' Union and commit these acts of tyranny , but for the public . It is for the sake of the public that they are determined not to submit to dictation and interference . They , indeed , would rather pay high wages than low , only for their regard for the public . In reply to this patriotic aspiration , we beg to assure them that the public will not call them to account for acting upon their expressed , and , we hope , strong inclination to pay high wages . If they would rather pay high wages , we beg of them to do so , and we will answer for it that the public wrath will not be aroused against them .
They Bay this , no doubt , to excite sympathy in their appeal to the public , without , in reality , caring a single farthing for anything but their own interest . We also appeal to the public , and we submit that a more unjustifiable interference with the rights of the workman was never attempted . They seek to prevent the workman from taking the only measures for placing himself on an equality with his employer as regards the disposal of his labour . There is no state so abject as that where the buyer has the seller completely at his mercy—it is to this state , these Master Unionists wish to reduce their workmen ; a state of things far more injurious to the ' . PUBLIC , whether as regards its morals , its peace , " or its prosperity , than anything we will venture to predict that has yet occurred in England .
We call upon all classes therefore to assist in opposing this tyranny—we confidently hope that assistance will be promptly , as well as liberally given . 1 he case speaks for itself , and the working classes may feel assured that their very existence as members of lradcs' Societies depends upon the successful issue of this struggle , and we doubt not that this appeal will meet with that support which the importanco of the occasiou demands . Uy order of tho Central Committee THOMAS S . DUNCOMBE , M . P ., President , THOMAS BAlUtATT , Secretary . 30 , Hyde-street , Blooinsbury , London . Apnldth , 1816 .
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Post-office Orders to be made payable , and communications sent to the following addresses , viz . : — Mr . James Gouldin , 19 , Simpson ' s-buildings , Mountstreet , Shaw ' s Brow , Salford , Manchester ; Mr . J . M'Guinness , Cabbage Inn , Scotland-place , Liverpool ; and Mr . Peter Long , care of Mr . Edward Rodgers , Park Tavern , Wilbraham-street , Birkenhcad . P . S . —We shall hold our next Conference on Whit Monday and during Whitsun week in Manchester , to which we respectfully invite the master builders , and any other employers , who may honour us with their attendance .
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If business can pause in its absorbing pursuits to give ear to the unobtrusive claims of patriotism , or the parloured and competenced patron of liberty feel an interest in the fatal struggles of one who gave vitality to it , by establishing it in practice , it will be to shed , with the humbler friends of freedom , a generous tear over the grave of Maltus Ryall ! In the early part of the last year , on my recovery from a protracted indisposition , he proposed , upon a plan which promised many advantages , that we should establish a paper in Guernsey , and alternately reside there to edite it , An engagement in Scotland prevented me entering into tho project . I conclude now that he foresaw , what I did not then suspect—the premature breaking up of his constitution , which he probably thought a change of air might re-invijsorate . He retired to the outskirts of London , and
struggled through the year with what fortune I know not . lie was once met by a friend , who reported to me that he admitted having been ill—but his address I could never learn , though I took special pains to do so . A month preceding his decease , our common friend R . R . communicated to me ( of what he appeared himself to have been just apprised ) that Ryall was lying in MaryleboneJane , Oxford street , apparently in the last stage of existence and in great destitution . R . R . requested the addresses of all our friends to whom it was due to inform of his condition . They were immediately sent . Dr . Elliotson was called in—and Mr . Phillott and Mr-. George Bird were in constant attendance upon him , and every possible assistance was rendered him . But fatigue and privation had made teo fatal inroads . He expired on the 11 th of February in the evening , in the 38 th year of his age . Mr . Bird made a post mortem examination , and found , as was suspected , that his particular disease was schirrosity of the stomach .
Ryall s bearing in death every way became him . Both in the school of E p icurus , and in the school of events ( which as an Epicurean he was fitted to read ) , Ryall had acquired the true philosophy of life—And was not troubled with the time which drove O'er his content those strong necessities ; But let determined things to destiny Hold unbewailed their way . "Why , " it will be asked , "did not Ryall let his friends know his condition earlier ? " The reason does him honour . He knew that the prosecutions in Bristol , Cheltenham , Gloucester , London , Edinburgh , had , during the last four years , exhausted the resources of our friends , and that now the Hull trial was a new and urgent occasion of demand . There
was nothing mediocre about Ryall , and his death was in keeping with his life . S ^ 3 He realised in his conduct the rare spirit of moral chivi , lry . His idea of duty was perfect in conception and unwavering in execution . He was equal to deeds of daring when the world looked on—and to the sterner task of perishing alone . The honour of his party was his glory . It was his pride that what was commenced with so much spirit should be followed out with firmness—that when the government was dared that no man or woman ( for women were included among our victims ) should look back when
the law laid its iron hand upon them—though fortune , health , and liberty were their forfeitures . It was his pride to be an exemplar in the course he counselled . His conduct is a legacy to the friends of freedom—worth having lived to accumulate , and worth dying to bequeath . The world has to be taught by example , and others must die yet to enforce the lessons of liberty . Science has its fatal accidents , and even the base spirit of gain its victims ? Then why should we invent for ourselves an excuse for supineness becausemora % demands sacrifices ? The fate of Ryall , as was lately heroically said of Poland , is not to be mourned over , but to be imitated !
Ryall inherited aristocratic tastes in tho best sense in which that term can be employed . In poetry ( in which he was fitted to excel ) , literature , and the fine arts , his taste was exquisite , and was displayed in his criticisms and papers in fashionable magazines , with which lie was connected . His contributions to our periodicals were characterised by peculiar excellencies . When he wrote invective he gave evidence of the possession both of the fire and fertility of genius . His papers on speculative andgeneral topics were distinpished by a philosophical and felicitous appropriateness of expression , which I never knew equalled . This was seldom discerned by the casual reader , because the copiousness of his ideas often involved themselves in seeming obscurity . For the
same reason his lectures were thought unattractive , but their fault was the promising one of being loo full of thoughts . Had he Jived to disci pline his powers and concentrate them on special subjects , he would have carved for himself a lasting name among the '' Men of Letters" of this age . This estimate of him is not oue exaggerated by the painful sense of his loss , but one acquired in the course of a happv and familiar intercourse during four years of personal co-operation with him . To a proud spirit and scholarly qualifications there w « re united in Ryall a sound judgment and comprehensive intellect . In our conflicts with opponents , whether clerical or legal , we propose to observe absolute , perfect justice . But of right and wrone
( between whose eternal jars justice residesj . the difficulty with the young and enthusiastic is to seize upon the precise point wnere it dwells . Ryall ' s was the intellect which could almost unerringly distinguish it , and display it for the guidance of his coadjutors . Of public institutions—the should-be productions of the press , popular agitations—his ideas , founded on large experience , were original and prolific . He waB one of those few men who could conceive and depict the boldest outline and define the minutest detail , His great fault lay in the exuberance of his fancy , which often wasted itself on projects , always
admirable and often | brilliant , but immeasurably beyond our means of reducing to practice . Among his friends , stirring and grateful associations will ever dwell with the memory of" M . Q . R . " To our " working circle" he has left a name which will ever stimulate to generous deeds . That one so proud in spirit , so sound in judgment , so unfaltering in purpose , so prompt in action , so fertile in thought —so assiduous , so generous , so devoted , has fallen by one of Progression ' s foremost standards , makes us re-devote ourselves to truth and freedom with new joy , who have numbered Maltus Ryall among their adherents . G . Jacob Holyoake .
It is due to his friends to intimate that the sub scriptions furnished during R . ' s last days , though liberal , were not move than sufficient for his wants Some liabilities incurred during the early period of his siokness , and the expenses of his obsequies , should be discharged , and some provision should be made for Mrs . _ R . until she can provide for herself . Any contributions to these ends are to be directed to Mr George Bird , care of Mr . Watson , 3 , Queen ' s Headpassage , Paternoster-row , London , Mr . Bird having kindly undertakon to see te their proper application . G . J . H .
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mons , and his ettects were valued for probate duty at £ 40 , 000 . He has left his plate , jewellery , pictures books , furniture , carriages , horses , &c to his wife , absolutely . Tho residue of his property , which hu directs to be invested in the funds in the names of trustees , he has left to be enjoyed by her for life , and gives a power of appointment over the same bv will or otherwise ; and in case so much as £ ( 5 , 000 is by her unappointed , he gives such sum to his daughter Mrs . Rodwell—the dividends for her own use and the principal at her death to her two daughters , Emma and Elizabeth , or to the survivor ; and in case his wife does not make any disposition of the residue he gives the same , or so much thereof as remains unl appointed , to his son , Captain John Terry Liston . He appointed as his executors his relict , and J R * Durrant , of the Stock-Exchange : C . Turner of
Brompton , and w . Taylor , of Park-street , Grosvonor-square . The will is dated in April , 1812 ; and he made a codicil in January last . German Students . —Some one calls out to you bv your namo , if he happen to know it ; if not , by the name of your country , which he generally guesses with tolerable accuracy : - " Es kommt etuas ihnen , " meaning , I here is something coining to you " raising his glau at the same time , lest you should not understand his object . If you are a novice , you merely bow , and take a sip of your beer , thinking it is all over ; but the ceremony is by no means complete . In the first place , you ouehtnot th ™ tn t . n « fo
the liquor at all , but you must bawl out "Drink !" and then , after the space of a few minutes , return tlie compliment , by saying , " Es kommt zuruck "— "It comes back again . " Such is tho process , which it is well to know , as by not following it , although offence is never taken at a stranger , you will uiububtedlv lose caste and be set down for a " blummr junge * that is , a blockhead-a character which , among tho S ; r ' A ? treatcd wiU » thu contempt it merits - Dublin University Magazine . ExroBUTioxs to CmxA .-By a Parliamentary re . turn printed in the present session , itappetw ' that the dec ared value o woollen manufactures exported iirnn the United kingdom to China and Hone i ? ln iftS « rtyear of the East IluIia Company ' s 'Sill * < G 70 and in lm tb 0 ' valuc
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"The Duke" and ms CoRnssposDESTa . —A Dr . Orpen has , it seems , been publishing some plan relative to the payment of the national deb bv C ? o 7 crn-ISS \ d thB * ° *» g of "H the raZl on W ! ' "T othere t 0 wl'om l « o wrote P , w " ^ , the Duke ° f Wellington : his Giaces reply is perhaps the best that has vet uppeared , as it certainl y is one of the most characteristic , jlerc it is :- "London , November 7 , 1815 . —r . M . the Duke of Wellington presents his compliments to Dr . Orpen ; he has received his letter , lne Duke has no relation with any railroad , and declines to interfere , in any manner , in their concerns , lie entreats Dr . Orpou to communicate his opinions to iiny other individual in the community , whom ho pleases to select . Ho cannot address one who i * more determined than the Duke not to interfere in affairs over which he has no control . "
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? — CLOSE OF TIIE BELFAST STRIKE . P . S . —Since writing the foregoing , which was to have appeared in last week ' s Star had there been room , information has come to London that the strike in Belfast has been settled . The employers havo agreed to give the former wages , and to acknowledge the union of tne men , but have refused to discharge those few parties who have hitherto been "illegally " working for them . Thus , then , it will be seen , that th . s severe contest has resulted , after all , in a sort of ' / drawn battle , " the men , at last , throwing by their resentments for all the bitter sufferines and losses wnicu
nave Been occasioned to them , and the employers made to forego the aggressive for the conciliatory and the just ^ -a wisdom which it is a pity they had not better weighed before they rushed upon the bad and rash attempt of making the journeyman the mere slave , and more effectually to do so to enmesh him in the expensive and intricate thraldom of the "law . So far , however , has there been a failure ; and well it were if this same "lav" could now afford some authority to enforce an adequate compensation for all the money so lost , and pain of mind so created . April 14 . Ed . C . C .
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ElkciioxI—Mr . Rich , a reformer , has been rc < turned unopposed for the bsrough of Richmond , Yorkshire .
The Late Maltus Questell Ryall.
THE LATE MALTUS QUESTELL RYALL .
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MEMOIR OF JOHN HENRY BRaMWIob * ! OF LEICESTER , THE CHARTIST POET , ( Concluded fr « m the Star of April 4 . ) ' Experience proves that human beings who reall ? belong to the tribe of genius , are the most likeK tn exhibit striking religious changes , The prevalent of the imaginative faculty ( Ideality , as the . phrcnolo ! gists term it , ) in their mental constitution , while it renders them capiible of creations and enjoyment utterly beyond the power or conception of matter-of ? fact men , undoubtedly lays them open to thepotencv of every high and dazzling enthusiasm . Bramwich for several months prior to his decease , was an in ' stance of this truism . He joined the reliVinnistl termed " The Latter-Day Saints" durin » mv im prisonment ; and I must confess notwithstanding
, the sentiment I have just enunciated , that until f had had time to reflect on the circumstance I was much surprised with the news when it first ' reached me . Often , while listening to his sensible relation " of West-India life , his descriptions of the negroes and his revelations of the iniquitous oppression practised in the army , have I been struck with the bold and blunt frankness with which he expressed his scorn of " parsons "—the word by which he usually cha * ractcrised preachers of all religions . It seemed to be a settled maxim with him that a priest was to be avoided as a man ' s enemy ; and he frequently coneluded his narratives of the wrong he had witnessed in foreign climes , as well as in his own , by avowine his conviction that " parsons " were the root of the evil . To judge from his manly hardihood of bearine he was the km likely man in Leicester to become a
subject of strong religieus impressions . His con * ' scietitiousness , however , was as largely developed a 3 his ideality ; and he , like the rest ofusi niust obey the law of his nature . My friends inform me that the change in him was remarkable . He frequently ' exercised' in public prayer , with loudnesa o ? voice , and extraordinary fervour ; and I can conceive the possibility of it all , from knowledge of' his deep sincerity of character , and vivid ^ poetical temperamenfc . Owing to this direction of his mind , the Poet's last literary efforts were almost entirel y of a I deeply religious cast . Yet , the gfollowing extract from one of the Hymns which he composed expressl y for his own funeral , will shew that poor Bramwich never ceased to remember the wrongs of his own i class : — '
He's hid adieu to brethren dear , i And all he loved while travelling here , Where sickness , sorrow , pain and woe His daily cup did overflow ; Till , drooping , he resigned his breath , To seek a resting-place in death , For here the spoiler wields his rod , Regardless of the laws of God , — Hoards up his wealth , while pining slaves Droop , die , and fill untimely graves ; But there no care assails the breast , For there the weary are at rest . The prince , the beggar , tyrant , slave Know no distinction in the grave : Death equalises all mankind : All are of earth , and are consigned To earth again , to wait the hour "When God will bring them forth , with power .
In another verse of this Hymn there seems to be an allusion to some peculiar doctrine , relative to the employment of spirits , in a future life . I happen to know nothing about the particular tenets of the ' Latter Day' people ; but have no doubt some of the readers in the Star will perceive the Poet ' s meaning : From worlds above our brother came , Ordained to preach in Josu ' s name : His work , though short , is finished here ; And he is gone to regions where He must the glorious work renew , Togain that crown he had in new ! There are three verses in another of these Hynins , written by him to be sung at his own burial , so full of pathos , so deeply filled with feeling , and so gracefully clothed with poetic beauty , that I cannot for * bear to quote them : —
Oh , je saints , forget jour mourning ! Sing , in anthems loud and clear : He has finished his sojourning , And his toils and troubles here : Now his spirit Lives upon some brighter sphere . Brethren , sisters , cease your weeping , He has gone to worlds of bliss : Though his shattered frame lies sleeping Iu a pauper ' s grave in this , Where no tablet Shall tell where his body is . He is gon « where neither sorrow , Grief , nor pain , can enter in ; Where no wrinkled , tear-worn furrow Tells the agony within : All is joyous-Free alike from grief and sin !
Serious , and yet elevated in expression as these exquisitely-written verses are . my honest and beloved brother bard ' s mind was too truly free to be bon . daged entirely even to religious enthusiasm . On the 24 th of last November he concludes his letter to me thus : " I feel that I have nearly done writin " . This , probably , is my last . Death , I believe , lias been by my bedside , and watching me , while writing tins . " let the contents of his epistle were two poetical pieces , of which the following light-hearted and pithy sketch is one :
SOME MEN THAT I LIKE . I like a man whose virtuous mind Is such that he dare tell it ; But who , if worlds wero gold refined , For worlds would never sell it . I like a man who scorns to be A slave to fellows mortal ; Whose spirit pants for libert y . While passing through death ' s portal . I like a man whose buoyant heart Can float in seas of sorrow ; Who , though Ue feels his timbers start , Hopes for a calm to-morrow . I like a ninn that will not run To meet , half-way , his troubles ; But boldl y meets them , when they come As fickle fortune ' s bubbles .
I like a man of noble mind And independent spirit ; Who willing is to raise mankind But by exalted merit . I like a man whose generous soul Can pity feel for others , Who looks around , surveys the whole , And calls mankind his brothers . I like a man whose thankful heart Can feel a favour given , Who , ere the crystal tear drops start , Reports the same to heaven ! In numerous letters did the poor suffering man untoldto me his indignation at the vile oppressions ofthemonied classes . The following extract from one dated the 9 th of January is worth uuotiii" for more reasons than one : — D
I understand you are making me a present of your Christmas Rhyme ; ' but it has not arrived as yet . May God bless you , and strengthen yon , so that you may live to write for many Christmases jet to come and be an instrument for overturning the cruel system that causes such heart-rending scenes in our beautiful country , whose inhabitants are proverbial for industry . Leicester is in a state of creat excitement , ihe men seem determined to avail themselves of the recent Ticket Act : the hosiers are mad , mad , mad ; were you in Leicester , at this crisis , you would make Bedlamites of one-half of them . Ihey have tried every scheme to evade the law . TIT ll t i " ¦ " ¦»•••• ' VTUUU VltW lilt' *
*• Would you believe that men pretending to common sense would think to break through an Act of Parliament by compelling poor men to sign a paper saying they did not want the Act ? Such has been the case , I assure yon ; and , to save suelfa respectable set of villains from transportation , the lawyers told them it was a conspiracy against government . A party of the turn-outs met the county and borough chief constables on Monday , and asked them for assistance . Ihey both reneved them , told them they had the law ? i ?« t « r , . detlustirae ' , mid lf they were determined they must conquer . More than one thousand of Th , W " f ^ of ^ 'ardiaiis on Tuesday , ihe hosiers and middlemen are at their wits' «„
And as for poor Winters , They'd ' blow him to splinters , And send the committee to France ; Or , ere the assizes , They'd seize th .: in as prizes , And teach them on nothing to danco . " rni ^ n ^ L ^ W ^' l ^ B l shall trespass I p £ % Ti be wanted' 1 trust the frw ««» at Leicester will take care to report the funeral sermon ! 1 if I V °° I l an V ! icll > « Leicester marketftu 1 I ?? by Mr " Geo - Buckbv , a sincere and talented working man . Had circumstances pernutted , I would have gone over and assisted . vi ± m tf , Tu 0 J "S Cooper the Ciuimsi . 1 < 34 , Blackfriars' road .
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6 THE NORTHERN STAR April 18 , -1846 . j
Fbench Advertisers. -- Advertisers, As A Class, Are Not Remarkable For Modesty; Perhaps It Would Bo No
Fbench Advertisers . -- Advertisers , as a class , are not remarkable for modesty ; perhaps it would bo no
Tne Late Mr. Liston.—The Will Of This Late Popular Comedian Has Just Been Proved In Doctors'-Com-
TnE late Mr . Liston . —The will of this late popular comedian has just been proved in Doctors ' -com-
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 18, 1846, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1363/page/6/
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