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'¦¦¦ ¦ -¦ m*mmmT. - --9&mSSMlBBK8s&8i&: ;
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TO THE IMPERI AL CHARTISTS.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Mr Dj ^ Fwkkds ,-I trust that by this tune you entertain the belief that I did ™ t Tentwc upona were haphuard guess when I pointed out the many collateral questions depending npon thetissue of Sir Ifcftert Peel ' s commercial policy , and that I did not make much of a miscalculation as tothe period when the measures still debating would be brought to a final dose . VmhQess yon recollect the sanguine anticlpatwna of thefteetradeparty n pontheeonveraon of Peel and Wellington to their policy . You also
recollect my predictions for the last eight years , that ftree years , at leasfe , would be the period that any Minister wonld require for finally adjusting the tuesfion . You remember my several retorta upon the guesses of the Times as to the certainty of a TOTAL REPEAL . Tourememberthat a fortnight More Sir Robert ' s present policy was hinted at in ihe City article of the limes , that I had faithfully sketched the very project with which he met Parliament ; npon . Yon recollect that for months the Times was occupied in allaying the fears of the landed
interest , with the assurance that every country in Europe , as well as England , required an additional supply to meet the year ' s scarcity . Well , now read the following from the Times of this ( Wednes day ) morning : — CORN-EXCHAXGE , Mosdat , Afsq . 27-The arrivals ( raring the past week were moderate of all British grain , but ABUNDANT OP FOREIGN . The supply of wheat from abroad equalled about 30 , 000
quarters , with about 20 , 000 barrels of flour from America . The contained delay of the Corn Sill operates rerjprejatficiallj- for business In this market , and is beginning to work with serious injury upon the interest * of both importers and purchasers . The OVERLOADED STATE OF THE GRANARIES AND THE CONTINUED ARSITAI . 5 , Trifliontasy immediate prospect of clearance , keep the foreign trade in an altogether stagnant state , and disarrange the course of business to an extent only inora to those encaged in it .
2 fow , what do you think of the " ABUNDANT
SUPPLIES FROM ABROAD — THE OVERLOADED STATE OF THE GRANABIES AND EXPECTED ARRIVALS 1 "—while we hear of frightful scarcity in Belgium and other countries on the continent of Europe . Bear in mind , that in reply to all the rigmarole fustian of hired editors , I hare been constantly dinning the fact into your ears , that foreign prices , however high , would not rale the English market ; that , however scarcity may prevail in other countries , free trade in a rich market wonld invite foreigners to export to that
market , not their surplus , but what was actually required for the necessities of the exporting state ; in short , that the foreign merchant or English specula tor never entertained the question as to the ability of any country to spare the amount exported . Well , I think the above admission from the Times of this morning fully establishes the truth of my assertion Then , with regard to the policy of the free traders ? on recollect that in B » y several letters to Mr . Cobden I warned him that the question of free trade
wonld merge into one of political intrigue , and that , when that day arrived , be would merge the commercial in the political question . Well , as far as passing events can sustain this position , they daily strengthen it ; because we find Mr . Gobden dining idth Lord Monteagle and others of the Whig Ministry and expectants of office ; we find Lords Palmerston and Grey contending for the patronage of Sir . Gobden , and we find him on all hands an expectant for political power .
My Mends , when I have been right upon so many questions , upon which the entire press of the country and a large amount of public opinion has been in error , I consider my opinions entitled to some weight -with your or . ier . The future prospects of this country—her difficulties and ; dangers—are mapped very dearly to my view , horerer the press may attempt to obscure them from vulgar vision ; or however confidence in thestrength of a Ministry only now powerful by an unnatural coalition may appease the fears of the trafficking community . I tell you that , However the present great question may terminate , PeeL like Acteon , will be torn by his own dogs . I
have told yon that it was one thing to reconcile a party to be shorn of a portion of their political power , while they still possessed sufficient to uphold then- swayaad preserve theirprrrileges , because they well knew that resistance to the national demand might be followed by the requirement of larger concessions—but that it was another thing to reconcile them , at one and the same time , toaloss of property , patronage , stat ion , and power . It is not the interest , nor has it ever been fee policy , of Sir Robert Peel
to court popular support as a means of Ministerial strength . He boasts of being a Constitutional Minister , yea , so confirmed is he in the usage of Parliament , -that , like the Welsh Judge who preferred being drowned in his carriage because there was no precedentfor a Judge sitting on the box with his coachman , that I verily believe Peel wonld prefer being buried in the ruins of the House of Commons , raiier than comment business before the Chaplain of the Speaker had sanctified the building , and asked a blessing for the members .
Neither would it be the interest of the Whig party or of the free trade party to promote agitation just bow . The fall of Peel must be constitutional and the restoration of the Whigs must be unpremeditated and unsought for . It must be an act of necessity and a dire necessity , a necessity the errll 3 of which may be averted and which may be turned to good if yon are PREPARED FOR THE DAT OF ACTION . Let us now take a brief view of the many dangers
that threaten both at home and abroad . America , with a vast influx of Irish vengeance and English Chartism being daily wafted to her shores , is increasing in growing hostility io her imperious parent . America feels and knows that the standard of democracy once practically established id that country , and the non-intervention principle once decided upon , English oligarchical power most tremble and fall before the growing genius of an enlightened people .
France holds her peace upon the fragile life of an old man . Spain is in revolt . Portugal is in rebellion . Prussia is demanding a constitution . Switzerland is looking to the remodelling of her Republic . The Italian states of Austria are only held in bondage by a military sway and police surveillance that is becoming too expensive for their tyrants . The Northern tyrant is trembling upon his throne for the atrocities he has committed In Poland . The Austrian is co-partner in his misdeeds , " particeps crimini * " in his guilt . England thus threatened from abroad is surrounded with domestie difficulties . Ireland , outraged by her foul dominion , but watches the
opportunity to throw off her yoke , while at home her every town Is garrisoned with its myriads of unwilling slaves who never have been reconciled to her policy or her law , with minds growing in intellectual greatness , each inspiring the other with the hope of a better future , all communing together , all preparing to act together ; all inclining to the one opinion , to the same reselve , that the POSSESSION OF THE LAND , and that alone , can place them in the situation of freemen , make them independent of the mystery of the law , the caprice of capital , the whim of the justice , the centralization of government and the dominion of class legislation .
In my letter of last vreek , I told you , that all who looked beyond the present machinery for the adjustment of party squabbles are now directing their attention towards that very project which , for years , I have been incessantly instructing you upon . I have Biade calculations oFthe amount of revenue tnat a -wise and honest application of Irish subscriptions would Lave placed at the command of the Irish leaders . But , alas ! there were too many claimants for the dribbling pence , too many mouths open for the seducing offering . At lcnfth , however , the Nation newspaper , as you will find from an extract
published elsewhere , has been compelled to recommend the adoption of our policy . Nay , reviled as we are , I defy the nicest critic to point me out one siBgle improvement made in the machinery ef free trade or repeal agitation that has not been taken from Chartist policy and adopted after successful trial by us . This is not wonderful , because those who -wear the shoe are the most likely to feel where it pLiehes ; tliose who have suffered ihe most heavy persecution are the most likuly to discover the profitable time forjbravingits vengeance , and the season " able period fcr abstaining from conflict .
My friends , I have shewn you that it is not the policy of Peel , of the Whigs , or free traders , to exhaust public opinion just now in premature agitation , and I have laboured hard to convince you that it is not our policy to do so either ; but it is the policy
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of the Protectionists who watch , ( he tide of events a a godsend , in the hope of strengthening the pretensions of Lord Stanley and the old Tory party who grasp for an opportunity to restore the dominion of their faction in this country and In Ireland . Now , herein lies oot difficulty ; while we avoid Scylla we must not faUupol Charybdis . While we pronounce agamstold Whiggery wemust fote ^ under the banners of old Toryism .. ; Infighting * the ; battle of
protection under Stanley , Bentmck , * nd Mile * we wonld be fighting against ourselves and matting chains which it may eost us years to throw pff ; whereas remaininga party of observation . determined to act as an army of occupation when the squabblers of the several factions shall have weakened their united power , we become respected , strong and dreaded . I am induced to write in this tonebecause an attempt is being made in the manufacturing districts fo seduce us into an unnatural coalition , to foree us into an unseasonable agitation .
WhenjI have been engaged in unravelling the whole question of free-trade for you , the very "Pimps " who are now seeking to cajole yen described me as thehiMdtooloftheljuidlordB . I told you a thousand . times , that » if I protected their plunder from the ravaging power of the free traders I merely did so until you should be prepared to establish your claim and have yonr full sWe In the partition . The value that I haveshown you to exist in the land , the great , the mighty , the cheering progress that you have made in the knowledge of agricultural science , the longing , wishful eye with which you look upon the land as the only , means of your redemption from
slavery ; the trust and fervent hope that its posses sion will restore you to your just position in society * make you kind and fostering parents instead of cruel taskmasters ; that it will make your virtuous wives amiable instead of disreputable in the eyes of society and the world ; that it will make your little children grow up to nature ' s standard instead of being stunted to the growth prescribed by machinery ; that it will make you demand , not beg , for equal laws , with the aristocracy to protect yonr inheritance , your rights * and your privileges ; all these cheering anticipations confirm me in the belief that you are prepared for the division of party , for THE PARTITION OF THE SOIL , and for the assertion of your rights .
I am strengthened in this belief by the fact that every pen now writes about , every tongue now talks about , every brain now thinks about—the MAD POLICY ofPeaigtts O'Connor I If ever inclined to betray yon it would be less than ever worth my while at the present moment , when yon are upon the eve of victory , and when the several contending parties will be compelled to { court and supplicate your aid . I owe a debt to the Irish oligarchy , and it is the twin
brother of the English oligarchy , which no other man living does owe them , and just at the time when their b road dominion is tottering and must fall , I am not the man to Tprop their staggering corruption , to uphold their ill-used power . Who , may I ask , is now the paid tool of the landlords . Those who are in counsel , those who are in league , those who are in collusion with the hired tools of tbc Buckinghams and the Eienmonds , or Feargus O'Connor ?
My friends you have never thought soberly for an hour on the plant and growth of Chartism ; you have never reflected upon its purity and virtue ; it has never struck you that its strong sense of right and justice , and not the denunciation of Feargns O'Connnor , has roused the profligate and driven the faithless from our ranks . The history of Chartism has never yet been written . It shall be "one day , and then , if not fouled or deformed by its own supporters , it will stand fair contrast with any movement that the world hag yet witnessed . It is a great and mighty monument ; a tower of strength to the righteous and a terror to tho evil doer . Men of
Manchester , I leam that the emissaries of the English oligarchy , the boasted supporters of Church and King , the duckers of the Jacobins , the mortgagors of yonr labour , the usurpers of your rights , the suppressors of your privileges , the abridgers of your amusements , the despoilen of yonr homes , are amongst you , and I have been invited to meet , oppose and expose them . Bat , think for a moment what a reflection my acceptance of the invitation wonld be npon the courage and wisdom of the strongest of our garrisons . In Manchester there has ever been a home for the persecuted , even amongst the starving ; consolation for the oppressed , hope for the timid , and encouragement for the faithful .
what , then , could my pigmy power in such an unnatural war as the whole people against a few hired emissaries be more than as a drop of water in the ocean ? I tell yon , men of Manchester , that I was warned . of this move three months ago by an honest weaver in Spitalfields , who told me , that , although dangerous to him , I might publish his letter . He wrote to me that the agents of Buckingham had mistaken his house for that of Shenard , and that they had acknowledged to his wife that they had purchased the services of Shenard and others of his trade . It appears now that this man and his
coadjutors have enlisted the art of one who has long lived upon the defamation of Chartism , and that under such auspices yon , the men of Manchester , are called upon to rally on Saturday next , at Stevenson ' ssquare . It would be presumption on my part even to hint to soldiers , every one of whom is a general officer , and therefore I merely write npon the subject to tell you that your duty calls you to the battlefield—that to stay away will be set down to acquiescence , and that when you are there I have little doubt that you will teach the pi « my foe ' UuTfolly of seeking to convert a great movement into an oligarchical struggle for the preservation of landlord ' s
power . " Bide your time , " and if you can believe that there is philosophy in Tory idleness , Whig idleness , and Free-Trade idleness , believe also that there is policy in Chartist idleness . The good general will always bring his troops fresh to the conflict—the reckless and foolish will offer them as an exhausted prey to the enemy , I have ever thought that execution should follow design as the thunder follows the lightning , and if we were now to exhaust our resources by fighting against the air , while there is no antagonist in the field , the Directors of jour movement would be charged with imbecility if they presented an exhausted agitation to a fresh and
vigorous burst of factious strife . Had we called our Convention a fortnight ago we should have been engaged in talking about things that might happen , whereas , by watching events , we will call it when we can MAKE THINGS HAPPEN . So with agitation . The country feels disappointed , wnen it is uselessly promoted and mischievously dissipates without leaving even the semblance of benefit behind . Rely upon me when I assure you that the approaching Trade Conference at Manchester , and the approaching Chartist Convention to be held in London , will develope an amount of national strength never before exhibited in this world ; but then the intent must not be foiled by trafficking pedlars , who would as soon live upon dead as upon living Chartism .
I trust I have now paid enough to convince you of the duty you owe to yourselves , your country , and your party ; as well as the debt you owe to those who would seduce you from your allegiance to one and all . It was my intention to have written this week upon the healthful state and future prospects of my rosyfaced infant , but I consider my first duty due to his eldest brother who is just gaining strength and recovering from a long fit of illness , and
I remain , my friends , YoHrevcr faithful friend and servant , FEARGUS O'CONNOR .
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HOUSE OF LOto ^^^ ggAPEiL 24 . ' Lord Camtbbli . mo ^^^^^^^^ ding of the Deodands Abolition aM ^^^^ ccidents Compensation Bills , obVetTslgfflBBB ^ MOreen told that the railway interes ^^^^^^^ bmmons was so great , that tl ^ HHBHShe bUb passing that house . HeS ^^^^^ -. ' that the hon . members connecred ^ lt ^^ Oi ^ twould feel disposedSto . do j ustice ; to ; jfi ^^^^^ tures . Ord ^ iTTiiroK ^^^^^ Supported the bills' which were theft reiMl *^ second time . The bills on the table ' weretSeii advanced a stage , and their Lordships adjourned . ! ¦ ;
HOUSE OP COMMONS . —Fuhut , Apbii , 24 . UpoH the order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate upon the Irish Coercion Bill being read from the chair , Mr . W . S . O'Bbibn returned to the subject of Irish distress . He quoted various returns to shew the inadequacy i-f . the Government arrangements . He reproached the English Liberal party in the House of Commons with having afforded a too feeble co-operation to the Irish members in their endeavours to resist the Government measure of coercion . The proposed free-trade concessions , he contended were likely to prove less beneficial ;*© Ir * land than to England , and , as far as the condition of the former country was concerned , a fixed duty upon corn was preferable to total repeal . He
concluded by invooating Lord G . Bentinck to declare his budget for the relief of Irish grievances . Lord G . Bestikck promptly responded to the call of the last speaker , and explained , amid frequent cheers from the Protectionist party , and also from the Irish members , -the terms he was disposed to offer for an Irish alliance . He premised that he and his party had no confidence whatever in either the repeal or the suspension of the Corn Law as a panacea for Irish distress . Such a measure could give no temporary relief , while its ultimate tendency must be to ruin " . very class in Ireland . Lord Essex had recently predicted that the repeal of the Corn Law would be no gain to the class of farmers without skill and capital . But , if ruin seized this valuable class of
the Round Frocks of England , what would become of the 558 , 000 Frieze Coats of Ireland ? The entire Irish landed interest must be swept into the vortex of destruction by the change ; and such a catastrophe , argued his lordship , would necessarily convert the Irish aristocracy to Repeal opinions . He then announced that , if the Irish party proposed a suspension of the Corn-law , he and his party would give that proposition a steady support . As asubsidory measure he proposed the hitherto much-reprobated scheme of pure eleemosynary aid . Mr . Vernon Smith calWd upon government to return the names of the Irish landowners who had received funds from government in order that justice might be rendered to the contributing members of their order .
Sir James Graham promised future information , should be furnished parliament upon the subject . Mr . E . B . Roche expressed his concurrence in the opinions of Lord G . Bentick , and hailed in no measured terms hislordship's offers . After speeches from Mr . Stafford O'Brien , and Mr Bellew , Mr . D . Browke contended that , in consequence of the forgetfulness exhibited by the Irish landlords , of the great principle , that property had its duties as well as its rights , it was necessary to extend the
principle on the English Poor Laws to Ireland . Mr . S . Craweord expressed his delight that the house was at last becoming a convert to the doctrine which lie Lad so long propounded ,, thai it was necessary to tax the landlords of Ireland for the support of the poor . He recommended his friends from Ireland not to protract the discussion on the Coercion Bill longer than was fairly necessary , as the delay which had already taken place in passing the Corn Law had been productive of great embarrassment to the commercial interests ot the country .
Mr . O'Coxnbll was sorry to find that Mr . S . O'Brien was so adverse to the repeal of the Corn Laws ; for he believed that that measure would be as beneficial to Ireland as it would be to England . What was wanted in Ireland was wages , and apiculture would not give them . He wished the house would set about passing the Corn Law , and would postpone to a distant day all further proceedings on the Coercion Bill . Mr . Cobden recalled to the recollection of the house the actual position of the Corn Law question , that question was already settled by public opinion
throughout the empire , and was no longer matter for privatearrangement or stipulation between parties in that house . Lord George Bentinck seemed to iorget this , " but the people living in towns will govern the country / ' added the hon . member , " and they will accept ne such compromise as you have suggested . " In reply to Mr . S . O'Brien ' s question , Sir R . Pekl announced , amid loud cheering , that he unhesitatingly declined any compromise affecting the Corn Bill . A scene now ensued which imparted somewhat of piquancy to the debate .
Mr . D'Israeli replied with some warmth to the speech of Mr . Cobden . That hon . gentleman had treated the house with a definition of what he meant by the people of England , and bad then threatened ihe country party'with its reprobation . They had been told that the people of England were those who lived in towns , and that definition had been loudly cheered and accepted by the First Minister of the Crown . That cheer had struck him as most extraordinary , coming as it did from Sir R . Peel , who had once been so proud of being at the head of the gentlemen of England , admitting also , as it did , the principle that they were to be governed by the towns . Sir R . Peel . —I totally deny it .
Mr . D'Israeli . —If the right hon . baronet means to say that anything I have said is false , I sit down . After a few moments , Mr . Newdegate rose , and with much solemnity inquired of Sir Robert Peel whether his ( Mr . Newdegate ' s ) ears had deceived him during the recent confusion . This , inquiry was answered affirmatively . Major Macnamaka suggested that the time of the House might be spared , by some other place being selected as the rendezvous for explanation . Lord George
Bentinck wee to dispel , however , the belligerent tendency of the debate . Mr . H . Hisde followed the same course . Sir James Graham , Mr , Miles , Mr . Stuart Wortley , Mr . Bboiherton , and Mr . Corbally , cleared away whatever remained of bitterness , by bearing witness to Sir Robert Peel ' s complete innocence ot Mr . D'Israeli ' s charge . Some civil words interchanged by the disputants themselves terminated to the satisfaction of the house what promised at one time to be " a very pretty quarrel . "
TIIE ADJOURNED DEBATE Upon the Irish Coercion Bill was then resumed by Mr . J . O'CoskeUi , who defended the proceedings of the Irish _ members in Parliament as conformable to public opinion throughout Ireland , whatever might be thought of them _ in this country , Government themselves were chiefly responsible for the existing Irish disaffection , by having , until very recent times , fostered those very prejudices which now they had so much difficulty in putting down as inimical to the interests of that country . It was monstrous for government to come to Parliament for increased powers for the suppression of crime when the powers already given them by law had not been shown to be defective . The hon . member referred at some length to the system of ejectments now prevalent in Ireland , quoting a variety of documents to illustrate this and other topics embraced in his speech . Tlie debate was then adjourned till Monday .
HOUSE OF LORDS—Mosbay , Armx 27 . The Duke of Wellington presented a petition from the mayor and corporation of Winchester , praying for the adoption of some pfan to provide employment for prisoners on their disharge . The Marquis of Salisburt presented more than forty petitions , praying that there msvy be no removal of protection to agriculture . A great number of petitions were presented against the Charitable Trusts' Bill . CORN LAWS . —STATE OF PUBLIC BUSINESS . ; Lord Brocgiiam moved for five returns connected with the importation of foreign corn , and also of corn from Ireland , and these returns could not be objected to , as they had been already given to the other house .
It might be said that he was anticipating the discussion of a bill which would come before their lordships ' from the other house . He saw in various places in the votes of the other house , that , at various times , this suliject had occupied many days of the present session of Parliament : but tho state of the business of this great country had been brought , according to the votes , which were the only record to which he could have access , —by the constitution of this country , he was bound to say , —by the law of Parliament , he was bound to admit—with the most perfect regularity he would not deny—to such a state that in the foreign capital from which he had just returned grave doubts were entertained by some friends of his from whom he differed in opinion , and who were opposed to a popular system of government , with respect to
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ithe expediency of our sysiem . The answer he had given was , that the nature of the British constitution was such ,, that where there was a temporal } : mischief , from the friction of the parts of the machine , or from the resisting medium , there was in this great political engine—in this perfection of human polity—as he fit-inly , and conscientiously ^ and seriously believed , a well regulated constitutional monarchy , aciing-. with a well regulated representa live system , to bej—such a power of re-adapting itself that it never failed to get rid of the temporary obstruction , and to restore liarraony to the machine . If the . delay in the other houso was likely to prevent an ample discussion of the commercial policy of the government during the present session , then he said that they had the remedy iu their own hands . They 7
had the power of anticipatingthe discussion , and of coming to a deliberate arid ' well-considered opinion on tliia subject . ( Hear , hear . ) " This was hia reason for moving for these papers , and if , in tho course of a fortnight or thereabouts , he should perceive , by a recourse to the same record ; that there was the same obstruction to this and to " all business else , he should feel it his bounden duty , as it was unquestionably their lordships' right to discuss the subject by themselves without waiting for ; any . bill , to give them an opportunity of deliberatelydiBCUBsing and pronouncing an opinion on thegeneralprincipleof this great and important commercial change . He confidently Expected they would pronounce in . favour of the government plan , and thus prevent all further obstructions elsewhere . The returns were then agreed to .
RAILWAYS STANDING ORDERS . The Earl of Dalhousie then moved , that a Bimilar set of resolutions to those given by us last week as having been moved in the House of Commons by Sir Robert Peel , should be adopted aa a sessional order . A discussion ensued , in which the general policy of the government with reference to railways wasap . proved , though several objections were made to its details . - The resolutions were agreed to , and the house adjourned at eight o ' clock . HOUSE OF COMMONS—Monday , April 27 . The house met at four o'clock .
BRIDPORT ELECTION . Mr . C . Wood appeared at the bar with the report of the committee appointed to try the merits of the petition against the late return for this borough . The report stated that Mr . B . Cocurane was not duly elected , and ought not to have been returned ; but that Mr . John RomUly had been duly elected , and ought to have been returned . The report was ordered to lie on the table , and the clerk of the Crown was ordered to attend on Tuesday to amend the return .
[ At a subsequent period of the evening tins report gave rise to a conversation on a question put by Air . Christie t « the Chairman of the Committee , to ascertain whether that committee had not , as was the general impression , bean a party to a compromise between the rival candidates , by which the investigation into the charges of bribery had been prevented from proceeding . The Chairman ( Mr . C . Wood ) denied in effect that the Committee had been cogui-Bant of any such compromise . Mr . Bankes , Sir G . Grey , and other members , joined in the conversation , which was ultimately stopped by the Speaker , as disorderly . REFUSAL OF AN IRISH MEMBER TO SERVE ON A SELECT COMMITTEE .
Mr . Estcourt reported , from a committee in group 11 , that they had met that day , and that one of the members ( Mr . W . S . O'Brien ) did not attend , anil that the committee having waited for his arrival for one hour , directed him ( Mr . Estcourt ) to report the circumstance to the house . He now moved that Mr . W . S . O'Brien be directed to attend the committee to-morrow ( this day ) . The question was then put and agreed to nan . con . Mr . W . S . O'Bribx begged respectfully to sayand for the reasons which he had formerly given—that he would not attend the committee .
EVICTIONS ON THE WATERFORD ESTATE . On Sir . J . Graham moving the order of . the day that the adjourned debate on the first reading of the Protection of Life ( Ireland ) Bill be resumed , Major Berksfobd availed himself of the opportunity to reply to the statement made on Friday last by Mr . J O ' Connell , relative to certain evictions from the estate of his noble relative the Marquis of Waterford . Considering that that statement was taken from the columns of a public newspaper , he could not refrain from expressing a wish that Mr . J . O'Con-Hell had exercised the same caution with respect to it as be had recommended the public to exercise with respect to a statement affecting the property of his
own father , emanating from the same quarter . After reading the statervent in question and a leader from the Times ou the subject , the hon member proceeded to give a counter statement . He asserted that not ene tenant and that not oil © cottier had been ejected from the estates . Some persona who ha < i squatted on the property had'been removed ftviu it , but not an angry word had been used on the occasion ; on the centrary , after they had received the compensation which the Marquis of Waterford offered them , other individuals in the same situation expressed their readiness to pull down their own houses , ! l the same compensation were paid to them . So ruthless , then , had been the extermination practised by the Marquis of Waterford , that , strange to say , many persons who had witnessed it had requested to be placed in the same " exterminated" condition . The noble Marquis employedn inety men in draining
in one place , and gave employment to 300 in another , and every improvement was promoted by him . The kindness of the Marquis of Waterford to his tenantry and dependants was constant and unvaried—( hear )—he lived among them for nine months in the year out of the twelve—( hear)—he spent a large income among them ; he endeavoured to do good to all around him , and set an example to all landlords in Ireland . ( Cheers . ) he was assisted by a lady—( loud cheers)—whose charities were unostentatious but moat liberal , and such was the nobleman who was said to bs " an alien in the land of his fathers . " The Marquis of Waterford was not afraid to go out at all hours—he required no Coercion Bill to protect him . ( Loudeheers , particularly from the Irish members . ) He only wished for protection from anonymous assailants , who either knew nothing of his charaeter , or entirely misunderstood it . ( Cheers . )
Lord Ingkstre corroborated the statement of Major Beresford , and spoke in high terms of the conduet of the Marquis of Waterford towards the tenantry . Mr . J . O'Connell expressed his gratification at hearing the statement of Major Bedford . He had heard"individuals in Ireland , the most opposed in polities to the noble Marquis , express a wish that there were many landlords in Ireland like him . He had likewise heard that the burning of the Marquis ' s stables was the act of a refractory servant , and had been much lamented by all the peasantry on his estates . He then expressed his great sorrow at haviag given additional notoriety to a charge which he now believed to be without any foundation .
Mr . O'Connell bore'willing testimony to the merits of the Marquis of Waterford as a resident landlord , and also to the charitable disposition of his mest excellent lady the marchioness . lie was one of the best landlords in Ireland , and was as safe in any part of that country as he would be in that house . Alluding to the remarks which Major Beresford had made upon the conduct of the press , he observed that he was not inclined to concur in them . He had hiinselr been attacked for similar . alleged misconduct to his tenantry , in the same paper ; and his reply to it had been by printing the charge against lrfra in the most public manner . The universal press ef Ireland had taken part with him . and his justification had been most complete . We ought not to take part against
the press on such subjects ; for the press was the onlj ¦ defenxlar &i' iha ptn > n-st pi' the > pear * Mr , P . ScnoFB was csnvincctlj from all lie had heard , that the Marquis of Waterford was a most excellent landlord ; but he contended that Parliament was not justified in maintaining a system oi law which permitted the landlord to turn out any number of his tenantry at the risk of exposing them to absolute starvation . The persons who had been ejected on the Marquis of Waterford ' s estate , although it appeared that , in strictness , they were not his tenants , had yet occupied houses as tenants on his property ; and by the neglect of the noble marquis in not preventing the system of subletting , rtiofc individuals were by chance brought under his
protection . It certainly appeared rather a harsh measure to eject so many of these persons at once , without some more ample means than the £ 2 or £ 3 which were piven them to remove . It had been stated that they quitted their houses willingly ; but lie ( Mr . Serope ) entertained some doubt on that subject . It must be remembered that the money oflercd them would , in the present destitution of many of those persons , be regarded as a great boon ; and that they were aware , if they evinced iany hesitation in quitting their houses , that notices of ejectment would be served upon them the next day , and they would bo compelled to quit without receiving any bonus , lie hoped the house would draw a moral from the cases of this nature which had been brought before
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them , and that they would interfere to # ive that protection to the tenantry of Ireland which had been enjoyed by the people of England tor centuries .
OUTRAGE AT SHEFFIELD Mr . C . Powell said , a few nights ago he had taken the liberty of calling the attention of the right hon . the Home Secretary to a statement in a newspaper , which excited in liis mind feelings very different from those which appeared to be exhibited by the right hon . baronet , and very different from what he manifested at accounts in Irish newspapers of Irish outrages . It appeared from a Sheffield paper that very great devastation had beenoaused in that town by an infernal machine . -Afterreading the statement referred to , the hon . member saidi'it appeared from that account that detection , was not more easy in Sheffield than in Ireland . He understood that these
acts of disorder were not new in Sheffield , but had prevailed more or less since . 1837 . When he first called the attention of the right lion . the . Home Secretary to such an outrage in Sheffield , the right hon . baronet appeared to receive the statement with an incredulous smile , but he had reason to believe that since then the right hon . baronet considered the matter to be more serious . It had been inquired into by the-local magistrates , who deemed it indispensable that seme remedy should be applied , and under these circumstances he wished to know from the right hon . baronet whether he intended . to-intro duce a clause into the Irish Coercion Bill providing for the protection of life and the prevention of assassination in Sheffield ?
Sir J . Graham admitted the correctness of the statement ; at the same time he was bound to say that Sheffield was the only town in England where crimes of this description were committed ; and with respect to Sheffield , he could also state with satisfaction that the mayor and common council , who were chosen under asystem of a largely-distributed suffrage in that city , had corresponded with the Government , and manifested the most earnest desire that the persons guilty of that terrible offence should be brought to justice . ( Hear , hear . ) The , representatives of Sheffield had communicated with the Government , and it appeared that all the mosi re--pectable inhabitants of the town concurred in the desire that the perpetrators of this crime might be discovered and brought to punishment . The working classes also , understanding that if this crime were not put an end to the trade of
Sheffield must be destroyed , partook ia the desire that the perpetrators of this infamous offence might be brought to justice . ( Hear , hear . ) A large reward for the discovery of the offenders had been offered , and Government had instituted such proceedings as they thought were calculated to bring to justice the guilty parties . lie certainly was not prepared to include Sheffield in the Irish bill , but he would say , that if the law as it stood should be found inadequate to put an end to the perpetration of this offence , and any additional legal measure should be necessary for its- prevention , he should not hesitate , under his official responsibility , to propose such measure to tho house . ( Hear , hear . ) Messrs . Parker and Ward , the Borough members , corroborated the remarks of the Home Secretary as to tho feeling of the inhabitants on the subject .
PROTECTION OF LIFE IN IRELAND BILL The order of tho day was then read , and the adjourned debate was resumed . Mr . M'Cariht declared his intention of giving every opposition to this bill ; which , in poiut of means , was ill adapted to the end which it had in view . He then entered into an historical account of the English conquest of Ireland , for tho purpose of explaining the source of the agrarian outrages which afflicted and disaraced the country . Ho called upon Sir R . Peel to do justice to its population ; for if he did not , he would find that Irelandwhich he had called a great difficulty—would become an impossibility for his administration , ' Upon that Irish rock Administration after
Administration had gone to pieces—each in its turn had left its sting in the Irish mind ; animasque in vulncre ponunt . ( Hear . ) If they wished to govern Ireland , they must go rightly to werk . He called upon them to look to that country , not as a battle field in which ad verge parties were to contend for pro * eminence , but to look upon it as a portion of this great empire—a portion on whose success must depend the well-being of the whole . ( Cheers . ) They had tried coercion—they had from time to time exhausted all the resources of force and penal legislation . Had they ever tried simple justice ? ( Cheers . ) Even in this , the eleventh hour , let them not be afraid to retrace their steps—be not ashamed to turn from injustice to justice . He had entered that house unconnected with either of the great parties that
governed it , —with neither Whig nor Tory had he any tics ., He belonged to an ancient race whom all those parties had in turn persecuted and despised . ( Hear , hear . ) When they entered Ireland , they found them powerful , and in the exercise of authority . After a "series of conquests , continued throughout centuries , they succeeded in putting them down ; and now , after the lapse of 200 rears , lie , one of their descendants , had , for the first time , the privilege of holding a seat in the great council of the nation , and telling them what were the feelings and sentiments which he entertained in reference tothe country of his birth . ( Hear , hear . ) He begged to say to the right hon . baronet at the hoad of the government that he had witnessed with great admiration the
firmness and decision with which , on another question , he had shaken himself clean from all parties . ( Hear . ) He had observed with satisfaction that when the great commercial interests of this country were at stake , he had disregarded all those considerations which swayed and controlled ordinary minds ; he had disregarded them to obtain what appeared to him to be a great national good , and he had shown wisdom and ability in his projects of redress ; projects which , in liia opinion , were entitled to the approbation of tho country . ( Cheers . ) Now , ho called upon the right hon . baronet to exhibit the some wisdom and firmness in doaling with the affairs of Ireland ; he asked him not to follow in the traces of others : he called not upon him to tread in their
footsteps or adopt their half measures ; but let him tako the same comprehensive view of Irish grievances which he had done of commercial policy . ( Cheers . ) Let him be his own example , and , having supplied the wants of commerce , let him turn to the social andgpolitical evils of Ireland , and there emulate hiinaelf . ( Loud Cheering . ) Mr . Bailue supported the bill . Colonel Vehnkr defended the landlords of Ireland from the imputations made against them . The course he would adopt towards Ireland was very different from that recommended by ner Majesty ' s Ministers . He would put down with a strong hfttul agitation and agitators , and every species of association which kept the people discontented and "disunitecl . He would also put an end to all miscalled conciliation and to all uncalled for conciliation ; for he hod observed that every concession to ihe repeal
party had been attended by fresh insults to and by fresh demands from the Imperial Parliament . Mr . Hawes , after observing that little good had hitherto been derived from the strong and vigorous measures which Colonel Verner and his party had recommended for the Government of Ireland , contended that nothing could justify this bill except a pressing and overwhelming necessity , He showed that the undetected crimes committed in Ireland were fewer now than they had been in former times . There had been a decrease of 28 per cent in tho amount of murders committed , and of 53 J per cent , in the amount of ihe attempts at murder in 1845 , as compared with the year 1844 . Trouble and discontent had tracked every coercion bill which had been presented to Parliament from the first down to the present hour , and would continue to track them so long as such miserable instruments were employed far Government .
Sir R . Pbel , after giving a history of the progress of the bill , contended that the Government had no alternative but to proceed with this preliminary stage . As to the injurious surmises that Govern ' ment had interposed this measure { or the purpose of getting rid of their measure on the Corn Laws , it was enough for him to say at present that the lapse of time , and many intervening events , had confirmed the impressions on which he had originally proposed the final ami permanentadjustmeut of the com laws . Events had proved to him that the restrictions , which he once thought to be only impolitic , were now absolutely unjust ; and his colleagues and himself were lully prepared tO ( certify by any public act the sincerity of their convictions on that point . He then
proceeded to au explanation of the reasons which had induced the Government to propose a measure of this harsh character towards Ireland . It had been stated that the Government , before it called on the house to assent to such a measure , was bound to establish three facts—first , that from the extent , frequency , ; ind nature of the Grimes , a necessity for a olmngo in the law existed—secondly , that all the powers of the existing law had been exercised and exhausted—and thirdly , that there was a rational hope that the particular measure , at variance as it was with tho ordinary principles of law , would be effectual for its object . In a speech of great length the right hon . baronet addressed himself siicccfff ' vcly to prove these propositions , and justilied the bill as even more necessary fortliK protection of the poor than of the rich . He
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before ? that when the bill was once passed , the knowJedge o'iUi > xistence ' would almost operate as ft cure of theprespnt uissrdere . , , He , believed that now , as formerly , itsdormant energies would be sufficient for the repression of crime ,-and tJisf- the publicity civen to ; its powers would enable the Ex ? outiveto dispense with the exercise of them at an early penoa , It would be delusive to propOKe this measure as a panacea for the disorders and grievances of Ireland , and he therefore at once admitted that it was an unmitigated , evil and no remedy for them . Herefused to discuss , on the present occasion , the various measures which had been proposed for the permanent relief of Ireland , for each of them deserved ' a separate discussion . And after briefly glancing at the proposition of the introduction of the English Poor Law into Ireland , and tho difficulty of introducing a well digested Lan dlord and Tenant ' s Bill , he proceeded to lecture the Irish landlords and members ; he thought that they relied too much on the assistof the executive Government , andtoe" little
ance _ upon themselves ; and that it was in their power to do more good for Ireland by their own exertions than any Government could do for them . If they would only meet together and consider the cundition ot their oounfcry , the obligations of property , and the consequences of a harsh exercise of the pon-ere which property gave them , they might with a little liberality and forbearance , confer inestimable blessings on their country He called upon them to follow the example of Lord G . Hill , Who had converted 18 , 000 acres of wasteland into a valuable property , and who , by a constant attention to his duties a ? a landlord , had conciliated to himself the good-will of those r / iio stood to him in the relation of tenants . By such conduct they would draw together the relations of rich and poor , and would ensure a confidence in the impartial administration of justice , which could not be accomplished by any direct efforts of legislation . There were obligations on property which laws could not instil or control , but ' which were essential to the good order and maintenance of society .
Mi ? . W ? sb protested against this measure , because it would neither redress the grievances nor repress the crimes of Ireland . He was sorry to find that the Government was still determined to give nothing but coercive measures to Ireland . After a speech from Col . Conollt in support , and one from Mr . Rich against tte Bill , on the motion of Mr . P . Somebs the debate was adjourned to Thursday next . The other orders of the day were then disposed of , and the house adjourned at one o ' clock . HOUSE OF LORDS . —Tuesday , April 28 . The house met at five o'clock .
The Earl Fitzwilliam moved for a return , of the bills and estimates of the several railways for which petitions had been presented during the present session of Parliament , distinguishing the estimates for those for which the bills had been withdrawn or rejected , from ( hose which were still pending in the other House of Parliament . The return was ordered . Lord MoNiEA (? LE moved * for returns of ali the notices which had been inserted in the London Gazette ; also of all the Bills deposited at the Private Bill Office , with the amount of capital which the parties proposed to raise , and to borrow ; and also o £ shares which were intended to be issued to raise that amount of capital . Before the motion could bo ' put from the Woolsack , Lord Campbell rose and proceeded to address their lordships . He was stopped by
The Lord Cjmkcbuob , who said—Will you allow me to put the question ? Lord Campbell—I am going to speak to the motion . The Lord Chancellor—But there is the motion which the noble lord ( Monteagle ) has in his hands which has to be put . The question having been put , Lord Campbell—Henceforward we are to look to the Woolsack for order . We usually jog on very well , but I observe that the most irregular quarter in the house is generally the Woolsack . The Lord Chancellor—My lords , I rise to order . I have no more authority in this house than any other , individual in it . We are dissimilar in our constitution to the House of Commons . I have no authority to call noble lords to order ; but if I had that authority I should every day have to oall the noble and learned lord to order .
Lord Campbell—I know that the noble and learned lord has not the authority to call order from the Woolsack ; but he has at least the power of abstainin" from causing disorder , and after this I must repeat that the most disorderly quarter of this house is that which is nearest the Woolsack . After this noble and learned encounter of wits , the returns moved for were ordered . The Earl of Rifo . y communicated to the house two messages from her Majesty , recommending to their lordships to concur in such measures as should be proposed to confer on Viscount Hardinge . and Lord Gougli , and their two next surviving heirs male , respectively , some signal marks of favour in reward for their late distinguished services . On ike motion of ite Eivrl of Daijiousib , the Railway Companies' Dissolution Bill waa read a second time . Several other bills were forwarded a stage , and the house adjourned .
HOUSE OF COMMONS .-Tuesdat , April 28 . The Speaker took the chair at the usual how . BRIDPORT ELECTION . The Bridport election return was amended , and Mr . John Romilly took his scat in place of Mr . B . Cochrane .
MESSAGE FROM HER MAJESTY . — VISCOUNT HARDINGE AND LORD GOUGH . Sir R . Peel delivered two messages from th 8 Queen , recommending the house to take measures to bestow on Viscount iiardin ^ e and Lord Gough , and their two next succeeding heirs male , respectively some signal mark of her royal favour . The messages were ordered to be taken into consideration on Monday next .
CONTEMPT OF THE HOUSE . Mr . Hrhiet , chairman of the railway committeei Group XL , brought up a ieport from that committee , ft stated that the committee , Group XL , had met that day , at ten o'clock , that W . Smith O'Brien , Esq . was not present , and did not attend withiu one hour from the time appointed for the meeting of the committee . Mr . Estcourt moved , that the clerk should read the report of the committee . The report ( as abote ) having been read , Tho Speaker then called the name ot Mr . W Smith O'Brien .
Mr . S . O'Brien rose and said , that he supposed that the object of the Speaker in calling upon him , was to afford him the opportunity , if he thought fit , of explaining to the house the reasons for his nonattendance at the committee . He felt deeply obliged to the Speaker and to the house , for having afforded him that opportunity . But having already stated his views fully , and , he might add , finally , in the correspondence he had had with the chairman of the Committee of Selection , he was not desirous of adding anything to , and he was not ready to withdraw anything from , what he had already said .
Mr . Esicounr , as chairman of the Committee of Selection , narrated the circumstances of -Mr . O'Brien ' s having been nominated , in accordance with the resolution ef the 12 th of February , to serve on the railway committee in Group XL , and of the hon . member ' s refusal by letter to serve thereon , on the ground that , as an Irish member , he was not bound to attend to any business not strictly Irish , Mr . Estcourt pointed oat Mr . O'Connell and other Irish members serving on railway committees , \ to show that the objection was peculiar to Mr . O'Brien , and in consequence of Ihis acting upon that determination , he was now compelled to move a resolution , on which the house would be called upon to express its opinion of the conduct of one of its own members , lie concluded by moving , as he repeated , with great pain , that . W . S . O'Biien , Esq ., having disobeyed the order of the house by refusing to attend the committee on which he was summoned , had been guilty of a contempt of the house .
Mr . O'Connell said there were two grounds on which the house ought to pause before it assented to this motion . The first was the necessity of considering how far tbe Act of Union gave the house power to enforce tbe process of committal upon Irish members . No such power was given by the common law ; and if the jurisdiction were not founded on the common law , it could not be founded on tke statute law ; for it was not given by the Act of Union , The second ground was the ncoessity of considering the urisdiction of the Committee of Selection . Up to the 12 th of February last there was no stringent rule for the compulsory attendance of members on
committees , re was perfectly rcrftrataryr and thence arose the question whether you could ' delegate to a committee the power possessed by the house of punishing a contempt of its orders by imprisonment . There was a sta-tutable power to compel the attendance of hon . members upon the house ; but no such power to compel their attendance on committeegi Mr . S . O'Brien had been guilty of nothing but a breach of an order of a secondary jurisdiction arising outof another jurisdiction recently created by the houso . Tkere was nothing but courtGsy in the terms of his letters , and no wish to centetnu the authority of the house .
The ATron . VEV-Gi ? NJ ! RAL said that the question before the house had assumed a very serious character , in consequence of the considerations with which Mr . O'Connell had connected it-for the house was now called upon to consider not merely whether Mr . S . O'Brien had iviuscd obedience to its orders , but whether there was a portion of its members iiulepeiulont of its control , who could refuse attendance upon all committees not connected with the country to whicli they belonged . He could not understand the objection which Mr . O'Connell had founded on tho Act of Union . By the 3 d article of that Lmon , it was enacted that the three kingdoms should be re . presented in one ^ parliament , to bo called tlie lm-[ Contmued to the Mj ftt Atgf . ]"
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To The Imperi Al Chartists.
TO THE IMPERI AL CHARTISTS .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 2, 1846, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1365/page/1/
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