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Co £?aim-g & corns^oioiwttflf*
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THE JNiORXHERN STArt. SATUUDAV, MAY 23. 1SJS.
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'W'orksconitanflyonStlost tf OBLV CLBATfi'S, Shoe lint, Pleat Stre;t.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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OH SATUKDAY , MAY 9 tb , will be Re-issued No . 1 , price OSE PEN 1 TY , of THBRESB DTOYVEB , or , the MASOE HOUSE of TREFT HARLBY . "This is without exception Sue ' s best work . "— National The above Tf ork will te complete in Fifteen Numbers or inWrapperIs . 6 d . cloth 2 s . 6 a , with Kumber 1 . is g ivea a beautifal Wrapper .
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A GOOD FIT WARRANTED . U BSDELL AND CO ., Tailors , are now making up a complete iuU oi Sujwrfins Black , any size , lbr £ 3 ; Superfine West of England -Black , £ i 10 =. ; and the Terv best Superiino Saxony , £ 5 , warranted not to spat or change colour . Juvenile Superfine Cloth Suite , 24 s . ; liveries equally cheap—at ihu Great Western Emporium , Hos . 1 ana 2 , Oxford-street , London ; the noted bouse for good blackdoths , and pateat made trousers . Gentlemen can choose the colour and quality of cloth from the largest stock inLoadon . he ar £ oi cutting taught .
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THOMAS COOPS * . THE c » « - wobks * n . i - » . j nf John Cleave , and all booksellers . Tobehad ofJ ^^ ^ mi ^ j Tw 0 ORATIONS AGAINST T AKING- AWAY HUMAN LIFE ,
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" lie wields an intellect of mighty power . We shall not halt in asserting that in the catalogue of England ' s greatest bards must hereafter be inscribed the name of Thomas Coops * . "— Sheffield Iris . " One of those rare works which appear at but distant intervals of time . It proclaims the author to be gifted with Hie spirit of poetry in the highest degree . " —Leiceuerthire Mercury . " TUe whole work is one which must impress the reader with the conviction that Cooper , the Chartist , is a man of lofty genius , and must and will be remembered with his land ' s language . "—Boston Herald .
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WISE SAWS AND MODERN INSTANCES . ( Two Vols , 15 s . ) " A series of Crabae-like sketches , in prose . Tbey are manifest portraits , and admonish us of the author ' s skill in taking the literal likeness , "— AVtenanan . " They can scarcely fail to be popular with 'the masses ; ' and , upon the whole , we think they deserve to be so . "—Atlas . . " Chartist as these sketches are , they are healthier , m t * DC and sentiment , tliau the tawdry fictions vamped up for the reaaiug public b , v some popular writsrs , that profess to exhibit the life of the labouring classes . "Tke Britannia . "Many of the stories exhibit considerable vigour of pencil , shrewd sense , and clear-sighted observation , accompanied with : i kindly , genial feeling and toleration , ! ve were not prepared for from so determined a politician . "— Glasgow Citizen .
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" The man who can write such exquisite stems as this little volume abounds with , m : iy , ami ! ie Kill , cane out for himself a name r . s enduring as the language in which iic pt-n ^ the ' thoughts chat bresithe , uu-3 words that burn . ' Altog'ftlier , this is the best Christmas book ive have yet seen . "— Ceieesttr Journal . YvbMshoA \> - j Ja ' uiniah How , 20 » , riccadiliy .
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TO TAILORS . No-. v ready , milE LONDON * anil i'AiilS SPRING and SUMMER JL i- 'ASiliONS , for 1 S 4 G . By approbation of her Majesty Queen Victvria , am ! his lloyal Highness l'rinc ,-Albert , " splendidly coloured print , beautifully esecuttu , published by BENJAMIN READ and Co ., 12 , nart-! treet , Bioomsbury-square , London ; ami G . Beijfer , Holywell-street , Strand , London . Sold by the publishers and all booksellers , wheresoever residing . This superb Print will be accompanied with full size Eiding Dress and Frock Coat patterns , a complete pattern of the new
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ON SATURDAY , MAY THE 30 th , will appear the First A ' umber of KAliOVUS ' AliVOCAiM , AND TUADES * V / EEKIA" HEGISTEH , price Two Pence . To be hail of all JJoofcseilers and News Agents in the Kingdom . Ouk-e for Advertisements , & <• . 22 , Fetter Lane , London . K . 15 . All Communications to ha addressed , tu the Editor , as above . Vf oriiilig Men ! give your orders immediately : ! i r -im —nm-T * v-rrr * -5 n'a * ffBTT ' ^ ' - ' - *'* "'* y lfP * * J"wg- * ^ " ^* >^ -f < i ^ g nm
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PORTRAIT OF Mr . O'lilGGIMS . We refer to the letter nf Mr . Rider as tlie guide for agents to order the channel through which their portraits shall be scut . The portraits arc now ready for delivery , and will be given the first week in June to subscriber oniy . I ' nco of Paper and Portrait Sevxx Pbscjs .
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THE STRUGGLE . THE GOIsFEilENUii . —TiiJE STRIKE . Not only from England and Scotland , but from Ireland as veil , to continue to receive tha most grateful and . LTiilitying thinks for the manner iu which we have brought labour's question to bear upon ills nihiil of tho industrious classes , and if we have not grossly deceived ourselves and egregious !)'
miscalculated upon tha machinery with which labour ' s battle U to bo fought , we can come to no other conclusion than that thu firmness of her sons will insure ilia triumph of their order . If the venal , t ' ue corrupt and profligate press of the country devoted but a titlm of that space which it devotes to t ' ue unjust cause of capital to the meritorious side of the question , the struggle would be start and decisive , but wlicn WC re ad such rampant , ' rabid , blustering , swaggering nonsense as that indulged in by the Dispauhoi Sunday last , followed by an article ia the Times of Monday , and which we haye printed
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elsewhere at full length , we ' confess that we enter tain but slight hope of assistance or even justice from the press of England . It is well , however , that the working classes should hear both aides of the question , and it is with that view that we have reprinted The Times article at length , and , in the absence of all other evidence * upon that article alone we undertake to establish the innocence of our clients and the justice of their cause , while from its tone we may reasonably deduce their prospect of success . The Times , after a tortuous construction as to what the law would consider
conspiracy , and after stating in the outset that the Central Association is an illegal body , is drawn to the confession at last that its objects are legal , but that the confession of their legality , that is their reliance upon legal means , alone constitutes the illegality of the Association . This is reasoning more absurd than ever was before ventured upon by the rawest schoolboy . But , shifting the argument from the Centra Association to the sectional strike , The Times selects some things that those on strike have done , and some things that they may yet do , as proof of the illegality of the Central Association ,
The writer did not see that we contended for tie necessity of the Central . National Association for the express purpose of keeping all sectional movements witbin the strict limits of the law , and thus has the Thunderer unintentionally acknowledged the necessity and the value of the Central Association , while no attempt has been made to show the necessity or the value of a combination of the tyrant masters . There is not a single argument urged against labour ' s combination that does not tell powerfully against the master ' s combination , and yet this defender of labour ' s rights has no difficulty In seeing ike beam ia labour ' s
eye , while its vision is too obscure to see the mote in that of capital . We presume that few working men will have perused the article in the Times without coming to the conclusion that it ia a government feeler—to ascertain how far the strong government with its reckleBsHome Secretary may experimentalize upon the few remaining rights and privilegos-of the working classes . Again we remind labour that wo were the first to announce the coming of the projected Masters' and Servants' Bill , and that we are now the first to announce the coming of a much more Terrific Mossier .
We have already staled that its advent is only postponed until the objects of the United Trades shall be fully developed in the forthcoming Conference . And it ia in order that the delegates should be prepared for such a result , and that they should protect their great leader against the charge of being associated with an illegal body , or a body , though Jogal iu itself , having recourse to illegal means to carry out its objects , that we would impress upon the minds of the delegates the necessity of courage tempered with proper caution—that we would remind every man who rises to speak , that when the battle is transferred to the "cock pit" of the capitalists ,
where the " MAIN" of labour must be fought , the more unfettered .-ind untrammelled and unassailable their champion is , the more successful will be be in the advocacy of their cause . We learn from the press gang that the combination of the masters goes bravely on—indeed , there is nothing to impede them in then * progress , while there is everything to inspire them with couStlcnce . They have money , as the Dispatch triumphantly tells us , to Jive in idleness nnd security , while the men must pine in uncertainty , They have law to protect them , and whore it appears weak they have law makers of their own seieciion ready to strengthen their hands .
Nevertheless they evidently see a danger in the combination of liie men to overcome which they will ultimately be compelled to appeal to the legislature for powers BEYOND THE ORDINARY LAW , A ? we anticipated , the ' jlabour force has neither been apathetic or unwatchiul , for it will be seen from the cheering and magnanimous resolution of the members of the Leicester Chartist Cooperative Land Society , that solicitude abaut a project which it vf . is supposed would numb all
political feelings has not prevented them from rendering thoir mite to aid in labour ' s struggle ; so that what in the outset appeared to be the cause of a binglc trade , has by the tyranny of tl : c masters been converted into a national labour struggle . The men , as we anticipated , have remained lira ? , they have boldiy performed their duty , and it now remains with their representatives and the governing body to . give confidence to the soldiers who have so bravely suffered in the cause of their order .
On Sunday week , tfi ' e 31 st of May , Labour ' s Champion , the member for Finsbury , will arrive at Manchester . On Monday t ' . ie 1 st of June , labour ' s parliament will be opened under his auspices , nnd , however lightly the actors in this great drama may look upon their respective parts , we tell them that not only are the eyes of the civilised world upon them , but that upon their deliberations may depend t ' . ie peace of the world , but certainly the happiness oj the labouring classes . From the accounts that we receive from all parts of the kingdom we have reason to anticipate not only a large but independent representation of the Trades , virile the importance attached to their proceedings by their enemies and
the government will ensure for thoir cause an amount of circuliitluii which undoi no other- oii'iiumstftiices could they have insured . Having then so long and so boldly resisted the ksolent conditions proposed by their tyrant masters , we have only to congratulate the bnvre sufferers upon the aid now so near at hand , : \ ndto assure them , that , however the servile press , supported by their calumniators may burke or misrepresent their feelings , our columns at least shall be devoted to the fullest representation and to the unbiassed criticism of thoir proceedings . The men nave fought a glorious struggle , and again we say to their representatives and governing body , "Upon you depends the issue of this great struggle . "
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' The question of Free Trade has been elaborately discussed for years in the House of Commons , on the hustings , and the platform , and the threadbare arguments have been repeated ' , ae ? *^ w ^ throughout * the present controversy , while we assert , broadly and without fear of refutation , that , with the exception of-Mr . D'Jsraeli ' s speech last Saturday morning ; tin working man ' s Bide of the question has never been even hinted at in the bouse , while in that speech wo recognize an able and convincing confirmation of every shape and form in which for years we have placed the question before our readers , and
however the defenders of inconsistency and " so forth" may attempt to evade argument , in a maudlin sympathy for a defenceless minister and an assumed r eprobation of glowing and not unmerited sarcasm which towered above their imagination , thoir ex pression , or their courage , yet we tell them that D ' Israeli ' s speech , which we print without the omission Of a Single line or word , will outlive the ribaldry of a prostitute press , the scoff of a degenerate Whig leader and the sneers of those deserters upon whose
subserviency the minister has wrecked his party and his fame , We have heard speeches in the House of Commons ; we have read speeches delivered in the House of Commons , but we candidly confess that it never fell to our lot to hear or read such a speech a » that upon which we now write . It was terse , argumentative , and eloquent ; comprehensive , conclusive , and convincing , and in the present state of parliamentary ignorance of the subject can only be answered by the sad realization of the anticipations
ofthehon . member . Here are his points : — -the Corn Laws , I admit , are a great fiction , but they are a fiction by which the universal traffic of the world lias been regulated , and in that traffic labour has been a gainer rather than a loser by the fiction . Under this great mantle are concealed the fiction of your currency , the fiction of your taxation , the fiction of 1 rents , the fiction ; of tithes and church property , the fiction of debts , loans and interest , the fiction of prices , the fiction of incomes fixed and fluctuating , THIS FICTION OF WAGES , and the fiction of REPRESENTATION
itself , partially acquiesced in upon the grounds that labour had its share in the GREAT FICTION . Then mark how the great logician solves the problem relied upon by the free-traders . See how he demolishes the arguments in favour of free trade in corn , deduced from the increased importation of other articles of consumption . Observe the masterly manner in which he assigns to each clime and people the power of extending their produce according to the wants of newly-created consumers , and how he winds up his catalogue of labour ' s prospects out of the unconnected threads from which economists would weave the veil to obscure the workman's vision .
Mark how he distinguishes between the thing produced and the thing producing . He shows that the importation of all the articles employing labour and used for the sustenance of labour have been abundantly increased since the duties upon these severaj articles have been reduced . And then , in answer to the folly of thoso who have asserted ' . 'THAT THE
WORLD HAS NO FEARFUL SURPLUS OF CORN TO SEND US , " he triumphantly offers the increase in the importation of TEA FROM CHINA , an article in which there is no competition , and from ifc he shows that the price declined from 2 s . 5 d . to 9 d . while the importation within the same period increased by millions upon millions of pounds . China has a monopoly of that article , and yet the INCREASED DEMAND insures the increased supply . He next shows , as we have shown a . thousand times over , that the wages of the agricultural labourer are kept up by the fiction of the Corn Laws , and that al '
other countries capable of growing' corn will be invited to the pursuit by the opening of the PJCH MARKET , and that , as a matter ol course and ol necessity , the wages of the English wheat grower will be capriciously regulated by the FLUCTUATING STANDARD OF FOREIGN SUPPLIES . English prices of corn , notwithstanding her Corn Laws , have been more equable and less fluctuating than the pvices in any other country , and of course the opening of her ports will now subject her to still more lamentable fluctuations , while we are confidently told that FIXEDNESS is the one great desideratum contemplated by free trado .
The honourable gentleman shows how the importation of cocoa , ten , coffee , sugar , cotton , and other articles has increased , while we presume economists , who lliold out the ideal happiness of plenty , would have told us that it would be impossible for all the world to have met so large an increase in our demand for those articles within so short a period . Who does not recollect the statistical ravings of the Thunderer ? Who has forgotten the balm administered to the bleeding wounds of the affrighted aristocracy ? Who that doea not remember the nursery tales of Printing House Square ? They are fresh in the recollection
of panting infants and wondering old age . America for six long years could not favour us with 500 , 000 quarters annually t while the rest of the world was not only an empty granary but a barren wilderness , where mouths , gaping as . the Irish , were anxiously expecting relief from any kind and condescending neighbour . We saw either ministerial patronage oi League gold , or mayhap both , under the storyteller's musk , anil we mar-voliod how paying impudence ventured upon so bold a speculation as ~ palpable falsehood . Well , despite the Croney ' s tale of comfort , we have since heard her lamentation over
BENDING GRANARIES ] : SHIPS WAITING THE FIAT TO DISCHARGE AT HOME AND TO LOAD ABROAD ; Capitalists made nervous by the unsettled state of the question , and not daring to speculate until they could buy upon some SOUND PRINCIPLE of exchange . Our great friend was deaf , or at least dumb , when we assured him that the prices abroad would not regulate the price at home . That it was not what could be conveniently spared by oiliereeuntries , but what could be capriciously speculated on by capitalists , that would liud its way to the wealthy
uuivkct , and that a Uttio from each would give us a destructive surplus , which would scare labour from the domestic mart . We laid down the scale by which —with risk , freight , anil insurance—corn-growing countries could sell with a profit in our market . We showed that speculation would produce surplus , that surplus would produce low wages and unemployed hands , that unemployed hands would produce crime , expouee , heavy poor rates , agitation and fluctuation of prices . We showed that wheat capriciously bought abroad must bo capriciously sold at home , and always to the disadvantage of the home grower , who
was the labourer ; who was the best customer in the manufacturing market , and who , when neglected , was the most dangerous customer in the political market . We have never been answered , we never can be answered , but we have been confirmed . Mr . D'Israeli has logically confirmed our every assertion . He used his inanimate figures well , ho might have used his animate figures ; better . The non-arrival of foreign cattle is not consequent upon religious faith , it proceeds from the facts that at the time we stated , namely , that cattle was a commodity of which no
country couid have a surplus . It is a surplus that cats , and cannot be stored for speculation ; and , as we stated at the time , there not being an existing surplus of a commodity that required at least five years for its growth , the effect of the cattle tariff emild not bo i ' elt till the autumn of the present year . Corns that were served by the TARIFF BULL in August , 1842 , would not calve till May , 1 S 43 , and heir produce would not be fit for the English market till next autumn , " ( and barely then ) , the period we assigned for the developcment of the Cattle Tariff .
In lSi 2 , the Sun and the Chronicle childishly answered our arguments , by showing us that because Spanish beasts , imported as an experiment , and sold for £ 12 10 s ., could not bear the cost of £ i 10 s . transit , that we were satb from intruders . But we explained , that while 35 per cent , was a large outlay for conveyance of experimentalists , that a suitable arrangement for the transit of heavy beaatSi Wtb from £ 25 to £ 40 , would reduce the coat oi transit to 5 per cent ., against which the Englosk feeder could
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not contend . We ahowed , that the present scarcity is a consequence of the panic of 184 ? , and that cattle which ' . ought to have been held as stock , . " were foolishly sold ; whereas now , stock is dear , because graziers and feeders are supplying the place of that which they ought not to have sold , and because a superabundant crop of turnips has induced farmers to overhold their sheep . However , we hail the repeal of the Corn Laws , not for the substantive or the immediate benefit that the change will confer upon the labouring classes , but for the many collateral issues that will arise from
the experiment ; and which must be adjudicated upon according to the position assumed by labour rathe struggle which is assuredly at hand . We hail the change because it will strip ignorance of its prophetic importance ; -because it will exhibit the real complexion of pale-faced philanthropy ; because it will teach the credulous , who have confided in the sophistries of a hollow-hearted , interested , reckless , speculating faction , the folly of supposing , that the same parties can feel . an equal interest in the well-being of living man , and in the success of his inanimate , unconsuming competitor . We hail the revolution because it must be Woodless , as the disorganisation of party confederation will ensure the union of labour against which ignorance , sophistry , and
inconsistency , will struggle in vain . We hail the change because it will knock the last crutch from under limping Whiggery ; because it will tear the new mask from off the face of hypocritical Toryism . We hail the change because IT WILL MAKE ONE of the mighty class of labour , which , to say the truth , has been disunited by | the promised benefit from cheap bread , high wages , and plenty to do—the exploded trinity Of the unity of humbug . And , while we hail the change , we cannot fail to express bur admiration of the incomparable speech of Mr . D'Isbaeli , which will go far to prepare the national , mind for the result of Ministerial inconsistency—a speech which , we feel convinced , every working man in the kingdom will read , mark , learn , and inwardly digest . "
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and ridingeff upon Bpecial pleas as that which ] 8 d to the division of Wednesday lasti ; : Against this [ defeat , bowever , we are happy to place the Debate of the preceding Wednesday , on the Ten Hours' Bill , and wMeh a press of other matter precluded us from noticing last week . Honestr talent , eloquence , argument , philosophy , and fact , were arrayed in an overpowering phalanx in support of the measure . Never was any question so triumphantly argued , or so unanswerably demonstrated , as the necessity , the justice , and the policy of a Tea Hours'Bill , on that occasion . Its opponents were
few , and these consisted of miserable tricksters , who wish to play fast and loose with great questions , . as mere instruments for serving party and personal interests ; blockheads whose natural stupidity has bees rendered more intense by the artificial addition of a stupid system of Political Economy , and contemptible but greedy hypocrites , who raised the cry of protectionjagainsfc the reduction of wages , for the purpose of securing to themselves the augmented profits which they believe that free trade measures in connection with unrestricted labour , > re sure to yield
them . Of all tke cants in this canting world save us from the cant of hypocrisy . If there is anything more disgusting than another it is to hear men , notorious for their grinding down of wages upon the slightest pretext of bad trade , slack markets , or damaged work , or greater competition among themselves , ceme forward with elaborate calculations to prove that the workmen will earn so many pence less in the week if their toil is limited to that prescribed by nature a 3 the limit of healthy endurance . The operatives unanimously reply to these humane persons , " We are perfectly ready to run the risk of a
reduction . " But so careful , so tender are these selfelected guardians of the interests of the operatives ' , that they will not permit them , ignorant shortsighted wretches as they are ) to have any voice in the matter . " We know best what is good for you , " is in effect their answer . " Place confidence in us , as your beat friends . " Miserable self-deceivers ! Do they imag ine that they can thus hoodwink the sharp-sighted intelligent operatives of England ? No ! they are too well acquainted with the actual working of the Factory System , to be deluded by such a clumsy and transparent attempt at playing the . philanthropist and poor man ' s friend .
Among the few opponents of the Bill , a young man named ( Tbelawney made a speech , wllieli was remarkable only for the glib maaner in which it was delivered , and the impudence of a person like him venturing to sneer at the opinions of such men as those who have advocated the regulation of labour in factories . Presuming to lecture these mistaken sentimentalists on their ignorance of sound principles , and the true way to promote the welfare of the working classes , this very green young man informed them , that the best way to improve the condition of the operatives , was to establish parks , to widen
streets , and ventilate houses . All very good things in their way , no doubt . But of what use , can Mr , TkelawiNei tell us , would parks be to the poor wretches cooped up in the " rattle boxes , " in the heart of Manchester , from half-past five ia the morning to half-past seven or eight in tke evening ? IIow much of sunlight will there be left after that time , to brighten the factory labourer ' s stroll in a park , two or three miles away from the mill , eyen if the exhausting , protracted , and enervating nature of his toil did not of itself produce the desire for rest ? Yet this is a specimen of the humbug , out of which these would'bo friends of the nrorkinsr classes
continue to manufacture a character for enlightened philanthropy ! As to wide streets and ventilated houses , all we can say is , that all the widening of streets we have hitherto seen has only tended to crowd the poor more into smaller streets than they had before , because the rents in the new ones were too high for them , and couid only suit a higher class of income ; and if the factory operative is to live 15 hours in the mill , including the time going to , returning from , and taking meals in it , the ventilation of tJae dwelling in which he is permitted to spend so small a portion of his waking hours , is of but very trifling importance .
The aspect ot jthe house during the whole debate showed the strong public interest tatyen in the question . It was vci-v well attended on both sides from the commencement , and towards the time when a division was expected became quite full . Had the government , as we havs already stated , not put up Mr . Cardwell at the last moment to speak against time , tiiey would undoubtedly have been defeated , and ive trust that upon the next debate they be so in spite of all trickery and manoeuvring whatever . Let the delegates be incessant in their endeavours to secure votes ; aboYe all let them adopt as their motto
THE TEN HOURS' BILL AND NO COMPROMISE , and ere long this hard-fought contest , prolonged for so many years , will be crowned by a victory , un « stained by violence , and sanctified alike by the holiness of its objects , and the nature of the weapons by which it has been won .
Co £?Aim-G & Corns^Oioiwttflf*
Co £ ? aim-g & corns ^ oioiwttflf *
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THE NOTORIOUS JACKSON AND NORTIIUMBER . LAND MAGISTRATES AGAIN .
TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . KesrECTED Sib , —I , somo time ago , through tho medium of the Star , called th « attention of the miners and tiic public to the case of the Biteabout miners , ami tlie oppression and injury which had been practised upon them by their just and merciful mastor , 2 / r . Henry Jackson , coal owner , of Bearmoor Colliery , near IVooler . I showed that this same Jackson had not only been robbing the men of one-third of their wages , but that he had placed Hie men ' s iircs ia immiuent danger by taking the horse out of the " gin , " and thu 3 leaving the poor fellow below in the pit , and that he was daily violating tho law , by evading and setting at defiance Lord Ashley's Act : —5 and 6 Vic . I also stated that the magistrates all refused to grant
summouses for the recovery of the men ' s wages , and refused to interfere in the matter , because none of the men were killed ! Since the publication of the facts the men , being shut out from justice , have sent a memorial to Government ) praying them to institute an inquiry into the matter—to punish the guilty parties— , and to strike off the commission of the peace , as unworthy to act therein , the Wooler magistrates , providing they were proved to nave acted as the memorialists described . It appears that a C 6 py of the memorial has been sent to the magistrates , who have siuce then expressed their willingness to grant
summonses ; bow they nave no objection to interfere ! What will the readers of tho Star think when I state that , « uce Sir James Graham has written to thorn , the magistrates have positively issued a summons against Jackson , without being solicited by the men ! Truly a change has com eoer the spirit of their dream i After issuing this summons against Jackson , tlie fol ' lowiiiff notice was served , at the eleventh Lour , on the men . " Taks notice . "—A "Special Meeting" oftlio magistrate ! will be held at Ford , on the 5 th day of May , 1 S 4 C , at eleven o ' clock in the forenoon , to Lear your com . plaint against Henry Jackson , owner of Bearmoor ( Biteauout ) Colliery . Robert Waddsl , Solicitor ,
Clerk to the Magistrates . As the men only received this notice a few hours before the meeting , and as tbey were not prepared with any one to d « fend them or conduct thoir case , they very naturally refused to attend , so that the sapient justices and Jackson bad the meeting to themselves . What follows will scarcely be credited ; nevertheless , it is no less ttrange than true . The men write to me as follow t : — " The constable read over this notice to us in our houses , we told him we hud not applied for the summons , we were not prepared , and should not attend . Jackson attended , and on the constable asking " who was to pay him , the magistrates and Waddle said , the men I He said the men had not employed him , but they told the constable to tell Jackson to stop the men ' s wages to pnj him with i nnd if tlier ( t ) w men )
w « re not contented with it , they had to come to them and tbey would grant a summons , and tell all about it . So Jackson has stopped our wages to pay their expences , viz ., 2 s . 6 d . from George Hay ; 2 s . Gil . from Thomas Bruce , and 2 s . Cd . from William Hay ! ^ Three working men ! In all the annals of the injustice and trickary of the master class , and the " great unpaid , " did you ever hear of a trick like this ? The magistrates grant a summons without the knowledgo of tua men , and then order Mister Jackson to stop the men's wages to pay the expeuces ! This is not the only ttm » , by many , that the men ' s wages have beon stopped by Jackson ; he fined them 2 s . Gd . each for first going to the magistrates to try to obtain summonses against hiou and now he fines them 2 s . 6 d . eaeh for not going ! Can insult , wrong , or oppression go further than IJackson bus caimd it ! But having tlie magistrates
The Jniorxhern Start. Satuudav, May 23. 1sjs.
THE JNiORXHERN STArt . SATUUDAV , MAY 23 . 1 SJS .
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' WOE TO THE CONQUEROR ! Sir Robert PjiEi-lias conquered ; chat is , so Far ; : « triumph over party and conversion from the opinions oi a long life of study to tlie adoption of new fangled notions without refaction am impjy conquest , lie has conquered . The great conservative party elected him as their chief , they placed him as their sentinel to guard their camp nnd to watch the Movements oi their enemies . They ' robed him -in a power never before enjoyed by chief , they strengthened him with n , confidence never heforo conloriud upon leader . They hail fought the battle of the hustings anil were proclaimed victors , and appointed him plenipotentiary with unqualified power to stipulate the price oi victory , and his terms arc
SURRENDER . Strong in numbers , closely knit in zeal , kneadctl as it were in oi .-o common leaven of interest , and linked in an unbroken chain of confidence in theii unanimously elected chief , they abated much of their individual energy , and like all other troops flushed with victory , they relapsed into quiet apathy ; lie seized the moment of their confidence and liuiid . d them over an easy prey to the very party whom he had been elected to fight against .
In our fii'St comment u ^ on those measures which have now received the sanction of the Lower House , we inude tlie distinction between the measures and their propoundcr . We hailed the settlement of a Question , which , nwe than all others had perplexed the democratic councils as prophetic of good ; while with the great bard we were , nevertheless , compelled to exclaim , " Though I like to hear tlie treason , I hate the traitor . " Yi ' c have followed tlie slow and tedious debate iu its progress throiudi the
several stages , in the hope ot discovering labour ' s share of the minister ' s triumph , but until the last night of the struggle we were kept in ignorance . The speech of Sir Robert Fuel upon tlie last night of the debate was a mere heckling , a childish unravelling of the follies of Mr . Colquuoun and Mr . C&kby , without even a passing comment upon the copious , the full , the statesmanlike , the comprehensive and unanswered , because unanswerable , speech of Mr . D'Iskaeli .
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . The Corn Bill and the Tariff have at length escaped from the limbo of the House of Commons and made their appearance in that awful " other place" so often mysteriously alluded to , and in which their strangulation has been predicted , with more or less confidence , by various Protectionist prophets . How much of truth there was in these predictions will soon be seen . At present the appearances are by no means of a favourable nature for the minister . His pet measures for the session have escaped
positive mutilation or shipwreck either on the Scylla of Protectionist opposition or the Charybdis of Irish tactics . But the delay caused by both , has impaired the prestige with which they would have been invested had their introduction to the House of Lords been two months earlier . To be sure , Peel has maintained his original majority with the addition of one , but the month of May , which was to be witness of a universal famine if the Covn Bill did not pass , has waned into old age without exhibiting such general destitution and disease as the potato-panic mongers at the close Of last and the commencement of the present year unanimously predicted both for
Ireland and this country . Had the minister , despising any temporary or factitious aid to be derived from such a source , relied entirely" upon the great principles and the wider experience to which ho afterwards referred , the position of his measures in the Lords would not be in the slightest degree weakened ; but the great stress laid by himself and his lieutenants on the potato failure , and the manner in which we arc approaching another crop of that useful root without the realization of the predictions in which they freely indulged , will no doubt put a power into the hands ' of the Peers which they will not be slow to avail themselves of .
These and other damaging circumstances contribute to produce a general feeling of doubt as to the fate of the ministerial policy in the Lords . Tho Duke of Richmond announced the most determined opposition , under the leadership of Lord Stanley . A meeting of Protectionist Peers , very numerously attended , has taken measures for organizing the strength of the party , and bringing it to bear effectively on the divisions . The liberal journals speak dubiously , and the Post triumphantly , of the
approaching struggle . It is within the list of probabilities that a resignation jor a dissolution , or both , may intervene before the certain victory of the League and Peel . Be it so . The people ' s cause gathers strength from the collision of hostile parties . Each defeat sustained by a political party sends it back to the people for support . The people are beginning to learn at what price they should give that support , without which no party whatever can long exercise power in this country .
"With the exception of the discussion on tha Lace Bill , in the Commons on Wednesday , the proceedings in Parliament this week have been of a verjr dull description . One whole evening was deveted to a debate arising out of the disputed Bridport Election . Upon such subjects , members are afflicted with a . cctcoethcs loQucndi , an itch for talking which n-oiild be unexplaiajiblo if wo did not recollect that , however stupid on other matters , they must be all tolerably well versed in the mysteries of a contested election . No doubt most of them are better
acquainted with a tavift of votes than of customs ' duties , and it is always pleasanter to talk about what one knows than upon topics of which you are wholly or partially ignorant . " Bribery and corruption , " to use the hacknied parliamentary phrase , are , however , inherent vices of our present vicious representative system , and disputes between the two great factions , or individual members of either , on such a subject ' , are simply disgusting because neither of them are in earnest , neither of them feel the system itself to be immoral and degrading , neither of them sincerely desires its reformation .
The only people s questions discussed this week and last , were the Lace Bill of Mr . Duscombe , and the Ten Houra' Bill of Mr . Fieldex . The Commons , on a division , threw out Mr . Duscombe's bill by a majority of So , the government were only saved from being beaten by a majority of 30 or 40 on Mr . Fielder's bill on the previous Wednesday by putting up Mr . Card \ veeB , 'the Secretary of the Treasury , to speak against time .
These contradictory decisions upon cognate subjects are somewhat puzzling , and especially so when we find among the majority against Mr . Dujjcombe ' s bill the names of Wm . Beckett , J . Broiukrton , W . F . Cowper . C . IIindley , and others who have long prided themselves on being supporters of the regulation of labour in factories by legislative enactments . There is something more in tin ' s conduct than _ meets tho eye . What can be tlie cause of it ? Do the parties named , and others similarly situated , merely look upon the Ten Hours' question as a species of "
political capital , " out ot which they can manufacture a spurious popularity , which would be in danger of destruction if the question got into the hands of an honest , determined , and successful member like Mr . Duncombe ? We have our suspicions that the solution of the anomaly is to be found in some such feeling . The excuse upon which most of these Ten Hours' members deserted Mr . Duxcombe on Wednesday—namely , the interference with adult labourthat lion , member distinctly stated his intention to abandon in committee , and there voting against the
second reading , is , therefore , without the shadow of a reason . Wo trust that the operatives in the manufacturing districts will carefully ^ atch tho movements of their professed friends at this critical moment . Power with all its blandishments ia busy at work to divide or silence them . The struggle on the Ten Houra' Question will soon be renewed . The deserters , the quibblors , and tho absentees on that occasion must be marked for a suitable reward when they next make their appearance on the hustings . We must haye no moseof such sliameful trickerv
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 23, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1367/page/4/
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