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foupm'al fiarliamem*
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jO THE MEMBERS OF THE CHARTIST _ CO-OPERATIVE LAM ) ASSOCIATION.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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^ 3 bTSFoSElJ OTST TILL THE LAW ) . Mr test Deir Fjuesds , Itwould be impossible , utterly impossible for me lofina words to eatress the sensations of pleasure I ^ aolat tiis prospect , but at the certainty , of succ ess that must attend our national project . Any person that visited your estate at the time that I
jast addressed jou , and who saw it now , would be more than astonished at the change . A person unaccustomed to an agricnltural life would have felt some awe at the undertaking , not only in consequence of the heavy amount of work that was to be done , bnt perhaps more from He opposition which he might naturally ; espeet to receive from all classes in the neighbourhood . J , however , was not frightened si i&e work , while I am bound to express my thanks and gratitude for the willing co-operation that I have received on all hands .
In theoatset a strong prejudice was manifested against the project , but a little friendly communica tion has not only secured the co-operation of the ftrraera and some of the gentlemen , hut has actually inspired the labouring classes with so much admira tion for the plan as to induce themtoask permission to open a district in . the neighbourhood .. The farm iad been long mismanaged by a feeble old gentleman , and had remained from time immemorial withia the same indosures . Some of the fences were seven
yards wide , iuH of bushes and old roots of trees . Oat ottais heretofore useless land , I have made over six acres ofthe best gronndon the estate , and , what will please you tnost is , that I expect a profit upon re claiming it—that is , I-expeet more for . theieets and faggots thin the labour cost J& ^ &exeoVL buildings upon the premises for wMclrwe djd not pay , they went in with the purchase . I refused £ 130 for them j Monday and Tuesday we demolished tfiem to the ground as if by-magic , and from them I expect to realise abont £ 160 . .
A draw-well is berag sunk to serve one portion of the occupants with water , another will be -sunk in another part of , the-estate , and in another part is a nerer-fidlih g spring , lu another portion there is a po ^ ybts ^ tTOterihat I am told is never dry . The nieaarenow engaged in making a road lightthrough the cenireof the estate . There is a highway on one side , and there will be accesa from each cottage to those roads . By the time I write next I ^ hall be able to tell you *; that . ^ ie -building of the-cottages goes on apace . " . The mortar is made ,
andiiecarperiiersare at work . On Friday the foundations will be prepared , and the allotments laid out . We have given orders for ten boat loadsof the best stable Jung , at sixty tons to the boat load , and that amount will be-drawn in fair proportions to the several allotments . Now that ' s ihe value of co-operation . No one , two , or three occupants could possibly purchase ihe dung for more than double * the price . TBfe' -shall " BQt . sell : all the roots , but Intend supplying each « ccapant with a good pile « tfhe very best of firing which he may cut up and use-at his leisure . -
. Tonr « ottages , notwithstanding the ravings « fthe anti-labour WeeklyDispatO , wffl be such as prond men may live in , and indeed one of the reasons why ihe Directors preferred building tiiem all themselves was , that they might be responsible for the work aad for every bit of timber that went into them . We consulted , and feared that we should be liable to disputes , to bad materials or bad work , if we performed it by contract , and , therefore ,: never shrinking from any responsibility , we resolved upon doing the work ourselves . Your houses will be roofed with the best English oak , your sitting-rooms aad bed-rooms will
be floored with the best deals , and in short the work shall be done so as to give satisfaction to the most sceptical . On Monday I had a long day of it , in company with our foreman and manager , Mr . Col lingham , a staunch Chartist builder . We walked over every field of aa Estate of 300 acres , and got wet up to theknees . We then went to Uxbridge , 2 nd purchased all the Timber of thebestdeecription , at the most respectable house . We also pareliased a quantity of Ironmongery and other things , and I gave orders for Agricultural Tools for yon , made of theTrery best materials , at the wholesale price .
Ofiiny war I saw a Cow that had just calved , a black cow withont horns , and I bought her . SHE GIVES 2 S QUARTS A DAY ! 1 ! What say you to that ? That cow , when the men have done with the milk , for which they pay twopence a quart , we shall sell , 2 nd if there is a profit it shall go to the credit of the occupants , if there ' s a loss I'll bear it myself . Twenty-eight quarts a day at twopence a quart is 4 s . 3 d ., or £ 1 12 s . So " , a week , so that such a cow would pay the tent of a two acre farm in four weeks . ; Not , mind , that I wish to lead you astray by supposing that every cow would be as good , or that all could get sale for so much milk , but I do say that
bo man need keep a worse cow . When the agricultural labourers hear the price to bs paid for the several allotments they exclaim , " Why I pay more for a poor cottage , without a bit of land . " The fame of our project has gone so far that a highly respectable Clergyman , whose church is within about three miles of the estate , selected it for his Discourse on Sunday last . lie said , "What is there that can possibly so much , interest a . -working man as the possession of a Bonse and a bit of Land of his own .
It is the one thing to which all the labouring class should look ! " Xow , my dear friends , observe well what I am going to say to yon . Themoaxrho would try to discourage the working classes from reaping the entire fruits of their own labour must be a bad man but , what is more important , observe , that no man , no matter what his calling may be , employs labour with any other intention than that of making profit—in plain short , terms , that every man who lives idly , lives upon a profit oat of other men ' s labour .
Jsqw , what I seek , is not only to give every man the whole and undiminished value of Jkis own labour , but to render individual labour still more valuable by cooperation . Xow , let me explain this to you from a Circumstance that has occurred on the farm . The labourers are many of them working in gangs of six , at work at which one , or even two , could not earn a shilling a day , while by co-operation they can earn 3 s . 6 d . a day . Last week I had some men at job work , and some a £ day ' s work . Twelvemen at day ' s work earned £ 6 Os . Od ., and seven men at job work earned £ o 12 s . 6 d . ; each worked five days . I never had to go near the men working at task , while I had to stick close to those vorMng day ' s work . The men working task worked from five in . the morning till seven in the evening , and the difference between
their two cases is just what I have shewn you many a time , make 3 the difference between a man having a lease and- no ; lease rhetween a man working for Mmselfand working for another ; when he works for himself his . labour is all his own , he works cheerfully , and as no one will deny tbat labour is ihe source of all wealth , by . making every man his own master , we would more than double the wealth of the country . But then the hitch is that the profit would go into a DIFF ERENT CHANNEL . Besides this , the employer is a great gainer by job work , for I am sure that those seven men . would not by day's work have performed the same amount in a fortnight , while they would have cost you £ 8 8 s ., instead of £ 512 a . 6 & , and they would not have been half so well satisfied .
In order to carry out ihe principle of Co-operation to themostTalaableexten ^ itis ourinten tion to man ufacture upon the spot such articles of furniture as are indispensable , for instance , good solid kitchen tables , bedsteads , dressers and chairs , for which we have an abundance of the best cherry-tree ; of course , those who wish to bring their own may please themselves . If my health is of any value to the working class community , I wish they could see my pale face tbrneointoagooilsoundjaun-bnrntjTuddycomitlcxion . When 1 left London I could scarcely hobble , now I
canjnrhp over the gates without opening them . I arivup" every morning at 6 o ' clock , and when I If ok out at my window at the prospect , and think of the number my labours will make happy , I feel myself a giant . Every minute of every day is devoted to the undertaking , and the more the rascally alarmists seek to intimidate you , tke more I am determined to astonish yon . We shall le in a much better situation with our next estate , lor you know " experience makes men wise , " although , as yet , we have not lost a fraction . And although you were told that there
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was a difficulty about mortgaging , we have been offered money at four per cent , upon the estate . ¦ By next week , when the cottages begin to peep above the ground it is my intention to have an artist down to furnish a faithful engraving of the estate , and , when complete , to give it you in the Northern Star . I think that I have broken : down all the prejadieo which the occupants were likely to find upon their arrival . I have pledged myself that the neighborhood will find them the most moral , the most industrious , tiemost comfortable , and the very best
neighbours . While I pledge myself to the occupants that so far NOW from receiving any opposition , they wiUmeetwia « ver yencouragement . Theagricultural labourers have been kept at such a distance by all otherdasses , thattheman aadhis wife who bavelived care-takers « f tlie louse for seven years , expressed the greatest astonishmentatmysittinginthechimney corner with i&em , from 8 till 10 o'clock at night ; telling them stories that make them laugh , and explaining the land plan to them . They were really astonished at THE FREEDOM THE
GENTLEMAN MADE WITH THEM—THAT HE HAD NO MOEE PRH ) E THAN ONE OF THEMSELVES . In this they are mistaken , however , -as ray great pride consists in instructing them and tieir class , white I would be very sorry to devote so much of my time to the amusement of their oppressors . The farmers here are in regular . fits at the notion of the Corn Laws being repealed ; one very extensive farmer observiag . ^ X > M BASHKB , SIR , " IF ONCE TSEY .: ARE REPEALED , IF WE
DOK ? T ALL TURN CHARTISTS . HOW THE DEVIL CAN WE PAT RENTS , AM ) THOSE PARSONS , AND TAXES , AND ALL THE REST OF IT , THEN ? " I don't reeollect any more to say at the present moment , further : than that I am glad to find the 2 nd section going on so well—indeed there is not the slightest reason why it should not keep pace with th , eist section , especially ob its members will haveall the advantage of our ex . perienc * , and aUtfie'idducement that a certainty of success must told out . I cannot too often remind
you of the fact- "that not a shilling has been spent in advertising our association ; that not a fraction has been improperly abstracted from the funds ; that of our numerous officers not one has been defaulter to the amonnt of a penny ; and that there has not been a single complaint ; that failure is impossible , because there will be no fraud ; that success is inevitable , . because we have resolved that it SHALL SUCCEED ! r ' The season invites—the prospect invites ; and when I look out af my little window in the old house
and see the sun shining in the morning ; and when I dear the birds singing their merry notes in thankfulness , my heart sickens to think of the numbers of human beings that -are doomed by a vicious system to pine during the hot summer weather in sweating rooms , stinking rattle-boxes , loathsome cellars , and grinding poor-houses . It is enough to make one fret to read of the fever in Ashton-under-Lyne , when he reflects that It is a CLASS LEGISLATION FEVER . There is no fever at Herringsgate ; I wish thefpiners could see the straight frames , the brawny arms , the bright eyes , and cheerful countenances oi
the OPPRESSED AGRICULTURAL SLAVES who earn only twelve shillings a week , and a pound at hay-time and harvest , and a pound and more at task workand at less unhealthy labour , than the rattle box slave is doomed to . I do hope and trust , that thousands will pay up is time for the next ballot ; and , as there seems to be a disposition for five rooms and four acres , that all who can afford it , beg it , or borrow it , will entitle themselves to ballot on the first Monday In July ; and I also trust that the Directors will 5 e shortly fir a situation to make the frst purchase for No . 2 .
I may jiut mention that some builders attempted to frighten us with the difficulty of getting sand and other materials , while we , without much labour and a little perseverance , have discovered as much sand as would build a town , in the very centre of the estate . I remain , my Friends , Tour very faithful Mend and bailiff , Feargus O'Coxxob .
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THE CHARTIST ESTATE . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAB . Sir , —As placing the cultivator of the soil in a position to eat the fruits of his industry , gathered from his own inheritance , will form a new era in the social economy of the inhabitants of " These wealthy Islands , " a more graphical account ( than has yet appeared ) of Herringsgate Farm , the primary Chartist estate , will not , I trust , prove unacceptable to your readers . Herringsgate Farm is situate upon an acclivity gradually sloping to the river Colne , which not only enriches the meadows through which it flows , but also by revolving numerous mills placed at Bhort distances gives employment to a considerable number of the industrious members of the body politic . Within a circle of two miles there are seven
paper mills , a silk mill of considerable extent , and a capper mill giving employment to very many hands . The most direct road , from London to Herringsgate , is throuih Harro w and Pinner , the pedestrian will gave two miles of ground if , when he arrives at Batchworth-heath , about three miles from Pinner , he turns to the left and keeps the highway towards Uarefio'd until he reaches a road leading to Hill—Vulgo Hell , ) and , at the foot of which , by asking the way to Long-lane , he will be directed to a bridge that crosses the Canal , and on to a foot-road that leads tolir . Sibley's Farm , a half mile from Herrings gate . The estate bairns nearly equidistant from the West Dray ton Station , on the Great Western Railroad , and the Watford Station on the London and Birmingham , these lines offer cheap and speedy means of conveyance to different metropolitan localities . By the former route the traveller must proceed to Uxbridge , from thence to Herefield , when he will
inquire the way to the copper mills , he must there cross the canal and proceed to West-hyde , and Maplecross , which is within a mile of Herringsgate , and as a foot-road cuts off a considerable angle the traveller liad better ask his way at the sign of the Cross . The road via Watford lass direct through Rickmersworth to the village of Mill End , at the foot of which village a foot-road leads to Herringsgate that cuts off the angle . I shall conclude with recommending a route that will delight the most fastidious traveller in search of the picturesque . On quitting the Watford Station , the pedestrian will keep the road till he arrives at Cashiobury Parklodge , the seat of the Earl of Essex , he will pass through the lodge gates and keep the foot-read through the Park that leads to Croxley-green , from CroxJey-green he will proceed to Loudwater , and crossing a stile continue along the foet-road to Choi-ley wood , from thence to Herringsgate . Chorleywood , May 20 , 1846 . B .
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TO BOSTHOON , OF SHEFFIELD . My Dear Bosthoos , —So you have discovered two marcs * nests , the one , that land cannot be purchased for £ 18 25 s . an acre , and the other , that the Society is not enrolled . Now , jnst open your eyes and see , open your ears and hear . On Friday last , at the Auction Mart , London , I saw 432 acres of excellent land , under-drained , within three miles of Iligham Ferrers , within seven miles of Wellingbofough and eleven of Bedford , sold by Hoggart and Norton , for £ 14 . 9 s . anda fraction per acre . Toushall have a sum of it . The whole fetched . £ 9 , 600 , which would be £ 22 -4 s . and a fraction per acre . It was
tithe free , the redemption of which was worth £ 2 i 00 , there is £ 300 worth of timber , and old materials worth £ 500 for building , all of which was included in the purchase , and I believe the land tax is re * deemed , as the Auctioneer stated so . Now , put £ 2 , 400 , £ 500 , and £ 300 together , and you will find that it makes £ 3 , 200 . Take £ 3 , 200 from £ 9 , 600 and yoa will have £ 6 , 400 , then divide 432 , the number of acres , into £ 6 , 400 , the purchase money , and you wUl find the result to be £ 14 . 9 s . per acre . Now , two acre 3 of that land and a cottage , the society could let for about £ 410 s . per annum , besides giving £ 15 capital ; for you don't seem to understand that
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it makes no difference whatever to the societf jor the shareholders whether land is purchased ' at £ 14 or £ 80 an acre . Nor you didn't undewtandi : t % setting the land down at £ 18 15 s . was '& * Wr standard of regulation . I will tell you how % e arrived at the £ 18 los . We estimated fair farming land at 15 s . an acre , which , at twenty-five years' | mrchase , i 8 £ 16 15 s ., but it does not signify » turnip whether we gave ths £ sum or-any other sura ifbj ? the land . ; Now for enrolment , Bosthoon . The society could not be enrolled under the old law , it can be enrolled , and WILL BE ENROLLED , under the new law ; but , Bosthoon , the thing Ithat appears to puzzle you is , that the occupants must pay rent to
SOME ONE . Now , like a good fellow , ifnature , did intend you to wear long' « ars , ; don't add toTtheir length yourself , for that ' s tie . way . you liaTe always been LABOURING UNPRQ | ljABLir . Thinks t « your 'balderdash , look to the ' announcement-of amount received this week frbiri-JSheffield as the kaswerto your BRAT : . ' V ' : ] - ] " . ' .: Tour best friendandoje ^ ho always v . , labours profitably for others , - ' . FBARqUsO'CONNOB . Bailiff to the-Charnst ^ eo-operative , Land Association . : |
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-. ¦ ^ " ^ - :- " - . . - ' ' I- ! - \ , - ¦ :: . •¦ - ^ V : Liverpool , May 25 thjLlsi 6 ;'! ¦ Dear Sir , —I beg to acknowledge the rKeSptfraaaprs « f the 22 Hdingt ., cOTtom ! Hfi [ s * 'P <** isoffi ~< w 4 er . i ** < ae -tmm-ef « 8 S « i- « a ., : rccei » ed by " yro ' ffrom tne ' llasons of DuuroWn Castle , in aid ofcthe operative builders of Liverpool and Birkenhead . . ' - * The operative classes are much indebted to you for your able advocacy of their . cause , for many years past , and aUow me , in behalf of the body I here'represent , to thank youkindly for the many favours we have reoeived . Tie working classes generally , ' are beginning to see . how much they are concerned in the'doings at Westminster
as well as at home , and the day , ' I trust , is not very far distant when the sons of labbar will enjoy -those rights that have been too long withheld , in addition to those Thich the master builders are i ( in vain I hope ) endeavour , ing to wrench from them , for if they succeed iu the building trade , all others will follow their example , and the whole working community will-be reduced to the y « ry brink of slavery . Shall this Wer come to pass , I ask ? Let every working man answer emphatically—it shall not , and each give his mite of support and victory is certain . In conclusion , allow me to tbank the masons of Bunrobin for tbeir favour , and believe me to remain Yours , in the « ause of freedom , Thomas Cartes .
To Fcargus O'Connor , Esq . P . S . —All subscriptions for tbe Operative Builders of Liverpool and Birkenhead , to be made payable to me , and addressed , George Forth , Hood-street , Liverpool , and aa account of sums so remmitted to be inserted in the Northern Star .
Foupm'al Fiarliamem*
foupm ' al fiarliamem *
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HOUSE OF COMMONS .-Thuhsday , Mat 21 . Along discussion took place on the second reading of the Metropolis Sewage and Manure Bill ; the debate was finally postponed . Mr . Shaw gave notice that as soon as the committee in Group II ., that on whichMr . Smith O'Brien had been selected te serve , should close its labours , he would move the discharge of Mr . O'Brien from custody .
BINGLET POOR-HOUSE . Mr . FfiBBAND put several questions to Sir R . Pee ] relating to the present state of the Bingley poorhouse , and Sir R . Peel gave to each of them a dis > tinct reply . The result was , that notwithstanding the remonstrances of Mr . Ferrand , Sir ft . Peel refused to retract the charges which he had preferred in June 1842 against the board of guardians of the Keighley union .
- MR . SMITH O'BRIEN . The Speaker then read to the house a letter addressed to himself from Mr . S . O'Brien , dated that morning , from the prison of the House of Commons , The substance of it was ,, that the committee of selection had not been formally appointed this session —that its ' order enjoining him to attend as a member of a certain committee , and his imprisonment for non-compliance with that order , were both informal and illegal , and that he was therefore entitled to his immediate discharge . On the motion of Mr . O'Cojwell , it was ordered that Mr . S . O'Brien ' s letter be printed and circulated with the votes , and taken into consideration .
Yiscount Ebringion was proceeding to move an address for the re-appointment of the Real Property Commission , but an hon . member having moved that the house be counted , it was found that only 27 members were present , and the house rose at half . past seven o ' clock .
HOUSE OF LORDS , Fridat , Mat 22 . | The Marquis of Nohmanbt moved for certain returns relative to the number of murders committed , or attempted to be committed , in Ireland since January last . The noble marquis took occasion to denounce the Irish Coercion Bill as altogether uncalled for . The noble marquis expressed a hope that if the government did not intend to proceed with the Coercion Bill , they would give it up at once . The Earl of St . Geiimans said it was tlie intention of the Government to proceed with the Bill , if public business would allow them to do so . ^ After a few words from the Marquis of Clasricakhk , the Duke of Wellington and the Marquis of Normasby , the motion was agreed to . The house then adjourned till Monday . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Friday , May 22 .
MR . SMITH O'BRIEN . Mr . Smith O'Brien ' s letter to the Speaker having been taken into consideration , Mr . O'Cossbll moved that the order of the house , desiring Mr . O'Bi'ien to attend on the railway committee for which he was selected , should be discharged . The honourable and learned member said that , should that motion be agreed to , he should then move that Mr . O'JBrien be immediately released . Mr . O'Connell argued that the Committee of Selection not having been elected according to the standing orders , it had no authority to command Mr . O'Brien to attend tbe railway committee , and that , therefore , the order of the house , which assumed that the order of the Committee of Selection was regular , was unfounded .
Mr . Estcodrt , the chairman of the Committee of Selection contended that the standing order was the law of the house until repealed , and that there was no necessity for re-electing the Committee of Selection at the beginning of every session , After some remarks from Mr . Warburtoh , Sir G . Gbbt , Mr . Stuabt , Mr . Waklby , Sir ft . Peel , Mr . J . O'Conskll , and the Attorney-General , the house divided . For the motion •„ . 36 Againstit .,......,,,, 180 Majority against the motion .....,.,, \ 4 A
FACTORIES BILL . Mr . Wakley presented a petition from Nottingham in favour of the Bill . The adjourned debate was then resumed by Mr . G . Bashes , who ably supported the second reading of the Bill . He maintained that it would fconfer great benefit on the operative classes , without producing any counterbalancing effect , and could not occasion any injury to the employers . Mr . Ward opposed the Bill , lie said he spoke on this occasion as the representative of the working interests of the people of Shejjisld , though he did not profess to represent their opinions , as he was by no means a convert to the doctrine set forth in the preamble of the Bill . He had listened to the speech of the Hon . Member for ; Bridport , and lie could not but confess himself at a loss to understand the real grounds on which he recommended the Bill to Parliament . Foi his own part , he entertained the greatest respect , for
the opinions and sentiments of the working classes , and he was free to allow that ho learned more from them than he had from the discussions in that House . But now they were asked to cut off the channels of employment , which , to say nothing of the prejudical effect it would have , was an act which they had no power to perform . If this were done , young women , widows , and helpless females in general , would be abandoned to what he might term the " commonsewer" of female employment in needlework . He was sorry to find that the present system of labour in this county could not be made more agreeable to the working classes , and he would heartily concur in passing any measure likely to have that effect . Hi 3 argument was , that you could not give -up one sixth of the productive power , and yet retain employment at home . All the manufacturers asked was that , like the farmers , they might make such terms with their labourers as seemed to both parties most conducive to their mutual interests . ( Hear . ) En-
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tertaining the feelings he did , - he looked at the Bill as i backward step , a ' -step in-the wronfj direction , and'he should give hisfmoBt ' cordial opposition to the second' reading of fae measure . He charged the Protection members with joining in a party move to thwart the government , and branded all who approved oF it as cheap humanity mongers 1 Lord Ct :: B entinck gave his cordial support to the second reading . In 1844 nearly all the members oi the Protection party voted in favour of Lerd Ashley ^ mcasure , anil , therefore , they could not with consistency refuse their assent to the present Bill .. The ban . gentleman ' { Mr . Ward J said tha t iteseasy to purchase a cheap popularity fey joining in ^ liishumaEity cry ; I think we might retort the charge of raising
ifclie cry of cheap bread against those who support the irepeal of the € orn Law . But on this ^ uestioiyat all events , we are not upon a humanity < cry , risking all the interests > of the country into one grsat experiment . If there is any question on which caution has been . obaei-ved , jt is tJiis ^* two y ears-ago we reduced the hours ofclabour ; we have now had the experience of . these two . yea . rs , and , have we destroyed the cotton trade ? Havewe reducedthe . wages of labour ? . No such J hing . On the contrary , tioth the export and the home trade haveigreatly increased , and sqsliave the wages o the operatives . Wheretthen is theiflanger andirisk of this fur&er < extension ; f We are not treadiKg on un- tried ground we ireduoed the hours of labour two years ago :: -and we now ask' you to reduce it further
by five hours a week ; Si had been said by tne non . member for Sheflield ^ hat no such / regulations & 9 the ten-ironr system had baen made with regard to the agricultural labourer . 'Of course it had not , for the best pLall : rea sbns , that no such regulation was reojriredi " during the summer-montha , the agriialtural labourers ; « were nom / naMy engaged 'twelve hours ; -ah hour being allowed for ( dinner and half an hour for breakfast : ; iut during ' the winter season ten hours . was the entire time the agricultural labourers were ^ required to work . Therefore no need in the alteration of the hours of labour existed , for they were ¦ sjlready limited . Had they not legislated for the tffegroesin the West Indies —( Hear , hear)—and did they not Jitnifc the period , of their labour to nine
hours a day . ? How much better was the climate , ot the West Indies than the heated and polluted atmosphere of those factories in which children laboured ? Were they to say , that the children and young people ^ f England were to labour more hours than the neijroes of the West Indies ? Lord ' MoRFfiiH made an eily Whig speech ; pretending great sympathy with the working c ' asses , but opposing . the second reading . He was favourable to a reduction to eleven hours , but was indisposed to take any step in the matter until the fate of the Corn Bill was ascertained .-Mr . Macaulay considered the principle of interference , where the morals and tbe health of the community were at stake , to be indisputable . Parliament had already asserted that principle , and he thought it could be carried yet further without danger , and with great advantage to the working class . He hoped the education of that class would be attended to ,
and that the people , who gave a character to the country , would not be suffered to sink in the depths of ignorance and imbecility . He would ask what made Scotland , but Scotchmen ? What made Holland , but Dutchmen ? What made the United States ?—not the clime or soil , but the men of Fnglahd , who spurned such laws as he now desired to alter ; and exiled themselves to make a country for themselves . The wealth and strength of every nation depends on the people of the nation ; and , were they to allow an immense population to sink in sorrowful imbeeility ? He hopeirnot . He was desirous to deal the doses of benefit cautiously ; but he hoped benefit would be given them by their protectors . The competition of foreign countries is most to be apprehended when the energy of the people is overpowered by labour . We have done what we ought not , and we have not done what we ought . We have considered fop the bread of the operative without considering for the means of the necessaries of his health . ( Hear . )
Sir Joiin Hasmer , in consideration of the state of public business and the actual position of other measures , believed he would be best discharging his duty by postponing the question . He could not , therefore , vote , as heretofore , for the bill . - Mr . Wakley said , the business of that house was to protect the poor man—to defend the weak from the oppressions of the strong—and , if they abandoned their- duty in that respect , they would , abdicate one of their most important functions ' . ( Cheers . ) The manufactnres ^ of ^ England bad prospered to an enormous extent under ' a system of protection —( great cheering from the Protectionists)—and he heard with the deepest and most sincere regret , a statement made on a previous occasion by a right
hon . gentleman , that the British labourer was about to enter the arena of industry without any armour or protection whatever ( Cheers . ) lie had been toid that with a free trade no protection could he held out to tlie labouring classes of this country . If that principle should be acted upon , then he had done a fearful wrong to the working classes in ever advocating Free Trade for a moment ; and it would be to him a painful feeling to the last moment of his life . ' Ihe hon . member for Sheffield made an address . to the house , or rather delivered a lecture , which was the greatest piece of rigmarole he had ever heard . — ( A laugh . ) The hop . gentleman said , that because a portion of the working classes of Finsbury , the borough which he ( Mr , Wakley ) represented , were
for the present bill , that therefore he should give it his support . Now , he should beg leave to tell the lion , member that his constituents left him entirely to himself , which he believed was not the case with the lion , member . Tlio lion , member said , that he derived his information chiefly from the working classes : he said that he had read a pamphlet written by an hon . friend behind him , and could not understand it , but all he ( Mr . Wakley ) could say was , that was not his lion , friend ' s fault . —A laugh . ) Then he said again , that he could not see any meaning in what fell from the Hon . Member for Weymouth , although lie admitted ha heard him with great pleasure but he ( Mr . Wakley ) was at a loss to know how a man could hear with pleasure what he did not understand . —( A laugh . ) Had the labouring classes sufficient protection now ? He should say
not . Those of Yorkshire and other places had prayed for it , and for his own part he had heard , he was obliged to confess , the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for Yorkshire , that evening , with great regret ; he believed it would be read elsewhere with equal regret ; and it certainly , in his mind , differed from that delivered at the last election for Yorkshire . There was no doubt whatever but the manufacturing classesrequired protection , and Hon . Gentlemen who referred to the returns of niorfcalitymay at once see and convince themselves that the average age to which the people arrived in manufacturing towns was 17 , while in Rutlandshire , an agricultural county , it was 38 . —( Cheers . ) But that BHlabove all struck at the root of the ereat domestic evil which at
present existed ; for , he contended , that if a mother of a family was obliged to work—if she were obliged to leave her house and children to others , in order to work herself at these manufactories—what must become of her home and of these children ? That was a monstrous and crying evil , which demanded an instant remedy . What was the greatest misfortune that could befall a family ?—the loss of a mother . ( Hear , hear . ) Where did economy , and happiness , and virtue exist , but where the good mother was to be found ? ( Cheers . ) She could not go abroad like the man to amuse herself ; the usages of society forbade it ; her home was her temple—it was the theatre of all her duties : and their business should be to
ccep it that home , for their protection and his comfort , instead of sending her out to a factory to work like a man . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Bright denied that the mortality was greater in Manchester than in Liverpool , and contended that it was essential to the argument of the hon , member for Finsbury to show that tlie mortality in Manchester was greater than in some town of equal population ; but in which no manufacturing industry was carried on . The hon . member for Oldhain seemed to say that the Bill would cause no diminution of wages , no diminution of production . Mr . Fielhen—The same amount of production may be had with additional machinery . ( Hear . )
Mr . Bright—But tbat involved an increased expenditure . ( Loud cries of " Hear , hear , " from the Protectionist benches . ) After combating the statements of Mr . Fielden at some length , the hon . member said there were thousands of men and women cmployed in Lancashire who were earning higher wages than they ever had , whilst the masters were working the mills at a loss . ( Cries of "Oh , oh , " from Col . Sibthorp ) Did the hon . and gallant member for Lincoln deny the fact . ( Hear , hear . ) _ And what did the hon . member know of the working of a cotton mill ? Colonel SiBiHORr . — Not much , thank " God . ( Laughter . )
Mr . Bright . —The hon . member had a right to be thankful , As regarded the agitation ou t of doors he must be supposed to know something of the feelings of the working classes , as he ( Mr . Bright ) employed 800 of them . He was willing to admit that the operatives preferred abridged hours of toil , but in no one case were they willing to accept of ten hours wages for ten hours work . If the measure passed it would produce the most fatal disappointment in the niindsof the working classes , for they believed their
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wages would , at least , remuin the same . But there was an offer of a comprow jse , < t&e hon , member for Ashton-under-Lyne was a mm made for a compromise—( laughter)—but 'Shis compromise for eleven hours was a "mere deiaston ; the advocates oi ' the bill would not be satisfied until they brought the hoursof labourtlown to eight , or perhaps , even to six hours . ( Hear , hear . ) U'iie less fthat house interfered with . tbMitfbour of the-aperatives , it would be so much the better for them . Mr . IS . Dsnsson , in sunpwtingthe measure , gtated that tite question had been too much argued aa if it was intended to reduce > the hours of labour to ten hours , whereas there was no intention of going farther thaheleven at p * esent ,-and that he considered the % est course to pursue . .. „ „„ ^ . ,, „ theBillwould
. Sir R . iPBELareuedtbattheresultof be bo act as an income tax of ¦ fifteen percent ^ on labour . Legislative interference on this subject had been already carried far enough ; but at all events at this time , alter having sanctioned the exportation >» i' machincry , and after having conceded to the working people the privilege of obtaining food at the lowest possible price , it would be impolitic to proceed further . Much as he was disinclined to interfere oil this subject , he was particularly so at the present-moment . The result too , of their interference would be , thatother classes woulddemantl to be placed on tlie same footing as the workers in factoriesi -ind no doubt many of them could make as good % case for the interference of the House . Amicable arrangements between masters and men would be more advantageous to all parties than compulsory enactments of any kind . •' - ¦ :. y
Lord John Russell said he was sorry to . intrude > upon the House at so late an hour of the night , but he could not avoid takiiig netice of the argument of his Right Hon . Friend who had urged the popular argument in support of the measure . He had already shown that there were reasons why an interference should take place , and it was urged since that the course he was pursuing would limit the labour and employment of the adult . How that appeared , he confessed , he did not understand . It was now a question whether they sheuld sanction an interference . They would do so , he apprehended , if they were convinced of the truth of two propositions , ; first , whether the health , morals , and comfort of the working classes would be promoted by this Bill ; and , second , whether they had the reason to believe that they
could do so without mischievously affecting the labour of those who were engaged in factories ; but on the first question it was unnecessary tor him to address the House , and to the second , he believed , it would appear that the risk was not as it was apprehended by the opposers of the Bill , or , otherwise , it would be a melancholy lacbt'orPai'Hamentto consider . But he took a more cheerful view of the matter . ( Cheers . ) He thought that they might interferehe would not say without the chance of risk , but certainly without the probable occurrence of many of the dangers that had been alluded to . They had been told that other countries work for seventy , or even as much as ninety hours a week . Well , then , he would put the argument thus : —For twenty years we have been contending with these foreigners , we
only working 69 hours a week—we . had , besides , a tax on the raw material of cotton—and we had , besides , a law to prevent the people from commanding food as cheap as in other countries . And yet it has been proved to demonstration , that with all these disadvantages , the result has been that in 1824 we exported 33 , 000 , 000 \ b . ot cotton yarn ; in 1833 , we exported 70 , 000 . 0001 b . ; and in 1843 , we exported 135 , 000 , 0001 b . Such being the case . he could not doubt that this country has been influenced by circumstances , by which it has been aided in carrying on its manufactures . The noble lord concluded by stating that , as he believed , the short system would tend to the social improvement of the people of this country , he intended recording his vote in favour of the Bill .
Mi \ Oobden did not wish that the members of the house should be under any apprehension as to the vote he had made up his mind to give . They might suppose , if they pleased , that they had placed himin a difficulty , because he should vote against the bill . ( Hear , hear . ) He should chiefly regard it , not in the manner stated , because lie iiad never known a greater delusion practised on the working classes than the fallacies to which they had been subjected with reference to short hours . ( Hear , hear . ) These persons held the strange and false notion that the house had in its power the m ^ ans to maintain prices . and in all their applications they "had proceeded on that assumption . He wished gentlemen opposite wouldnot consider the question merely , by relerence totheir hearts , but that they would employ the head a
little , and infuse l-eason with feeling . Sir Robert Peel bad quoted communications , and so would he , He held a petition , for instance , in his iiand ^ from a place called Kidington , in Somersetshire , asking the louse to raise the wages of the petitioners by Jaw . Here the absurdity of the proposed measure was shown . The house might with equal effeet attempt to raise the wages of the labourers in Dorsetshire to 12 s . a week . The noble lord had positively fixed the rate of wages that would follow . This could not be done . " No legislation could affect the rate jjaid to labour . And for that reason , with others which he had stated — regretting , at the same time , that Statesmen on both sides had not thought proper to think for themselves , but to take the opinions of men out of the . house . —« he would oppose the
measure . Mr . Muniz rose amidst loud cries of "Divide . " He observed that many fallacies had been expressed by members on both sides of the house , and some , though admitting that the wages of the ' operatives WOllld be lessened by the bill , perhaps distress ensue , would yet agree to a mutual arrangement to produce the same effeet as intended by the measure . ; ( Hear , hear , hear . ) He quite agreed with the theory and practice of that opinion , for he never attempted to make his men do extra work that he had not been a loser by it . When the hon . member for Sheffield spoke of the lamentable state of Sheffield , of which he knew quite as much as the hon . member —( laughter)—he begged to remind him that that state of things had been produced by arrangements between the niii'lies—( Hear , hoar)—and that
ifc was not so bad as it had been before . But there were some curious circumstances about this question . The gentleman manufacturers and the workmen did not seem to understand one another ; for the latter said that they had joined in the cry for the repeal of the Corn Laws , and had been asked to do so because if they did ( the gentlemenmanufacturers ) would then help them in endeavonring to obtain this bill . ( Loud cheers . ) Therefore , feeling as he did an interest in all the industrial classes , he wa 3 not satisfied that the statements of the gentleman manufacturers in that bouse were correct . ( Hear , hear . ) They ( her Majesty ' s Government ) now went the whole hog with the Free Traders . ( Great cheering and laughter . ) lie was far from finding fault with them for doing as they pleased , because he would do as he pleased . ( Laughter . ) Upon these grounds for the sake both of masters and men , he should cordially support the
measure . . Mr . Fielden replied , but in so low a tone ot voice that his observations were inaudible in the gallery . The house then divided , and the numbers were—For the second reading 193 Against it 203 Majority — 10 The announcelfcent of this " measuring cast majority , " in favour of the Ministers was received with derisive cheering . The House adjourned at twenty minutes to 'hree .
HOUSE OF LORDS , Monday , May 25 . Thig being tho dayappointedforthosecond reading of the Corn Importation Bill in the House ot Lards , the passages leading to the gallery were thronged nith those who had peers' orders for admission some time before the doors were opened ; the seats set apart for strangers were far too few to accommodate the applicants , and many lingered for a long time about the door , hoping that some persons who had been admitted would quit their places . The body of the house was filled very early ; shortly after 5 o ' clock there were nearly 200 peers present . Lord Stanley did not come in untilfraout 20 minutes past 5 . The Duke of Richmond and some other peers immediately went up to him and shook hands .
BIRTH OF A PRINCESS . The Duke of Wellington : I have to announce to your Lordships that her Majesty was safely delivered of a Princess this day , at three o ' clock in the afternoon . I beg , therefore , according to the usual practice to move , that an humble address be presented to her Majesty on the birth of another Princess , and to assure her Majesty that every addition to her Majesty ' s domestic happiness ' affords the highest u&tistaction to the House of Lords . ( Hear , hear . ) Lord Melbourne : My . Lords , I know that it is unnecessary according to the forms of the house that any motion should be seconded , and I know that it would be superfluous if I said one single word on this subject . ( Hear , hear . ) A great number of petitions in favour of , and against the Corn Bill , were presented by various Peers .
CORN IMPORTATION BILL . Tho Earl of Rifon moved tho second reading of tkoBilL The noble Earl entered into an elaborate vindication of his conduct upon the question of the
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Corn Laws . When he Introduced the Corn BilJ n \ 1815 , he did it , he gaid with great reluctance , -and then told Lord Liverpool that he had the greatest : abjectioH to the principle of any Corn Law whatever . Hehad never voted for a Corn Law on account ot any question of rent , or because of any charges on the ovyners of land , or on the ground of its being part ot * system of national industry ; he iiud voted for ifc solely otk account of tbe peculiar circumstances ot the period . Lord Ripon proceeded to review the changes which had been made in the Corn Law from 1791 to 1842 , to shew , that it had never been regarded as a permanent system , and that projection was the least stable of principles ... ¦ ¦ As l : it < U ^ -np . i (< Abe » r ' . trith' it . -. th p . character of permanency , itwas completely ;^ question of time , and therefore ^ tu ' e question bf : prinoiple . . wiW V . gone . The noble Earl ; alluded'fiu ' tile state- . of Ite- N
land for the purpose of admitting that he did not lay much stresH upon the deficiency of food , there as ; itn a ^ fument for the pawing of . ^^ n ^ J ^ , ; p ! jfl ;; most specious plea that had been uvgetl ^ against ^ e Bill was that ot its throwing the land but of cultivation . But iu the prices obtained -fur farms since t ' ae intr . duction of tin ' s measure he couJd see no indica-r tiori ot ' aiarm amvngst the purchasers of land . The « noble Earl having expressed his ' pinion that tl \ e Corn Law might safely terminate at orJce ^ instead . of at ; the end of three years , he concluded by declaring that he could not take any shame to himseifior hav--ing undertaken to propose this I 3 ill ( though lie knew that ho was open to the charge of inconsistency , and of having unnecessarily abandoned priricples which , he had formerly supported ) because the reasons upon , which he kad heretofore voted lor a Corn
Lawdoiiojnow exist . : t The Duke of Richmond moved as an amendmentthat the Bill be read a se . ond time , that day six months . A measure so likely to inflict a deadly blow upon British agriculture , and , theraore , on pur ' national greatness , never before was proposed by any minister .- Their Lordships had just cause of cb ' rnV - plaints against the government for not having fairly s ^ d vvnat the averag e price of corn would be unaer mis Bill , It they had considered its effect , it was unpardonable in them to withhold such important information fronr the house ; and Sir R . Pjcei . wag tne iirst minister who had dared to propose so great - a change , -vithout imparting those calculations upon which it would have been bastd , and which calcular tions were mosti probably' not made until after the
government were' pledged to the alteration . The Noblei Earl ( Binpn ) had gone through all the Acte from 1 , 91 down to 1842 , but had not said a word agauMt the Act of 1842 ; yet it was this Act only - which their Lordships were caJJed upon to' repeal . The Duke ot Richmond contrasted the , speech of the Mr . Robinson and the Lord Ripon-of the opposition benches in 18 iL with the Lord Ripon of the present day , and proved out of the mouth of the now President of the Board that land would be thrown out of cultivation—tiiat England would be completely at the mercy of foreign nations—that the most disastrous consequences would result if ever protection ' should be reduced to an 8 s . fixed duty-and that if . tie Bill ot 1842 was not proposed as a final measure ^ the
, men who proposed it were guilty of the basest K u It i t " wice » and ot the most egregious foliy . Ihe Noble Duke having shown the amount of capital employed in the cultivation of the land , and the improvements that had been undertaken on the faith of the law of 1842 , asked , woujd . their Lordships sanction a retrospective Jni&sure for the confiscation' of ail this capital , to please a section of Manchester men , who wanted to work the land on * . political ecouomical principles , having first cleared the iantl of the labourers that we attached to ifc ; by birth and long-cemented associations . lie kneMhat if t-ieir " Lordships votes were taken by ballot there would not ' be fauna ten balls in favour of the bill ; and those who had a feeling of objection to desert the Govern-: mont should remember that it was the government ' who had deserted tiiem , and that Sir Li . feel had ho '
more chance . of gaining the confidence of the people than he had of sitting on the throne . They should remember , too , that tuis Bill was only accepted as an instalment , and that future changes , which would ' shake the foundation of the Throne , which would cripple the Church , and uproot the great institutions ot the country , entailing endless confusion and anarchy would inevitably follow . Earl Fitzwiixiam , although he disliked the Bill exceedingly , should vote for it , lest it should be lost , lie wished it had been an immediate repeal , and thought ifc neither right or decent of the Government to bring it before their Lordships in . a shape that admitted of neither alteration or anitmdment . ' He also considered the Minister should have accompanied his Bill with a statement of the calculations he had formed of tho probable price of corn under its operation .
The Duke of Cleveland opposed the second reading . He liad voted in the majority of one which overthrew the Whig Government on the 8 s . fixed duty ; and having , therefore , the right to assume that bis vote turned the scale , he felt bound now to dccJare that hud he supposed the present Ministers would huve abandoned the cause of Protection as they had , he would have cut off his hand rather than have helped them into office in 1841 . . The Marquis of Londonderry supported the Bill . A farmer in the north , of England had expressed himself satisfied with tho Ministerial measure , because he should be obliged to grow two blades of grass where he now only grows one . As to the charge of inconsistency—there waa not more than six of their Lordships who ey « r before voted for a total repeal of the Corn Laws , and considuring that a nia » joritr were now prepared to vote in favour of the repeal , he thought they were not liable to nny accusation of change of opinion .
Lord SrAKLEr began by expressing great distrust in his own powers , but he felt strong in a conviction of the truth of the cause he supported , when entering upon the defence of a system of law which had been designated by Earl Fitzwiliiam an absurd system , and which had been vigorously assailed by those who had hitherto ably and strenuously defended it , and to whom it © wed its very existence . Upon the question of authority , he appealed from the authority of tlie living to that of the dead ; from statesmen of the present day to Lord Chatham , Mr . Pitt , and Mr . Huskisson ; " to Lord Liverpool , Mr . Canning , and Lord Grey . The Earl of Ripon had denied that the Legislature had recognized the principle of protecting native industry as a reason for
regulating the importation of corn , whereas such a principle had been adopted so early as the reign of Edward IV .. and it had been continued to be the rule of our legislation up to the present time , that it was expedient to secure the independence of this country upon foreign nations for corn , and to give encouragement and protection to the cultivation of its own soil . This had . not only been our own policy , but at the moment when we were venturing upon the bold experiment of leaving the supply of this nation ' s food to chance , every other country in the world of any eminence maintained a protection to its agriculture , lie did j ustice to tue motives of those who had brought forward this measure , and Sir Robert Peel in particular could not fail to have foreseen the
dislocation and disruption of ties , the shock to public confiiicuce , and the . distrust which it would occasion on the pait of coustituencies ia public men and in Parliament . But the right hon . baronet had mistaken the emergency and the position in which ho was placed : he had confounded the brawling torrent of agitation with the deep , J 8 till current of public opinion . Ministers had been asked in another place what they expected would bo the result of this measure , and they frankly said they did not know . This measure , therefore , was introduced without a knowledge oi what its effects would be . The grounds assigned for the measure were the famine in Ireland and the success of the tariff ; but these reasons were mutually at variaacc . If this bill relieved the famine in Ireland , it could only be by bringing dawn
the price of corn to the means of : ' -r fcU& ** tarr ving popnlation of Ireland , Their r TjoB § l «^ i must distinguish between famine and great locjfl warscity , lie spoke of famine ia Ireland as a visitfiif i baseless vision ; he spoke in different terms of the amount of destitution and distress through ! the ' partial failure of the potatoe crop . When the '" subject came before the Cabinet of which he was amenibefj ho yielded his own opinion and consented to & suspension , and a suspension only , of the Corn Law ; a total abolition h © considered unjustifiable in itself ; but he was left alone . The noble lord then sutcred into details respecting the course he had taken in these transactions , and then into statistical details applicable to the policy and cn ' ects of the
existing Corn Law , and particularly to tlie operation of the sliding scale in checking the tendency of a rise in the price of corn , and in preventing the fluctuation of prices . This was a complete a nswer to those who said that fluctuation pi' prices w » e the peculiar vice of the sliding scale ; whereas never had prices so fluctuated as during tlie free trade in corn , when we were most dependent on a foreign supply . In the prices of articles not subject to any slidingscale , in which there was a free trade—potatoes and cotton , for example—the fluctuations were enormous . The present Corn Law had kept us independent of foreign nations , lowered , and maintained a steadiness in prices ; and would any man contend that these advantages had been purchased by a sacrifice of any interest ? Solar from it , our exports had increased ,
our shipping had increased , the value of land had augmented ; why , then , was this hazardous expe riincnt to be made ? The system of manufacturing prosperity was not without its danger ; it should not bo checked ; but it ought to be carefully watched ; the power of production was always overtaking that of absorption , and if manufactures were pampered to an unwholesome increase , whon tho bubble burst the ruin would be extensive . But it was not clear that the repeal of the Corn Law would increase manufactures , Jf an argument w as drawn from the effects of the tariff upon other articles , the price of corn would rise with the repeal ot tne duty , for that of wool had risen . He , how ever , contended that the price of corn would fall greatly ; that we should have an inundation of foreign corn at 4 US . a quarter ) making that about the pneoof corn m the \ tontinutdtoti 4 JRgIltr « S '']
Jo The Members Of The Chartist _ Co-Operative Lam ) Association.
jO THE MEMBERS OF THE CHARTIST _ CO-OPERATIVE LAM ) ASSOCIATION .
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VOL . X . NO . 446- LONDON , SATURDAY , MAY 30 , 1846 . ^ ^ . ^ S S ^ S ^
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 30, 1846, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1368/page/1/
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