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THE NORTHERN STAR., SATURDAY, MAT 2, 1846.
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Co &tatarsi $c Corogpoitimit?*.-
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THOSXAS COOPEBiTHB CHASTXST'S r. ' - ' . , WOB3S8. -.. ' - ¦' ¦-
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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THE PURGATORY OF SUICIDES . A Prison Rnvme . InTenBeokB . ( One VoL , 7 s . 6 d . ) 'The most wonderful effoit of intellectual power proaaced within the last eenturj . "— The . Britannia . 5 Here we have a genuine poem springing out of the apirit of the times , aad indeed out of the heart , and experience of one who has wrestled with and suffered in it . It is no otter than a poem in ten books , by a Chartist , and who boldly sets hi 3 name and his profession of Chartism on the title-page . It is plain that he glories in bis political faith aaore than in bis poetry ; nay , his verse k but the vehicle of that fcith . Y «^ nevertheless , it is a vigorous an < 3 most efficient vehicle . We must cordially confess that we have read the whole with a feeling of unfeigned astonishment . —Edectic Review .
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WISE SAWS AND MODERN INSTANCES . ( TwoTols , 155 . J "A stries of CrabbfcJike sketches , la prose . They are manifest portraits , and admonish us of the author ' s Bkai in taking the literal likeness , " — - AOttnwum . "We have read some of these stories with deep interest , and few , we are persuaded , will rise from their perusal but with feelings all the warmer for Trtiat they have read . They can scarcely fail to be popular with 'the masses ; ' and , upon the whole , we think they deserve to be so . "—Alias . " The author excuses the sternness ofhis pictures by alleging their tratb . The justification is all-sufficient . Chartist as these sketches are , they are healthier , in lan < s and sentiment , than the tawdry fictions vamped up for the reading public by soras popular writers , that profess to exhibit the life of the labouring classes . "—The Britannia .
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LABOUR'S EMANCIPATION FROM CAPITALIST TYRANNY . "The working classes must resolve no longer to be the slaves of their own gains , but to become their own Masters . "— WiU . iam Sowitt . ¦ THE " STRONG BOOT AND SHOE MAKERS , " in the employment of Mr . Kendall , of Drury-lane , &c , were , by a most gross exercise of the master power deprived of their usualmeans of existence , merely because hev declined assenting to such terms , dictated to them , undef peculiar aggravating circumstances , by Mr . Kendall , as none other than slaves or fools could accede to . "Wrow * and Insult will not , however , in this instance , triumph ° over persecuted industry . The injustice perpetrated by Mr . Kendall , anl tho consequent wretchedness , scarcely short of starvation , enteed tea numerous body of workmen , and their families , having been communicated to the President ( T . !> . Duncombe , Esq . ., M . and Directors of the "United Trades' Association for the employment of Labour , &c , they immediately resolved upon rescuing these men from oppression , and placing them in a far better position than With fliie intantion , the directors have enabled the illused workmen to
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THE TEN HOURS' BILL . From 1833 to 1839 was a period within , which Whig treachery had done more for the cause of democracy in this country than ever the staunchest advocates of that principle could of themselves effect . The detestation of the "Whigs had become so general and confirmed that the mind of the country by degrees became radical . In the year 1838 , so strong had this increasing feeling become , that it sought a manifestation of its strength in a national representation ; and- " so motley , piebald , and heterogeneous was the character of that representation , that , had it not been for the strength of the principle itself , thjj cause and progress of democracy must have fallena sacrifice to the wiles and machinations of its
pretended friends . A section of the Birmingham rump , who had long tampered with public opinion and lived upon public confidence ; a knot of Cobbbttites , who were as unlike their leader as a horse-cliesnut is to a cbesnot-korse ; and a clique of the London working men Whig hunters ; together with a sprinkling of individual freebooters , a speoies of camp followers , had become part and parcel of the national representation . Ench of those sections had its moving power nviteidet Attwood ruled the Birmingham ' rump The Charter newspaper , a weak , trashy thing , edited by the physical force Ca . tokster , and controlled by the Whig hunters , professed to'be the government of that section , while Wnrm . Hj with his Champion , contended for a spurious Oobbbttism .
The camp followers acted upon the independent principle—every man for himself : " The Lord love ye , w « are all for ourselves in this world . " A party thus constructed , with £ 9 , 000 TO BE SPENT , was not calculated to inspire the country with confidence , or to give strength to a cause . And however it may have escaped the recollection of the heedless , the anxiety that we felt during the long reign of this patchwork Parliament haa not , nor is likely , to escape our memory . For eight months our mind was upon one continuous strain , to devise means for
lessening the evil of the threatened danger , until at length we were fortunately relieved by the exhaustion of the exchequer . Now precisely the same difficulties stand in the way of the Ten Hours' Bill movement that stood in the way of the Chartist movement . Men hare joined in it who hava no earthly interest or concern in the question beyond the amount of individual benefit that they can eke out of it ; and hence , after two years , we now find it transformed from a gigantic monster , threatening Ministerial existence , to a pigmy dwarf , against which the Home Secretary wages war with confidence .
As to Mr . Fihlbkn ' s conduct , it is above censure , and deserving of all prAise . His support is too generous , his arguments are too convincing , home , and unanswerable , to leave the slightest impression of indifference , or to convey the nation that he , at least , has enlisted in the cauae for any party or personal purpose . Not so , however , with the ruling body , whose last instructions to their delegates we hero publish : —
INSTRUCTIONS TO DELEGATES , lat . —The object for which they are sent to London is , to represent to the Members of Parliament the wants and wishes of the Factory Workers of Lancashire , and are therefore to promote by ever ; means in their power the passing of the Ten Hours' Bill . . Snd . In no ease are they to represent to Members of Parliament , or any other persons , that the working classes will be satisfied with any measure short of an efficient Ten Houra' Bill . 3 rd . —Should the Ten 'Hours' clause be lost , the Delegates are to assist in the passing of any measure which limits the hours of labour in factories . .
4 th . —Their business shall be to canvass Members each day , until this Committee shall deem it right , by the advice of fiord Ashley , Mr . J . Fielden , Mr . C . Hindley , and Mr . J . Biotherton , to recall them . 5 th . —They shall put themselves under the control ef Lord Ashley , Mr . J . i'iuldun , Mr . C . Hiudley , and Mr . J . BrothertonJ in all matters that may arise during their stay in London , and should any overtures be made to them by the Government , or any other party , they shall , before accepting them , take the advice of those four individuals , and , if practicable , that of this Committee and the District ! . . 6 th . —In no case shall the Delegates mix with any political movement , nor identify themselves with any other movement whatever , which has not for its object the shortening the hours of factory labour .
7 th . —That a book be kept by the Delegates in which the procaedinga of each day shttll be duly entered , noting all particular circumstances that may transpire , which book sh-41 be returned to this Committee , and published , if necessary . _ - 8 th . —That a ' letter be sent every morning from the Delegates to this Committee , jiving a full and accurate account of the day ' s proceedings ( Sundays excepted ) . . ¦ 3 th . —That each Delegate write , to his respective District at least twice a week during his stay in London .
Let us now ask if any man with a particle of aenso can read the third of those instructions , and then read the assurance of Mr . Aixswonm , who seconded Mr . Fibldes ' b motion , without coming to ] the conclusion that the short time committee has betrayed its trust . That honourable member expressed a hope that "THE PROPOSITION WOULD BE ADOPTED WHICH HAD BEEN HELD OUT BY THE OPERATIVES , THAT A COMPROMISE SHOULD BE COME TO ; AND THAT THE GOVERNMENT SHOULD ADOPT THE TERM OF ELEVEN HOURS ; AND THAT SO AN ARRANGEMENT MIGHT BE
COME TO WIIICII WOULD BE SATISFACTORY TO ALL PARTIES . " Now , in the name of the Short Time Committee—and they must and shall answer the question—and in the name of the opoi'iitivos , wo ask if they are consenting parties to this compromise ? If they are not , public opinion will compel them to speak out within the fortnight ' s breathing time allowed ; if they are , public opinion will compel thorn to abandon a position which they arc not fitted to maintain . We nave a right to cnterUiu the opinion that the Short Time Committee has joined in this compromise , but we have no right to entertain the opinion that the operatives are partics to it .
Had our advice been followed , when Lord Ashley first snrreudcrrd his vantage ground to ministerial threat mid convenience , M' " - Fieldkn and tho question would have occupied a much butter position now , And had tho friends of the measure still put " No Compromise" upo \ r banners , Sir James Graham
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would not hare changed hfe anxioui hope that the masters and operatives themselves would come , to an amicable arrangement upon a subject , the importance of which he was free to confess , into open opposition to the measure . We rather incline to Sir James Graham ' s version of the result , than to that of The Timts . Sir Jamrs argues that the inevitable consequence must be a reduction in the hours of adult labour ; The Times , upon the other . ^ — - ''' . *» ' ' _ ' ¦ ' ¦\ - - t -, v .. — •¦?_
hand , contends that the question is only meant to affect th « labour of women and children . If such were the case , and if no other result were to follow , we should still contend for the measure . But it is because we see the inevitable effect that the measure must have upon adult as well as infant and woman's labour , that we hail it as the realisation of the great principle of restriction—the extensive v iew that we have ever taken of the measure .
We shall now direct ' attention to the grounds upon which masters , free - traders , and political economists baae their opposition . Firstly , philanthropy compels them to oppose the measure , because the shortening the houra of labour mugt necessarily entail & reduction of wages . Secondly , the operation of manur factoring the same amount of goods with a limited number of hands will either entail the expense of additional machinery , op else the masters will be compelled to produce one-sixth less than their present amount . Thirdly , there is a fear lest the operation of the measure might compel the owners
of capital to seek more unfettered markets for speculation . Now , upon the first point , we hold with Mr . Gardner and others who have tried the experiment , that the produce of ten hours' labour , of active energetic labour , is more remunerative to the employer than twelve hours slothful , sluggish , exhausted , tired drudgery . The day ' s labour does not apply to the day ' s work only . It applies to the week , to the year ; yea , to the very life of man , ' $ will not do to say that ten hours of the twelve hours labour is as good as the sole ten hours' labour , and that the two houra additional is so much profit to the master and advantage to the operative . ' ¦ - "Tie man
who works sixty hours in the week will have done more work and better work , and will be , fresher for his Monday ' s work , than the man who has worked seventy-two hours in the week . He Will be younger at 50 , upon ten hours' work , than at 40 upon twelve hours' work . Apart from this arithmetica l calculation , all the best feelings of our nature step in and rebel against the notion of a woman who shall have the charge of a family , and her infant of 13 yearsfof age , being compelled prematurely to exhaust nature in compliance with the arrangements necessary for the-government of an unbridled licentious system . ' . '
Secondly , we know of no limitation to the expenditure of capitalists in preparing machinery to make profit , and we know of no " greater benefit that the state could confer upon reckless , [ speculators than placing a limit to production , the surplus of which constitutes their most dangerous competition . Fivesixths of the present amount of GOOD manufactures would produce more money and leave larger profits than what is now realised upon the whole of the national rubbish , and would go far to rescue the mercantile character of England from that odium in which it is held throughout the civilised world . ;
Thirdly , there is no danger of our leviathan capitalists seeking other climes for the expenditure of their capital , and for the simple reason that in no part of the known world would they find so extensive a slavery to be preyed upon as they have created in this HAPPY ENGLAND . , ; Apart from these considerations , we have , the answer of those wh « se interests are at stake , and it is at once conclusive and unanswerable . They say that they are prepared to relieve their wives from a life of eternal drudgery , and their infants'from a life of unremitting slavery , at the hazard of the
threatened reduction of wages . This noble declaration upon the part of the men is irresistible , unless indeed the system requires a nation of slaves to prop it . Let us now analyse Mr . Fibldex ' s-simple and irrefutable arguments , and let it be borne in mind that Mr . Fieldbk has written more ably and spoken more forcibly upon thia question than any man living , added to which he is amongst the largest , if not the most exten 9 i ' ve , " . manufaetur 6 ra in the kingdom . Mr . Fibldbn says that he and his family have made their wealth by manufactures—that he and
his brothers are still engaged in the trade—that he employs from two to three thousands hands—that nine factory bill 3 interfering with labour have been passed , from each of which in turn ruin to the master was foretold—that in the face of thia bill , which must pass , and which threateni inevitable annihilation to the trade , ho is bringing up his children in the same walk—that he has an interest in their interest ; and for his own interest , his brother's interest , his children ' s interest , the interest of his hands , of his country and his order , he feels himself bound to support a Ten Hours' Bill .
What sophistry can a fox-hunting , place-hunting , landlord Home Secretary oppose to this plain and simple reasoning , other than that he is the hired tool of a class p owerful in capital and supreme in representation . What sophistry can Mr . Mark Phillips , a wholesalehaberdasher of Manchester . ofler te-th is plain and simple reasoning . True , he tells us that the experiment haa been made and failed : but this places the question upon the simple issue of a man [ producing as much in ten hours as in twelve hours . He
does not see that " that may fail as an experiment , " which may succeed as a system . He does not understand , that the vices of the general system have of themselves defeated experiments made upon the principle . He does not understand that the philanthropic experimentalist is subjected to all the casualties oi ' a vicious competition , which a Ten Hours Bill alone can destroy , by e-jualizing the number of houra and placing all upon an equality in the competitive market .
This conscientious haberdasher fears that his conscientious vote may deprive him of the confidence of his supporters , while he knows wall that a truckling subserviency to their will and interest alone induces him to give that vote . We are satisfied to test the question by ballot , and we undertake to say that there will be few silent votes of Englishmen recorded for the voluntary perpetuation of their own and their family ' s slavery . Again , then , we call upon the men of England , the women of England , and the children of England to shafce off and purge themselves of the damning sin of willing slavery , sought to be ¦ branded
upon them by the third instruction given by THEIR Committee to THEIR Delegates . Tho time is come when the Trades , the working class , without distinction , the payers of poors ' rates , police rates , taxes , and legal expences , when the shopkeepers and peaceable inhabitants who have an interest in peace and tranquillity , inust unite , one and all , in the assertion of the great principles of restriction of labour and equitable distribution . The time is coming that Lord John Russell will be compelled to admit , that what is necessary for the comparatively idle shop boy is indispensable for the over-worked slave—the unprotected mill operative .
In conclusion , we twist that tho ten days' breathing time yet allowed , will be used for the profitable purpose of strengthening the hands of Mr . Fielden , and that the operatives , seeing the manner that they have been juggled , deluded , and cheated by the governing body , will set up business upon their own account , upon the assurance , and with the eonvictionj that if their work is to be done THEY MUST DO IT FOR THEMSELVES .
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ters oppression . We shall hare , muchi more to say on this subject hereafter , and shall ,, for the present , merely eommeat upon what , under the circumstances , becomes the duty of the labouring classes . The principal boot and shoemakers in . London send the stuff , when cut , o » t to Stafford or Northampton , and to many more distant towns , from which they receive the boots and shoes wkeri made . Of course , lower i '_ V _ *"• ' S " M ¦ M ^»~' . * AA *~ ' ~*' fc " X ' ' mT * ^
rents , lower taxes , cheaper food , and an abstinence from metropolitan gaiety , enables the country journeyman to work at a lower rate of wages . But , if the masters are enabled to undergo , the expense of double transit , and still make a profit , surely a combination of working men can incur the expensflof one transit , and leave a more becoming remuneration than that which the masters' regulations now permit .
If , therefore , this first move in the right direction should fail , it will justify the masters in increasing their oppression , and justify the world in increasing its denunciation against the working classes them selves . We may be told that master boot and shoe makers can only take advantage of this traffic requiring double transit , by being able to measure their customers , and sending the cut-out work to be made in the country , and that , therefore , the traffic of the National Boot and Shoe Depot will be limited to that sphere within which they could measure their customers . This , however , is a fallacy , as there are two modes of meeting the presumed difficulty : —
Firstly , The Association may have a measuring shoemaker in every town in the kingdom , who might act as corresponding secretary , and send up the measure of those who were particular as to fit . Secondly , If the Association were sufficiently wealthy , they might furnish the required supply of ready-made boots and show V ) the sweial terras in the kingdom , where there was likelihood or promise of support ; but they must be guarded upon two
points : firstly , the funds must be INDISPUTABLY AND SATISFACTORILY PROTECTED AND ACCOUNTED FOR ; and secondly , the very best article must be supplied , at such a profit as will secure the stability of the Association . ; and if those two indispensable objects are systematically attended to , kept in view , and acted upon , there is no earthly reason why the National Boot and Shoe Depot should not become the most extensive manufactory of the kind in the kingdom .
: For ourselves we shall wear NO OTHER MANUFACTURE so long as we are fairly served ; while we shall become active canvassers for the patronage and support of eur'friends ' . Thus we strengthen the bond by our mite , and if all who have a greater interest than ourselves in the success of the project will act upon the same princi ple , this branch of labour , will be ; forever secured against the inroads of capital . It will not do , however , for the multitude to argue after the old fashion , that , as so many will deal with the association , their custom will be useless : such indifference has been the rock upon which every trades' movement , every political movement and every popular movement ha 3 split .
We now turn to the still more important , because immediately pressing , question of the strike of the building trades in Lancashire . It appears that the men are resolute and determined , and we are told by the Liverpool Timies , that' the master builders of Manchester have imported a number of "knobsticks" from ; Plymouth and Devonport , via Liver " pool . We are also told that these intruders were met on their landing at the Clarence Dock by the piquets of the unionists , and that notwithstanding the closest vigilance of the police some of tho picquets contrived to pop a slip of paper into the hand of one
of the strangers , which contained the following words— " You < J—— blacfo , your fate it sealed : you will be havocked and murdered . " We need not assert that this threatening notice was the production of one of those masters belonging to the building trade , who had a long interview with Sir Jambs Graham on Saturday last , and who no doubt presented th horrible death warrant to the astonished gaze of the advocate of the Masters and Servants' Bill . We are further informed that the strike has been much protracted in consequence of the Liverpool Dock
Trustees baring a large number of men in their employment , most of whom are contributors to the funds of the union ; and we are further informed that on Thursday week the trustees came , to a resolution to give notice to seventy of their men who acknowledged to being unionists that their services would not be further required , unless they ceased to belong to that body . And we are vstill further informed that the Birkenhead Deck Commissioners expressed their readiness to suspend their works provided the Liverpool Dock Trustees did the same .
Let us now in fairness ask who are chargeable with violation of the law , and with direct and palpable tyranny ; the men who have a legal right to apply their earnings as they please , and who apply them to the politic , praiseworthy , and creditable purpose of supporting their brethren in the struggle for the freedom of their trade , or the-TrustecB of the Clarence Dock and the Commissioners of the Birkenhead Dock , who tyrannically obey the mandates of the masters' union and unjustly dismiss from their employ men who have violated neither contract , bond , nor law ? Will this , or will it not , teach the working classes that the masters , strong in government countenance , powerful in their union , supreme
in representation , commanding in capital , and holding the terror of the law over their bondsmen , can enly be resisted byaunion equally confiding . equally streng , equally unanimous , equally determined , and equally unbending as their oppressors . For ourselves we hope speedily , with the consent of our brother directors , to set a large number of the building trades nearer to Manchester than London to work . and while Commissioners and Trustees , master bullies and tyrants , make the act of belonging to a union a disqualification to labour or live , the required qualifies tion by us shall be proof that the applicant belongs to the union of his trade , and that he has paid up , or will allow us out of his first receipts to pay up , his
arrears . Whenever the working men are prepared to resist that species of grinding tyranny to which they h&ve so long tamely submitted , they will find hosts of backers springing up to aid and comfort there , but while they passively submit to every degradation that whim , necessity , or caprice may impose upon them , they will fail to possess more sympathy than is due to destitution , or more comfort than arises from pity . It appears that the old practice of idle beggars quartering ' themselves upon trade necessity is being put into active operation , and that many scamps
representing themselves as collectors on behalf of the men « n strike are making a begging tour . Now , in the name of common sense , are the building tradeB so destitute or so deficient in the art of management as not to have selected proper persons , supplied with books bearing the stamp of the Union , also giving notice that none others are authorised to receive contributions . One consolation is , that the time for holding the Trades' Conference is not far distant , and that those who have- so nobly struggled so long will
still persevere , despite all danger , until they learn the course to be proposed by the directing body , and to be decided upon by their representatives .. Again ex pressing a hope that we shall hear of an active agitation from the present to the time of holding the Conference , and that the assembly will consist of delegates of probity , character and wisdom , we conclude for the present with a reiteration of our beliel ' , that the next gathering will be a representation of the democracy of labour , and not the mere whining of its former aristocratic controllers .
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vance farther than this" preliminary stage , seems a doubtful matter . The determined opposition o f the Irish members will not be without its effect on . the Premier , who may , perhaps , think that he ha * already sacrificed sufficient to Parliamentary eti « quotts in persisting with the first reading . Instead , of forcing on a measure which , in its subsequent stages , maybe made to consume the remainder of the session , he will better show the sincerity of bis professions of friendship to Ireland in the debate of Monday night , by offering to its representatives the . social and political remedial measures which they . ^ - ¦> - * -A-ikJ- " . * *• ' - •' _ '*
demand . The worn-oHt ,. oft-repeated , and as often unsuccessful expedient , of attempting to suppress bj force the natural and indestructible discontent of an , oppressed people , should be discarded by a Minister who seeks to establish the reputation of a great state 3 man . Sir Robert has on variousjoceaslons shows that he looks forward to the judgment of posterity and wishes it to be a favourable one . The leaving of the beaten track of his predecessors , and striking out a comprehensive , just , and humane policy with regard to Ireland , would be such a novelty as would go far towards securing that verdict in his favour .
The conduct of Mr . Smith O'Brikk in refusing to serve in English or Scotch Committees , which haa occupied so much of the time of Parliament this week , and which has ended in his being committed to the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms for contempt of the House , is looked upon by the English press aa mere popularity hunting and a morbid desire foe martyrdom . The member for Limerick is , we be « lieve , actuated by higher motives . . He despairs of wringing any really benefioial measure from parliament by ordinary means , and conscientiously be « lieves that by adopting this course he can mci 6
effectually force upon its attention , the wrongs of ha country . While Jupon this matter we cannot help noticing once more , what haa been often previously noticed , namely , the warm interest taken in any per * sonal matter such as this compared with that evince in measures of apolitical character . Oa the samfl evening that Mr . O'Brikh defied the authority of tha House of Commons , Mr . P . Scrofe asked leave to bring in a Bill for the reclamation oi waste lands ia Ireland . The House was filled during the personal discussion—" a beggarly account of empty" benches was the principal feature of the debate on the practical question . Of , the fen who remained to help to make "a House , ' . ' several were fast asleep , and the
sonorous snoring of one or two " honourable members" was so overpoweringly loud as to put the mover lomewhat out in his speech ! ' Wo admit that Mr . P . Scrope's oratory is not o £ the most attractive description ; but the obj'cfc he had in view , its applicability ; to the present wants and exigencies of Ireland , its capabilities of , supplying a home-employment , and comfort to tha pauperised masses of starving peasantry , whose woeg we mock with empty commisseration , ought t « have secured a better attendance and more attention . Is it wonderful , that with such facts before them , Irish members doubt the will of an English Parlia * ment to legislate justly and practically for their country ? -
The other matter of importance which , has occupied the attention » i the Commons this week , forma the subject of a separate article . ^ The debate , as well as the preliminary discussion , brought out , in | all its nakedness , the natural antagonism of the Malthusian economists to the rights « f labour . The very men who are crying out against the Irish members for obstructing the progress of the Corn Bill , impudently tried to prevent the House from entertaining the question of the partial emancipation of the factory slave , , " Broirn-bread Joseph , " whoge acquaintance with the working classes and of the practical
bearings of the Factory system , are of the most meagre and theoretical description ' , had the audacity to move the rejection of a measure recommended by Johk Fibldbn ! The hon . member for Oldham has all his life bean engaged in the Cotton Manufactures . He is now one of the largest employers in this country—and yet , it ia to the deliberately expressed opinion of such a man , baaed upon ample experience and guaranteed by the risk of his fortune oa the measure he proposes , that Mr . Hume ventures to oppose the sophisms and common . placea of a selfish , heartless , and exploded theory .
We must not interfere between' employer and employed , forsooth J " The maxima of political economy forbid it . They insist upon letting things alone . " We reply , that the dictates of morality , justice , and humanity , demand interference on behalf of the weak , when oppressed by the strong—of the poor , when trampled upon by the rich , The annals of the manufacturing system abound in instances of atrocity , caused by the almost irresponsible power which the peculiar circumstances of the occupation , and the large capital possessed by the masters , ia conjunction with this "Jetalone " system , give rise
to . One recent case of oppression of the meat unjustifiable and disgraceful description , we were , pre- vented from noticing at the time it was brought before Parliament by the representative . " of the labouring classes in the Legislature—Mr . Duncombe . We allude to the imprisonment for ten days cf six factory girls in Dundee , for the CRIME of asking for an advance of one halfpenny a day from their emplovers , the Messrs . Baxter . That this was the real crime there can be no doubt , bscause the pretext for the infliction of such a punishment—their being absent from their work for an afternoon is evidently a mere pretext , and nothing more . The pressure of other matter prevents us this week from
entering upon the details of this flagrant case of factory oppression and tyranny and the expression of the feelings of indignation which it excites , but we shall endeavour to treat it iully next week , inasmuch as it forcibly illustrates the necessity for that interference and watchfulness on the part of the government and the Legislature , which the advocates of the Factory Bill contend for , and the Leaguers resist aa an infraction of " sound principles . " These are merely fine words to eover the deformity of their allgrasping avarice ; the dust which th « y throw in the eyes of their dupes to blind them to the real nature of their insatiate thirst for wealth and the unscrupulous acts by which they . pursue their object .
There ought to be , and we hope there will be , no delay on the part of tho operatives and their representatives in speaking out upon this question . Now is their opportunity . The protectionists are waiting the chance of revenging themselves upon Pexi . ; they are no longer under his ; leadership . Causes of disunion aro not wanting on the opposition benches , while the most eminent members of the Whig party a re pledged to the principle of the Bill . Now , then , we repeat , is the time to " strike home . ' ^ The weak * ness and division of all parties is the strength of the factory cause . Let ua have the question honestly settled this time .
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Bolton . —The Chartists and Land Society Members , beg to inform their Mends Me Grath and Clark , that they did not receive their letters before Monday , April 27 th , it being sent to a pmon who has no connection whatever with the Land and Chaitist Association . All communications for the Chartist and Land Society Members , must be addressed to Edward Hodgkinaon , Squint-lane , Bradshaw-gate , Bolton . Tailobs' Protection Socihtt . —The address of the Secretary is J . W . Parker , Harrison's Coft ' ee House , St . John-9 treet , Manchester .
Geoboe Cavili ., SnEFfiELD . —The inquiry respecting the -St . Jctgo Gazette we cannot answer , but should recommend you to apply at Messrs . Simmonds and Ward , Foreign and Colonial News Agents , 6 , Barge-yard , Bucklersbury , London . J . Leach , Hyde . —We are much obliged to our eovrespondimt for his good opinion of the Star , but must declina inserting his letter , as we have already said sufficient concerning the labors' Conference . We hope that tie next conference will manage their reporting aftet & better fashioa ..
A Pf . ttx Ttbawt . — a . correspondent at Suenton Elements ,, near Nottinghani . ^ seuds us some pivrticulavs of the doings of a petty tyrant named Smith , Veeper o £ a publicJiouso , and " master" over a few frame-work knitters . By fraud and tyranny , this Smith caused a stsike- o £ the poor employed under . l » ' . nv j und they Uayintr
The Northern Star., Saturday, Mat 2, 1846.
THE NORTHERN STAR ., SATURDAY , MAT 2 , 1846 .
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THE TRADES' CONFERENCE . STRUCK OP TUB BUILDING TRADES . " There ' s nothing like leather . " AoAiNwctumto the all-important consideration of Labour ' s struggle for justice . We call especial attention to the advertisement of tho shocmakvw dismissed from Mv . KESDALL ' S empioy > amumncin * the cheering intelli gence that they have at length discovered the practical mode of meeting their nios-
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TAltLIAMENTARY REVIEW . Tub Irish Curfew Bill has not passed Us firatreading ut the time of our writing . The debate was again adjouvneil on Monday niglit , and is expected , whether correctly or not we cannot say , to be concluded on Friday night . Whether it will ever ad-
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 2, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1365/page/4/
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