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THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, MAT 16, 18i6.
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^ p^ri»_«jT3'*r"resasg»3Qg»3ff^ag;grrTi*T>i t» tr awge.n ^» ¦¦ LABOUR'S EMANCIPATION FROM CAPITALIST TYRANNY.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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" The -worldns classes must resolve no longer to be the slaves of liicir i-wu gains , but tu become £ : « ir own Masters . "— MlUiasi IfeiritU THE "STHOXG UOOT AXJ ) SHOE MAKERS , " in the cni ;> l' . > yinc : it of Mr . Kendall , of Drury-lane , < tc , were , by .-. Jifosi gr . - . ss exercise of the master power deprived yf tlirsr u < s . ii means ofcslsience , merely feccaose they declined assenting to sceh terms , dictated : to tlicni , under peculiar aggravatta ; circumstances , by Mr . Kendall , as none «" jcr than slaves or fools could aix-ede to . "Wrong au-i hi £ i : it will not , huwevcr , in this instance , triumph ' ;» vr j > er « .-cute < lli ; dustrv .
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EMIGRATION TO SOUTH AUSTRALIA . FKEE PASSAGE . THE UXDERSIOT 3 D ARE AUTHORISED BY HER MAJESTT'S COLONIAL LAND AND EMIGRATION COMMISSIONERS TO GRANT A FREE PASSAGE to tbe above eminently healthy and prosperous Colony , to married Agricultural labourers , Shepherds , Hale and Female Domestic and Farm Servants , Bricklayers , Carpenters . JIasons , Smiths , and JJincrs . The demand for Labour in South Australia is urgent , and is trell remunerated in wages , provisions , lodging , &c . All particulars will bs furnished on application , personally , or by letter , to JOHN MARSHALL & CO ., 26 , Kirchin-lane , London ; 70 , High-street , Southampton ; or at the Emigration Depot , Plymouth .
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A GOOD FIT VTARttANTED . UBSDELL AND CO ., Tailori , are now making up a complete Suit of Superfin * Black , any size , for £ 3 ; Superfine West of England Black , £ 3 10 s . ; and the Terj best Superfine Saxony , £ 5 , warranted not to spot or change colour . Juvenile Superfine Cloth Suits , 24 s . ; liveries equally cheap—at the Great Western Emporium , Kos . 1 and 2 , Oxford-street , Loudon ; the noted house for good black cloths , and patent made trousers . Gentlemen can choose the colour and quality of cloth from tbe large-. -, stock in Louden , be ar t of cutting taught .
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Prosecutors and Witnesses in cases of Felony and Misdemeanor from the Wapontakes of Staiucliffe and Eivcrcss , Claro , Ainsty , Agbrig , ? and IToriey , Shyrack Slid BarKstonasIl i "lust a « eal 1 tlie Session ? , at . Bradford ; and those from the Wapontakes of Straffurth and TickhMl , Osgoldcrossaud Staincross , being tbe remainder of tlie Vest Riding , must attend the Sessi < ns at Shctfikld . - C . - r-lioLEY , Clwk of the Peace . Cleft of flia Peaetfs Office , WakcfieM " 2-Stli iiiri ! - I 5 id
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TO 01 BA 8 COOPER . THE CHARTIST'S WORKS . To be had-of John Cleave , and all bookseller . , { Price One Shilling . ) TWO ORATIONS AGAINST TAKING AWAY HUMAN LJEE , _ UAUMilt . ANY CIRCUMSTANCES . "Mr . Cooper ' s ^ tj le is intensely clear and forcible ; it disp lays « ittit earnestness , and fine human sympathy ; and is i : * > die highest degree manly , plain , and vjgorous . Mr . -Cooper Jias evidently expended much Unit in self-cultivation , and is of a high and noble ordor of ntslltct . —Horning . Jcfoerliser . " Sure we are that llr . Cooper—much as he has already doue . to prove bis title to tbe admiration of his country men—has jitver yet done anything more honourable alake to his : character as a man and hi 3 reputation as a poet , thaiiithis large-hearted outpouring of the purest a ;; d most . heroic philosophy . "—Sentinel .
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THE PURGATORY OF SUICIDES . A Prison Rhvnie . In Ten Books . ( One ' Vol ., 7 s . 61 } 41 Ihe most wonderful effort of intellectual power produced within the last century . "—27 ie Britannia . " We must cordially eonfess that we have read the whole witS u feeling of uufeignedastoiusbment . " — -Kclectie Bevitv ) . " Tbe book possesses mind—mind which makes itself felt and understood , aud which , therefore , demands respeel . "—iHiaueum . " His lay i 6 for all time . It will make the heart of the hopeful glow with a holy fire when he who penned it lias passtd from among men . "— GeneralAdvertiser . " A work which will gain for its author a reputation as lasting , if not as ijrtat , as that of Byron , Speuser , and Milton . "— JCattizh Independent .
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WISE SAWS AND MODERN INSTANCES . ( TwoYols , 15 s . ) " A series of Crabhe-Iike sketches , in prose . They are manifest portraits , and admonish us of the author ' s ikill in taking the literal likeness , "—AVienceum . "They can scarcely fail to be popular with , 'the masses ; ' and , upon the whole , we thiuk they deserve to be so . " —Atlas . . . " Chartist as these sketches are , they are healthier , in t * De and sentiment , than the tawdry fictions vamped up for the reading public bv some popular writers , that profess to exhibit the life of the labouring classes . "The Britannia . "Many of the stories exhibit considerable vigour of pencil , shrewd sense , and clear-sighted observation , accompanied with a kindly , genial feeling and toleration , we were not prepared for from 80 determined a politician . "—Gfasjow Citizen .
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Also , just published , THE BARON'S YULE FEAST . A Christmas Rhyme . In Four Cantos . ( One Vol ., 5 s . ) " The most charming andfantastic feature in this little volume , with its right dainty title-page , is the exuberance , and , sooth to say . the appositeness of the different songs ehaunted round the ingle in Torksey Hall . Thomas Cooper's heart seems brimming over with this spontaneous poetry . The book altogether is an original : it is just suited for tbe _ winter ? s fireside , over a posset and cards . " —Suit . " Tbe Baron ' s Fule Feast" has fl genial spirit , various subjects , and a popular animated style . The poem i > tbe best of Mr . Cooper's productions . " — - Spectator . " We have not for a long time met with a volums o ) poetry that we could read through with half as much pleasure . "— CSurton ' s Literary Regitter .
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MORGTAGE AT THREE AND A-HALF PER CENT £ 30 , 000 , and possibly more if required , is ready to be advanced on Freehold Landed Security , in Eng land at the above rate of Interest Apply to Mr . Hewitt , Surveyor , 11 , Hart Street , Blooms bnry Square , London . It is requested no one will make application whose pro posed security is not of the first-rate description .
The Northern Star. Saturday, Mat 16, 18i6.
THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , MAT 16 , 18 i 6 .
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THE STRUGGLE . THE CONFERENCE .-THE STRIKE . The just require no letter defence of their cause , than the suicidal opposition of those who would maintain and uphold injustice by the weight of their position and the power of the appliances , unjustly and anomalously placed at their disposal . In support of this impregnable position , in confirmation of this indisputable fact , we cannot offer more conclusive proof than the manner in which the rampant and intolerant masters have admitted the justice of the claims of the building trades now on strike , while they pertinaciously resist compliance with those just
demands by the enforcement of a harsh , an arbitrary , and , indeed , an ILLEGAL CONDITION . Illegal , because it is the exercise of terror to compel the men to relinquish a LEGAL RIGHT . We learn from the proceedings of the 183 tyrants assembled at Newton , that the proposed National Combination of wealth , pewer , law , and injustice , has been rendered necessary , not to resist the time or wages terms proposed by the men , which they are ready to accede to , but that the combination is rendered necessary to detroy the legal title of the men to combine .
The men , aware of the effect of such a triumph as the voluntary confession of their own debasement and degradation would subsequently have upon the time and wages question , and feeling convinced that the first apparently insignificant yielding would be subsequently followed by more imperious demand ? , properly , and with becoming & S"&y > rejected the debasing terms . The men w . w and understood that the invitation to relinquish their National Protection Society was a bait to disband the national force , in order that the several sharp-shooters may pick up or pick off the disorganised and retreating enemy at will . The masters profess an anxious desire to arrange
and settle the question amicably , NOT FOR THEIR OWN CONVENIENCE , but for the benefit of the hands , to SPARE SOCIETY the inconvenience arising from the contest . And yet , in their accumulative dignity they reject the deputation of workingmen , without a knowledge of tho proposition they were about to make . They insolently tell them to commit their proposal to writing , and lest their proposal should put them more in the wrong , they dissolve ; meet to gormandize ; and return to their respective localities , with the insolent and supercilious reply , that , as the meeting had separated , no answer could be given . If we require stronger proofo f thejnasters' ulterior objects than that which we have already offered , it
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is furnished by this | inexplicableconduct . A hundred and eighty-flight master builders attend a public meeting for the performance of a duty from which they declare they would rather be relieved . Their consultation is rendered necessary by what they call the oppressive tyranny of the men . They , kind souls ! seek no advantage for themselves , they are actuated solely by consideration for the misguided men , and with a self-devotion and singleness of purpose , rare , if not unprecedented , in the order of capitalists , they merely interpose as mediators between the ' refractory idle and the
INCONVENIENCED PUBLIC . L « t us criticise them in this benign character , which they have assumed , and let us ask , if their object was RECONCILIATION , was it not their chief , their most urgent , indeed , tlieir only duty , to . hear tho proposition that the working-men were prepared to make , and was not the invitation to Bend that proposition in writing , a pledge to receive it and to consider it , whatever the response may be ; but , so far Fi'oni being actuated by a sense of justice , or even of propriety , they hurry the proceedings to a hasty conclusion , without condescending to discuss the proposition which the men were invited to
submit to the meeting . This proposition stated , that the building trades were ready to return to work upon the conditions agreed upon by the deputation of masters and men , held under the presidency of the Mayor of Manchester . What then becomes of the complaints of the masters as to the necessity imposed upon them to resist the unjust demands of tlieir workmen , and does not the acquioscence of the men to return to work « POI 1 tile terms agreed upon , dearly and undeniably
fasten upon the masters the crime of resisting wfiat is just , upon the condition that the men shall psrform an act not only of gross injustice to their body , but humiliating , degrading , and debasing to all who are slavish enough to comply . The advertising press may , and will , belch forth its venom against unprotected labour ; but we ask them how they can justly , reasonably , or even logically , denounce the combination of men , while they JUSTIFY , UPHOLD , and APPLAUD the combination of masters ?
The working classes are sometimes slow to see the causes which lead to results , and they may not yet have discovered , that the dread of a consolidated National Union was the sole cause that led to the acceptance of the time and wage terms . As we announced in last week ' s Star , it will be seen that the masters have no objection to LOCAL COMBINATIONS , against which they can successfully contend ; but that they have an inveterate hatred of a NATIONAL UNION , whose strength threatens insuperable resistance to their reducing powers .
From the same sources we learn , that the guesses of the Times , upon which we commented last week , were rather premature . That immaculate journal , whose columns are sanctified to truth , and whose pages are ever open to the complaint of the indigent and weak , assured us , that so many hundred out of those who struck had signed the degrading pledge and returned to work ; that so many hundred more had petitioned to be allowed to write themselves down as slaves ; that the firmness and resolution of the masters had cast terror , despondency , and dismay in the ranks of those whose day ' s idleness WAS
A DAY LOST TO THEMSELVES AND SOCIETY FOR EVER ; when lo , a contemporary , certainly not more remarkable for veracity or less inclined to plant a blow on labour's head , informs us , that of the 1700 joiners on strike at Manchester ,
ONLY SIX HAVE BEE > J INDUCED TO WRITE THEMSELVES DOWN AS WILLING SLAVES . We shall now proceed to analyse the suicidal document of the National Tyrant Association . Employers are no longer permitted to conduct their business as before—are no longer ahle to make arrangements with their own workmen—but have to submit to the most arbitrary innovations , ami the most dictatorial mauil . itp * nf the opntv . il committee of the union of trades .
The only answer to this is , masters , thank God , can no longer transport their hands , imprison them , beggar them , starve and murder them , under the i » uisft of law or mask of justice . Were not the combination laws repealed for the express purpose of allowing , nay of INVITING , unprotected labour to resist the protected tyranny of employers ? Is not the law , even in its present state , sufficiently stringent ? Have . not wealth , assumed justice , and representative power , sufficient odds and advantage o \ 'er unprotected labour ? And , although the law is now better assimilated to the wants and necessities
of the society that stands between masters and men , and which erer suffers from the tyranny of the one and from the weakness of the other ; yet , do we not find it strained on tho justice seat , perverted in the jury box , and violated upon the judgment throne ? Am ' , although the law says combine , is it not upon record that a Judge of the land assigned combination as n reason for TRANSPORTING colliers , whose punishment would otherwise have been but a short imprisonment , for a common assault ? Much of this address to which we are now referring was written with an ulterior object . It has before now undereone the consideration of the PUTATIVE FATHER of the MASTERS and SERVANTS BILL , and as we were the first to announce the advent of that monster , we now PROCLAIM UPON AS GOOD
AUTHORITY , THAT IT IS THE INTENTION OF THE HOME-SECRETARY ONCE MORE TO THROW THE SHIELD OF PROTECTION OVER CAPITAL , AND THAT HIS RESISTANCE , AND THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL'S RESISTANCE , TO MR . DUNCOMBE'S PROPOSED NEW FRIENDLY SOCIETIES BILL , was based upon this resolution , and offered with this intention .
Employers can no longer deal with their workmen in their individual capacity . The purchaser of hbour cannot agree upon terms with those who have labour to dispose of , because another party arrogantly steps in , and possessing an organised power without any recognised responsibility , interferes between both parties and die tates conditions which are as inimical to reason and justice ,-as they are in themselves cruel to the workmen and insulting to the master .
True , the masters can no longer deal tyrannically with their individual slaves . True , that their slaves have now relied upon the maturcr judgment of a governing body ; but it is not true that the men who are the governing body are IRRESPONSIBLE FOR THEIR ACTS—they are not only responsible to tho law , but they aro responsible to a tribunal whose power and whose justice the masters have never yet recognised , but before whose IMPERIAL NOD wealth , capital , usurped authority , and the law itself , ; MUST O 5 ? E DAY BEND . Labour has combined , and its combination has evinced its growing intelligence ; in its combination 13 manifested that dignity for which it . contends , and without the recognition of it those who luxuriate in its debasement would still revel on but for
its resolution to resist . The result has been , that in many places , rather than enter into a conflict with tho unions , contractors have had to submit to demands the . most arbitrary and humiliating . In some instances , the entire control and management of tlieir business have been taken out of tlieir hands , inflicting upon them heavy pecuniary losses , and in other cases involving contractors in absolute ruin , aud such has been the extent to which dictation has been carried , that firm and unyielding resistance has become t necessary duty , unless the order of things is to bo in . verted , and tha employer become the slave and the tool of the workman , directed as the latter is by a secret tribunal , which exists by forced contributions , which reigns by terms , and whose principles are repugnant to every notion of British liberty ,
FALSE , The decrees of the association are not tyrannical ; its decrees iare not sustained by forced contributions ; while , if it has inverted that unnatural order of things which compelled the FA KENTLABOUR to submit to tho harsh decrees of its ofiapring—CAPITAL , it has but practically brought into operation the benign and holy injunction of the fifth
commandment" HONOUR THY FATHER AND THY MOTHER . " Have we not here the insolent admission that the old order of things wv . s the cringing of the parent to the child , the prostitution of jalljnanly feeling to necessity , injustice , and caorice ?
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They desire to place on record the fact that no attempt has been made by them to reduce wagei , to increase the hotus of labour , or toabridge the privileges of the operative classes . On the contrary wages have been advanced , die . hours of labour have been lessened , and the workmen have their privileges increased , by the concession of minor points which have only caused a pecuniary sacrifice on the part of the masters . Oh most sanctified , most unblushing falsehood ! Have you not hovered over your prey like the pitching hawk ? j [ . Have you not soared above your natural position , and out of your legitimate element ? Have
you not jumped from your clogs into Spanish leather boots ., from fustian into broad cloth ? from the taxed cart into yourcarringe , from thelind intoyOUrgOVgeouS Hftloon ? and landed from the cold flag and rustic chair upon the Turkey carpet and easy couch by your filcbings from labour , your restrictions of comfort , your abridgment of amusements , and your parintf down of wages ? In proof whereof cannot your class sustain [ a -struggle in IDLENESS , which is starv « ition and all but death . . to those upon whose industry you have lived , and by the abridgment of whose rights you have unjustly accumulated hoards of wealth .
The association is founded for self-defence , and if it has to take up an aggressive position , it will be forced to ( Jo so by the acts of the operative unions ; and , under such , circumstances , its members will be prepared to act in unison and with vigour . The association is founded upon aggressive not upon protective principles , and it will cvinco no vigour , no resolution , no strength that shall not be met by equal vigour , resolution and strength upon the part of associated labour . Nay , BRAVE AND CONFIDENT TYRANTS , we tell you to your boards that the hour lias come when labour hag
commenced its battle in earnest ; we have long laboured to unite it in this holy struggle ; its potency is , as you are obliged to confess upon every passing breeze , the very aiv is redolent ot its sighs of wrong , it * songs of liberty , and its resolution to be free ; the warm breath of indignation wafts this noble resolution to every hamlet , town , and village . It erects its standard in every resting-place throughout the known world . It hag justice upon its side , because its battle is for simple right . It is the struggle of newly acquired knowledge against exploded ignorance , of justice against injustice , of right against might , of freedom against oppression and misrule .
That a committee be now formed , for the purpose of drawing up rales and mak ' ng arrangements for the extension nnd consolidation of the association ' ; and that such committee shall have power to nppoinc a secretary who shall be a solicitor of standing in his profession ; and to call in his aid in theformation of the laws by which the association shall be governed . And that the association "SHALL HAVE
POWER TO APPOINT A SECRETARY WHO SHALL BE AN ATTORNEY . " Aye , when " Giwk meets Greek then comes the tug of war . " Yes , brave gentlemen , strong in your long purses , and confident in the mazes and labyrinths of your own mysterious laws , if you drive labour from the open battle-field into the law ' s "cock-pit , " we'lKmeetyou there , and beat you too upon your own chosen ground . The law is a game that the people have recently learned that two can play at , and ( your co-tyrants underground have been taught a lesson which those upon earth may be compelled to understand .
-We conclude our comments on this unnatural warfare by the repetition of our hopes that the forthcoming Conference will consist of men of nerve , men of judgment , men of thought , and men * of courage ; men who in ercry way will have sight to see what promises to be the result of the straggle ; men who will not abandon the ' vantage ground that the scattered forces " of struggling labour have so nobly achieved for their class . Every delegate entering that Conference should be QUALIFIED by a handsome contribution frem the trade he represents to go in aid of those who have so nobly maintained the struggle . Agtiin we ask for the programme ; again we tell the directing body that the government of the capitalist is waiting the result of this Conference to decide as to whether or not there is safety in the introduction of another and more stringent
MASTERS AND SERVANTS' BILL . We cannot close our observations without holding up the spirited ' conduct of the trades of Dunrobin Castle as an example worthy of imitation , and in compliance with whose manly appeal we cheerfully publish their letter . It will he seen that they court no secrecy , but that ,. ; the contrary , they request publication of tlieir name 3 , as hearty volunteers in the cause of Labour — a request for which we thank them , and with which we cheerfully comply . ; rejoicing that our humble endeavours in last week ' s Star to place the struggle in its proper light has been productive of such a generous response—a responac which we trust w 11 be imitated throughout . the length and breadth of the laud . Dunrobin C . ' istle , Hay 9 th , 1846 .
Sin , In troubling you at present witn this our enclosed mite for romlssion in support of the turn outs u ttoebuHuing trades of Liverpool ami BirUcnheail , we are well aware that we are taxing yoar already over-tired exertions in our ( the oppressed working classes ) behalf , yet , relying on your good will towards us , as we hope vou will excuse us when we inform you th . it wv liare no other alternative left us , we not having the uddress of the parties with wlium we thus sympathise , and having seen by the Liverpool Mercury that our present employers have been sympathising with tlie
wouldbe tyrants , as also invoking tlie interference of government , find it our bounilen duty to do tlie same in behalf of oui tyrannised fellow-workmen . Although we are hot members of any union , still we hope the day is drawing nigh when each working man will feel himself aggrieved at the maltreating of his meanest brother ; and should you deem this note worth its roem in our own paper i and that it would be an inducement to other localities to go and do likewise , it would tnucli oblige the undersigned masons , < te ., at Dunrobin Castle , by it ? insertion .
s . d . s . d . Geo . Allan , mason - 3 0 J ames Forsyth --10 Qeo . Largne , blaiksraith 2 0 Robert Wilcox .-10 Robert Ross , mason- 2 0 William M'lood - -10 John Greenhill - - 2 0 Adam Morrison --10 ¦ William Goodfellow - 1 0 Charles Campbell -10 Alexander Storm- - 1 0 John Fraser ---10 John Henderson - - 1 0 William Gunn- -. 10 Alexander M'Intosh- 1 0 Adam Ross -.-10 Joseph Falconer - - 1 0 Robert Ferguson- -10 Alexander Campbell- 1 0 William Wilson -. 10 John Davidson - - 1 0 Alexander M'Gilvary 1 0 John Logan ... 1 0 Ilugh Murray ... 10 JolinBurnet - - - 2 0 Alexander Sutherland 1 0 James Martin- - - 1 0 Joseph M'Leod -. 10 William Wilkio - - 1 0 Alexander Murray - 10
Donald Munro - - 1 0 James Bowie ---10 Jjraes Storni - - - 1 0 Alexander Reach- -10 William Smith .-10 Oeoi'goWheir- --10 Daniel M'Kcnzie - - 1 0 Alexander Murray -10 JniiK-sJuck ... 1 0 William Grant .. 10 David Ross - - - 1 0 Donald Sutherland -10 Robert M'Beath - - 1 0 Robert Sutherland . 10 Hugh Falkoher - - 1 0 Peter Dumbrock - -10 Thomas Campbell - 1 0 William Smart .-10 Alexander Alexander _ I 0 William dimming -10 John Falconer- - - ' 1 0 Robert Mellis - - - 0 G David Sinclair- - - 1 0 Robert Jenkins --10 Donald M'Lean - - 1 0 William Anderson « 1 0 Laug liliu Gordon- - 1 0 James Cuinmiug -10 John Sutherland . 1 0 Jolinlihind - - - 1 0 Henry Grant - - - 1 0 Gilbert Ross ---10 . Tolin Menrns - - - 1 0 Robert Matheson- -10
£ 3 10 0 Deduct for Ordc-r 00 G Amount remitted £ S 0 G To F . O'Connor , Esq . Geo . Allah . There—we say to all who arc ranged upon the side of struggling labour— " do likewise , " ami the triumph is yours .
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We cannot forego the plcasi r . 3 of adding the following letter since received . Please to insert Tins ix tiie Stab , Leicester . —The joiners from seven shops in this tomi met on Saturday night , at the Pelican , when I in-/ raduced last week ' s Star , and after reading the Trades ' Movement , and especially the strike of th « building trade * of Mtnclioitcr , the meetine cheerfully subscribed hi 18 s . tor the men on strike , and farther agreed to make , a weekly subscription and to solicit tho building trades generally to co-operate . with us , to assist our Manchester brethren m tlieir present struggle for the rights of labour , and we elected a committee of nine to adopt such means as will render lbs men the utmost assistance as long as ite strike continues , Z . ABTELL , JolNEB .
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— - ¦—¦¦ ¦ ' , ——^______ THE HEART OF ERIN . Bounding beyond the narrow limits within which ordinary ptageology circumscribes the policy , the objects and tactics of party , the consideration of THE O'BRIEN ease invites us into the more extensive field of argument ; induces us to fling policy and tactics to tho wind , and to measure it in all its bearings by thestandard of principle . When one of tho community ia oppressed , tlie whole of society is insulted , and if the injury is not , •¦*¦« ¦ a v v h ¦« - ^» . _
avenged , society suffers from its own tame submission to wrong . In the practical carrying out of this just principle , it behoves society well to inquire , strictly to investigate , and jealously to examine what has been the offence of the accused , what the consequence of tlie act to society is likely to be ; if " injurious to punish him , and if not to spare society that damage , which ever results from injustice , although but practised upon an individual .
In tin ' s vieiv , and without ah all strengthening our case by the peculiar position in which society , under most peculiar circumstances , ' placed O'Bmen , let us consider whether he lias committed an act for wliith . society could suffer damage , or , upon the contrary , whether from his act society is not likely to be tlie gainer . We confess .. that we owe an apology to society , and especially to Ireland , for this logical , this hair-splitting method of dealing with our subject . While our own feelings , our own just indignation , would lead us into a very different line of argument , we nevertheless calculate upon the damage that orerzeal may inflict upon a cause , to the advocacy of whieh O'Bmex ' s present position may add incalculable strength . The speech of Mr . Alexander
Me Oinrar , member for the City ot Cork , was a poem ; it traced Irish wrongs and her submission , but not her surrender , from the earliest period of Saxon usurpation down to the moment when he , one of her spared race , stood upon the Saxon floor denouncing English injustice ; but in his person proclaiming Irish vitality and Irish resolution , to struggle not only against the perpetuation of wrong , but for the restoration of usurped rights . Who could read the page of Ireland ' s poetic history as unfolded by the honourable member , without coming to the conclusion that for centuries the cause of war had existed between the two countries , and that Ireland but sought tlie fitting opportunity of throwing off the chains that galled her , the rivets that bound her , the laws that coerced her . And who had led and trained
the poet and young Ireland to these national conceptions ? Who had been most vigilant in watching and proclaiming Saxon embarrassment , and Ireland ' s opportunity ? Who had invited the Irish to sole reliance upon tlieir own strength , tlieir own energy , and their own appliances ? Who had described-the Saxon Senate House as a place unfitted for the discussion of Irish grievances , and the Saxon parlia * ment as an assembly incapable ,, because unwilling , to do justice to Ireland ? Who had marshalled the mind of Ireland for the
very warfare that The O Brien has waged against her Saxon oppressors ? Who considered himself more powerful in the dungeon than in the field of action ? And upon whose energy , whose courage , and devotion , did he rely for the support of Ireland ' s cause , while he was he'd within the meshes of the Saxon law ? It was the Liberator , and now how changed the scene . Now we behold the willing volunteer , the self-devoted , the sacrificed martyr , dragged like a common felon by a Saxon tipstaff from amid his Irish associates , and lodged without a struggle in a Saxon dungeon .
We throw away our caution . We fling prudence , philosophy , and logic to the winds , and instead of calling the Saxon part of the House tyrants we can designate the Irish section as nothing less than traitors . Now , . after a fortnight's suffering , we ask what has O'Brien done that is calculated to inflict an injury upon Ireland or upon society ? lie has acted in compliance with his leader's admonition . lie has acted in accordance with the proud feelings cf an insulted foreigner struggling for his country ' s regeneration . IIg has acted in strict accordance with his country's command—in strict compliance with his country ' s necessity . And for this , the man who justly reigns in the hearts of his countrymen , is a dungeoned victim in tho stranger ' s land .
Neverthelcss let Ireland be of good heart ; trifling circumstances , circumstances more insignificant than the incarceration of one of her chiefs , have led to important results aforetime , and may again . And as we write with more independent feelings because lesstramelled than , our Irish contemporaries , it becomes our duty to improve this ,.. Ireland ' s opportunity , and to make the insult recoil upon her oppressors' head . I To this end we have anxiously scanned the tone of I the Irish press , and we rejoice to find that it , like the Irish , but sought tlie opportunity of
transforming a trafficking agitation into profitable organization . Still we see a delicacy , and not an unnatural one , which stands in the way of those who have been crimped into an unwilling service and used for unprofitable warfare . We tell these guardians of Ireland's rights , these sentinels in Ireland's battle , that approval of O'Brien does not mean censure of O'Connell—that delicacy to one is not only injustice to the other , but treason to tlieir country . The question is between Ireland
and her oppressors , between right and wrong . If Ireland is right , O'Jkicn is right ; and if O'Brien is right the valiant ' 82 club , that is the House of Com * mons section of it , is wrong for having tamely submitted to the indignity offered Ireland through O ' Brien , Oh , quoth prudence , would you hare them revolt ? or what would you have them to do ? We answer , something , leaving to the chapter of accidents what that something may result in ; but certainly not to have allowed the leader of the opposisition to Ireland ' s Imprisonment Bill to be made the Ticti'ii to their loader ' s subservient policv .
The time has now eome when the improved mind of man is prepared to hear truths without fear of giving offence , and to that end it becomes our duty , and a painful one it is , to analyse the history of Ireland for the last sixteen years , commencing with the period of 1831 , when the Tithe agitation was fostered as an auxiliary in the battle for Whig reform . In that year Ireland had virtually , if not actually , abolished Tithes . Her legitimate frenzy , roused to madness by Protestant ascendancy and clerical injustice , [ had proclaimed that Ireland ' s HATRED OF TITHES SHOULD BE AS LASTING AS
HER LOVE OF JUSTICE . The means of abolition was complete , because the Catholic mind was united . A sufficient number of martyrs had been made , who cheerfully suffered in Ireland's straggle . Lord Plunkett lisped a word of hope in the Lords , and the Liberator disbanded the anti-tithe army . His desertion was the signal for Saxon vengeance , and wo , amongst others , stood at the bar of justice for rendering obedience to his will . In 1 S 32 , Ireland made such a manifestation of her strength , through
her newly-acquired electoral power , as astonished the world , and would have secured her complete independence had it not been for the desertion of her leader . The Catholic tenantry resisted all intimidation , and offered their every interest and every comfort , a willing sacrifice at the shrine of Irish liberty . Thousands wore ejected from their little holdings , but still held last by the promised protection of do mestic government and release from Protestant tyran ny .
WE WE HE FORTY-TWO . In 1833 we met tho Saxon parliament , and made mighty battle against the tyrant majority . Ireland aware of our numerical weakness , felt confident in our union , our courage , and our resolution . We had owe and nil pledged nur lives , if" necessary , to those who were ready to sacrifice theirs for the acquirement of our power . This was the first parliamentary power placed at the Liberator ' s disposal . During lht > session ho coquetted with every question , am ! would have damped tho rising hope of Ireland by abandoning tho repeal , lie juggled with minister * upon the Tithe question , and offered to sacrifice tin people fur the benefit ot' the landlord * . His poliej was not Ift interfere hi uny English or Scokh quo ?
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t ' on , or any Irish question but the Repeal , and NOT TO MENTION THAT . In 1834 , again , he coquetted with the government upon the Tithe question , and overruled the resolu . tions of repeated majbritie ' s of the' Irish members In , 1834 we had the debate upon the repeal , and although defeated , as was anticipated , Ireland ' s case was proclaimed to the world , and the facts and e ! o » quence of her advocates administered " comfortable hope to Ireland . After our defeat we carried Dungarvan by storm . In 1835 , after our defeat at the general election , Ireland affirmed her previous resolve by the return of her little band b y larger ma . jorities , and , undismayed , she yet hoped on . In 1835 ,
*^^^*^^^^^^—COERCION WAS A BOON TO IRELAND . Ireland wanted a Corporation Bill that menials might fatten on the plunder . The English bill was to have been the text for Ireland ; the Lords damaged the Bill in their House , and Doir-inick Ronayne , member for Clonmel , gave notice of a motion which would have tested the Whigs , but , 5 n his own language , O'Connell forced him to withdrawn it . In 1 S 36 , the Liberator in his letters to Lord Duncannon , advertised to barter Ireland for patronage . In 183 T the little band of . Repealers was reduccd ' to comparative insignificance by the truckling policy of sinking Repeal at the general election in erder to gite strength to the Whigs . From that period to
1839 , the question ef Repeal was placed in abeyance , lest its agitatioD might embarrass the Whig g 6 vernment . Seats held in trust for Ireland were bartered for patent places . Christopher Fitzsimon , the sonin-law of Mr . O'Connell , Sir Nicholas Fitzsimon , Morgan O'Connell , the Liberator ' s son , Charieg O'ConncI' , the Liberator ' s cousin , William Finn , the Liberator ' s brother-in law , O'Dwyer , the member for Drogheda , with many others , were transformed from Irish Repealers into Saxon place-holders ; and thus , nrliile Ireland was told that the House of Commonswas the place to fight her battles , her means of struggle were annually diminished , until at length there ii but the shadow of the parly left to struggle against her oppressors .
In 1 S 39 , when the English people hoped to unite their Irish brethren in a struggle for the liberty of both countries , THE FRIEND OF FREEDOM offered to place FIVE HUNDRED THOUSAND FIGHTING IRISHMEN at the disposal of the "BASE , BLOODY , AND BRUTAL WI 1 IGS " for the overthrow of English Chartism . But , thank God , it has lived and beaten both—the Wnigs out of office , and the Liberator out of favour . It was a handful of raw Irish boys under Sergeant Daly , an Iriskman , that shot down the valiant Shell and others at Newport in tlieir struggle for liberty .
In 1840 , the Whigs got weak , and again the standard of Repeal was raised , and again became powerful . In 1841 , Ireland had another opportunity of registering her determination to be free , but the voice of Repeal was stifled at the general election by the truckling policy of " Keep the Tories out . " From 1841 to the present hour , the same description of effeminate vacillating policy has been pursued in the Irish councils , oscillating between Repeal and Federalism , between Catholic strength and Orange co-operation , between Whigs and Tories , Ireland and her oppressors .
We have had the year when the repeal was to eome , ' as sure as yonder sun would set , ' we have had the clinching year , we have had the preliminary year of tranquillity , we have had the now it is coming year , we have had twelve years since repeal was mentioned in the house , and in the twelfth year , as a reward of Irish devotion , Irish confidence , and Irish , prodigal generosity , in return for all the suffering , for all the broken hearts , and nearly a million of money paid to the Liberator and his staff within that period , we have ejected tenants mourning the want of protection , we have unwilling emigrants leaving the land an unpeopled wilderness , flocking in thousands and tens of tinmsaiids from their native shores to bid
a-. lieu to fatherland in despair after life's struggle of seeing the hope that they have paid for realized . We have seen the affirmed opinion of a nation submitted for reversal to a paid committee . "We hare seen opportunity after opportunity allowed to slip away . We have heard of the proffered co-operation of Irish bone and Irish siuew to fight against the American Republic if the promise of justice shall only be made . We have heard of the " glorious , pious , and immortal memory ' - " of the great ami good King William being drunk by the Liberator , in the Boyne water once red with the blood of his slaughtered countrymen . And after the possession of so much power for so long a time , we turn to the Statute Boole and look in vain for an act or a clause
emanating from the Liboratorcalenlated to confer one single benefit upon the Irish people . Here then is a catalogue of omission and commission . Here is a million of money paid . Here is a nation , the bravest and most devoted upon earth , and after sixteen years of struggle and suffering her reward is a desolated land , made a wilderness by tho expatriation of thousands and tens of thousands , and the incarceration of the lineal descendant of that race of Irish Kings , in whose blood , as M'Carthy told the house , ran , and in whose breast still beat , the strongest aspirations for the restoration of his country ' s rights .
" ¥ ct , notwithstanding this mournful catalogue , Ireland must not despair . The elements of regeneration are in her , she requires but thoir- propel 1 -direction—not the direction in which a prostitute pilot , or a time-serving pacificator , or a knot of hirelings would ; lead her , but to t ' nat point to which her aspirations lend—to that goal to which , her longing mind has been so long and so anxiously directed . Honour to the city of the violated treaty , her sons have spoken out like Irishmen ! Honour to the R - peal press ! Honour to Young Ireland ; and honour to the Irish people : thev have administered comfort to
the captive ; they have hurled their indignation against his oppressors ; and their language , though cloaked and guarded , says , " O'BRIEN . THE HOUR HAS COME ! Ireland , though long juggled , is now with you . Your mind is Irish , your heart is Irisk , your thoughts are Irish , and your hands are clean and unpolluted by the price of your country ' s degradation . If you hesitate you are lost . Through you Ireland expects her redemption . You are upon the verge of a great abyss—your hesitation alone can plui'igc you into its depth . Throimh you such an
alliance may be formed as will ensure your country ' s greatness and an immortality to yourself not less enviable than that which belongs to him whose honoured name you bear . O'Biuex , you must call round you men of character , devotion , and courage ; men who prefer Ire / and to all the world besides ; men who will neither sell her rights , nor tarnish their owu fame . Do this , and you swim upon the easy current of flowing popular opinion ; hesitate , and you sink to rise no move !"
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . The old stereotyped arguments for and agaius Free Trade have occupied the collective wisdom in the early part of the week . On Wednesday the adjonrued debate on the Ten Hours' Bill was resumed , and we confess that the arguments used by the iVicndi of that measure , and the sophistry with which they were met by their opponents , lead us to strongly hone for a favourable result . Tlie great length at which we have reported proceedings connected with the Trades Movement , and the copious report we have given of the debate , forbids and venders \ inne » ces-ary any further comment for the present than a strong recommendation to the toiling class to read and judge for thermclVcs .
While we honour 0 'Brans for Ws sturdy stand \ gaiust his country ' s enemies , we do not desire to -. ee their triumpU . inacniued by lus prolonged intarccr lion ; and the mode of lessening the value ot ihe Srtxon victory is by accepting the Chiltem Hundreds , throwing himsulf once more upon his generous constituents , and abandoning , and J ' or ( ver , A contest for Irish liberty in a Saxon Parliament . Ireland will receive him , and know how to appreciate him .
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THE NORTHERN STAR . May 16 1846 * ^^^ M ^^ J ^^^^^^^^^^^ IBM- ii m—— - ~—^^—~^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 1 ^^^^^^^^^ : .
^ P^Ri»_«Jt3'*R"Resasg»3qg»3ff^Ag;Grrti*T≫I T» Tr Awge.N ^» ¦¦ Labour's Emancipation From Capitalist Tyranny.
^ p ^ ri »_« jT 3 ' * r"resasg » 3 Qg » 3 ff ^ ag ; grrTi * T > i t » tr awge . n ^» ¦¦ LABOUR'S EMANCIPATION FROM CAPITALIST TYRANNY .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 16, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1366/page/4/
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