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THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, JULY 18, 1846.
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^ CHEAP PAPER HANGINGS,
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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STAB-DUST - ' ' * ' Direct from the mines of the moon—by JupiterJ " Something in this more than natural . . . find it OUt . " —SttlKSFERE . " Till after cloying the Gazette with cant , The age discovers "—Bihos . Should an article with so brilliant a name , " well known , < tc , &c , by Mrs . Harris , 'Bring disappointment to the experimenast , " and prove an useless " adjunct in any thing but bird-cages , the sand from Old Time ' s hour-glass would do as well , only we cannot get enough of it . Gentlemen , are advised not to despair of removing their beards , quite clean , and without pain . Jno . Teetges ' s Razor-Stoop of 1845 , and the Diahondidce BXFOLisHED Razors * are things of quite a different character , and will enable any one with care and skHltoshaveperfectly clean , and literally without the least paint The Razors are all sold in a state to accomplish this ; 2 nd the pamphlet , "Mv Razor and Shaving Tackle , "Id . by Post 2 d , will teach the novice or inexpert how to keep them so ! Razors , 2 s , 2 s , Cd , 3 s , 6 d , as , Cd , to 21 s . each ; Strops , Is , Is , 6 d , 2 s , 3 s , 4 s , os , to 15 s , each , lent on trial , and sent to any part of the kingdom carriage free , on receipt" of a Post Office order . Jso . Teetges , 10 , opposite Bishopsgatc Church . This name is only significant of their exactness of ternper , hardness , aud toughness—nothing more .
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ODES TO CONFIDENCE . Entered at Stationers' hall . "Where ' s Confidence ? Why hides she from man-Why does she veil her ever welcome face ? [ kind "Why ! Confidence has grossly been abused , By many who have won her cheering smiles . In every grade and near relationship : How ofther easy nature ' s been allured By gaudy shops , by wond ' rons promises Of more than art or nature can perform , Opinions golden from h « r purse to win . Thus Confidence so often trapp'd and snar'd By specious puffing and advertisements , " Will with the unpretending only dwell . "Who promises what's ' yond the reach of art . The smiles of Confidence will ne ' er receive . But he on aid of science who relies , And adds to theory experience , Fays honestly his court to confidence , And with perfection crowns his bandy work , Thus Confidence will smile upon his skill .
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" " MIHOSRAFB . C-f "" ' * " .: M AY stfl be had rt ^ the O Haymarket , and'Co ., lfl , ^" jectaUie bo ^ seller in town or London -, «*«*»« UJSenM < £ the Sorfhern Star . couutrjfc -oratanyjK "'* ° Q :- caie , is executed in the The epftraving ^ on » * inted on tinteu paper , and most finished sty-e ^ i ^ Testimonial , nas essSf e&fiRgflr
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— — EUGENE SUE'S NK \ Y KOVEL . MARTIN THE FCrtJNNAKG ; OR THS ADVENTURES OF A VALfiT . DE-CHAMBRE , appears regularly fe the -FXM&t HERALD , the most popular Penoajcai of thc ^ da ^ r—^ successful attempt to blend wisdq * B WithUcheel'fuiness , and utility with entertainment . Ifhe Family H&'ald is a t universal parlour favourite , veil adapted Eik- ! eisure moments . Order No . 1 C 8 , or Part 39 ; the forinur One Penny , the latter Sixpence . All Booksellers and News-agents sell the Family Herald .
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MR . O'CONNOR'S SPEECH . A Verbatim Report of Mr . O'Connor ' s speech at the Election at Nottingham , PRICE THREE PENCE , will be published on Saturday next , the 25 th of July . —Agents are requested to send their orders in time .
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HERRINGSGATE . The Northern Star of tbe 22 nd August will contain an elaborate engraving of Herringsgate Farm , with the adjacent country , thus affording to all who are interested in the success of the land plan an opportunity of preserving a fitting moment of the first locality . The Northern Star of Saturday week will contain a correct , list of those who have been ballotted for the second location .
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IRELAND . Hereditary bondsmen , know ye not , Who would be free themselves must strike the blow !
In these days of progression ; in this age of watchful scrutiny , searching enquiry , jealousy and suspicion—there is something so startling , something so astounding and appalling , in the notion of a people calling themselves brave , intelligent and enlightened , being sold without a struggle at the political auction mart , that we know not whether most to wonder at
the boldness of the auctioneer , or the pliancy of the stock . It is now some years since , commenting upon the Reform * speeches of Thomas Attwood , and tracing to them the new notions of physical force , which had sprung up in this country , that we observed , that the period had arrived when a sagacious people would demand from political leaders the real , simple , and substantial , not the figurative and metaphorical , meaning of plain and simple language .
There was something charming to the English ear in the announcement of the Brummagem chie 6 that THREE MILLION ARMS would be speedily uplifted as a response to the pulsation of three million English hearts , panting for liberty , and aspiring to its possession . There was something so simple in the mode pointed out by the great bard , by which alone hereditary bondsmen could free themselves , that it required no political glossary to illustrate its meaning to the susceptible minds of the susceptible Irish people , in a state of incipient revolution for the last seven centuries , and tutored in the national lesson—that ENGLAND'S
WEAKNESS WAS IRELAND ' S OPPORTUNITY ; taught to believe that the Irish volunteers of ' 82 had achieved more by the TERROR OF THEIR ARMS , and the motto under the touch-hole of their cannon , significantly illustrated by the Liberator placing his forefinger on the tip of his nose , amid the cheers of hereditary bondsmen , than by all the moral force speeches of their predecessors . There was something figurative in all this—a kind of politico-scriptural language , to suit the devil , whether saint or sinner ; but there was something so plain and simple in the power of redemption vested
in TWO HUNDRED THOUSAND FIGHTING MEN ; something so unmistakeable in the boast of the largest amount of PHYSICAL FORCE ever placed at the disposal of conqueror , whether ancient or modern ; something so pertinent to the accomplishment of freedom in the native streams THAT WERE TO BE CRIMSONED WITH IRISH BLOOD IN THE IRISH STRUGGLE FOR NATIONALITY ; something so characteristic of physical force in the arm that was yet STRONG ENOUGH
AND WILLING TO WIELD THE SWORD IN DEFENCE OF IRISH LIBERTY ; something so speakingly eloquent in the ability of Irishmen to manufacture ONE MILLION PIKES within a week ; something so significant in the relative strength of Irishmen as compared with those of any other country of the world — there was something so plain and simple in this boasting language , so boastingly expressed by Ireland ' s moral force leader and
his head pacificator , that we were not a little astonished at learning that the real meaning of physical force was to be found in three gentlemen coming down from the Nation office , to oppose the return of a Government hack for the Repeal borough of Dungarvan , and in the uncontradicted announcement , no doubt intended as a bait for the Repeal trap , that a briefless barrister had accepted a foreign mission from the " BASE , BLOODY , AND BRUTAL
WHIGS . " Howbeit , if we have so far mistaken the meaning of words as to jumble blood and loyalty , pikes and obedience to the ever adorable Providence , five hundred thousand fighting men and a peaceful struggle for nationality , the largest amount of physical force ever placed at the disposal of a conqueror and respectful petitions to the Saxon Parliament , we cannot mistake a palpable fact which now stares Ireland and the world in the face , that one of Ireland's greatest
enemies , a deserter from her ranks , a creature of faction , a hack , a base , bloody , and brutal Whig , a registered foe of Irish nationality , the traitor of 1833 , has been allowed , unopposed , to achieve the representation of the Repeal borough of Dungarvan Dungarvan , the Irish ground upon which we redeemed the Irish character , and neutralised the Saxon triumph of 1834—Dungarvan , that in 1834 maintained the struggle for Irish Nationality against the odds that are now paraded as a reason for avoiding a contest .
If the Tories had remained m office , and if a general Election had taken place , would Mr . Sheil have been accepted for its representative ?—and , if not , to what necessity then , other than Whig expediency , does Dungarvan owe the dishonour and disgrace of being thus prostituted to patronage . What , let us ask , has been the one distinct and unmistakeable pledge given by the Irsh leaders , if all others were obscure and mysterious ? Was it not that repealers ,
and repealers only , should represent Ireland ? And have we not been taught to believe in the progress that the principle had made , and in the state of readiness in which the several repeal constituencies were , and especially Dungarvan , to redeem the national pledge ? Where , then , are we to look for the progress of the national principle ? Where are we to look for Irish consistency \ Wlierefor the proud honour of her boastful leaders ? Can the grand battle be won if every skirmish is to be lost ? And
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why . were Wyse , Leader , the F . on . ROb . King , and Jeph 88 n , emancipators and Veformers , ignominiously hurled from their seats \ n l 832 ? Why were Serjeant Murphy , Daniey Callaghan ; Sir William Somerville , Mr . Reri ' mgton , m& the unguliable , threatened , with expu&flr , On the first opportunity , while Dungarvan w * to be the scene of so splendid a phantom as the unopposed triumph of the traitor of 1833 , the soup commissioner of 1837 , the antirepealer of aU times , and the counterfeit Master of the Mint of the Saxon government , with a salary of
£ 2 , 000 . a year . We are told that Dungarvan was not prepared for the contest-that there was no money in the exchequer , and that the Devonshire interest would be opposed to repeal . Let us test the progress of the national principle by these traitorous paltry excuses . Was Dungarvan prepared , or ready , in 1834 ? Was the Devonshire interest then favourable to repeal ? And was the exchequer too poor to forbid a contest , or was the time favourable ? Upon the contrary , it was a struggle for redemption , in the very teeth of a recent defeat . The anticipated death of Lord Burlington strengthened
the Devonshire interest—the repealers had the worst man that could possibly be found , while the Whigs selected Pierce George Barren as the candidate , round whom every fragment of faction would , and did , rally to defeat repeal . Not only was the Devonthire interest , Whig interest , and the Tory interest opposed to the repeal candidate , but a large amount of Catholic influence , sore at the defeat of Mr . Galway , was also opposed to it ; while Purcell O'Gorman , secretary to the Catholic Association , was en * gaged as counsel for the Whig candidate ,.. ami brought with him a large amount of / Catholic - ¦ .- ' - ¦ ' - , ' . ¦ -.- ¦ n ,-j , " -.. support . . . : v
The Assessor , to whom all objections were : referred , was a Whig , the returning officer was a Whig , the stipendiary magistrate was a Whig , the town was crammed with military and police , all at the disposal of the Whig party , then in power . Jacob , the-. repeal candidate , was a Protestant ; and with these fearful odds we went confidently to the struggle , and , without the expense of a guinea , we returned with our trophies to London . Were ever odds equal to these at an election—and has Dungarvan retrogaded under the active management of the national
committee ? That triumph was gained without the expenditure of a single farthing . We think it right to state this fact , because Mr . O'Connell has asserted that the contest cost him Five Hundred Pounds . Now , we call for the account . We discharged the duties of counsel , committee man , and agitator , for Mr . Jacob , and we received not a fraction . Not a man was bribed , not a man was employed . The committee sat at Mr . Bower ' s house—Mr . Bower
entertained the committee . At three o ' clock of the day before the election closed , when Pierce George Barron was greatly at the head of the poll , we were taunted with having lost the election from not having spent money . We instantly dissolved the committee , took all the responsibility , sat up all night , as we had the previous nights , and at the close of the election Mr . Jacob was returned—we think by a majority of 46 .
Now , we ask , and we have right to receive an answer , to whom the £ 500 or 500 pence was paid . We deny it , wholly and utterly deny it : while , if report is to be believed , the virtuous liberator received ample remuneration for any service that he rendered us through the presence of his son John , which , to say the truth , was not worth the value of a pin ' s head . The question , however , does not even rest here . The fitness of a repeal candidate did not solely consist in his being a repealer , but the further qualification of his being a member of
Conciliation Hall was indispensable . Shiel was neither the one nor the other . But how it bespeaks the weakness , the duplicity and depravity of the threadbare patriots , when we find at one and the same time , that Dundalk is ready to receive a young O'Connell , while Dungarvan opens its arms to an old apostate . If Dungarvan was doubtful to all others , had the Liberator ' s power so faded as to render it even doubtful to the last and dearest of the young Hannibals ? Could not Dundalk have been secured to another , while the return of Daniel
Hannibal for Dungarvan would have enabled the great actor to have sustained the repeal farce for yet a little longer . However , Dungarvan is sold , and the Irish people are sold , and while the traffic is going unopposedly forward , it is neither right , or fair or just , that Smith O'Brien , the leader of truth , of justice and repeal , should shelter himself in retirement , while his brave and manly subalterns are
fighting the battle of Irish nationality against the fearful odds of political jugglery and municipal profligacy . He must fly to the rescue , or he too will be consigned to the catalogue of jugglers . He must not profess to write for Ireland , and rest satisfied with votes of thanks for the very same acts that the braver of his party received censu e and insult for performing .
There is something truly ludicrous in the horror of the old whig beast at the abuse of a gentleman BEHIND HIS BACK , and something so farcical in the Championship of the absent , by that WARM FACED PATRIOT Tom Steel , that , but for the awfulness of the consequences , would lead us to laughter . Ireland is not yet in possession of the following fact : —Mr . O'Connell , before he left London , entered into a definitive treaty with the Whigs , the sum and substance of which was that he would go to Ireland and break up the repeal association .
Has he not honourably fulfilled his mission ? But , Satan like , while he and his faction reap the reward of their country ' s dishonour , he will contrive to throw the odium of confusion and disturbance upon those who have been bold enough to resist his despotism and adhere to the lessons that he himself has taught them . He has sold Ireland once more and will sell her again , if her sons do not rise as one man
and for ever trample upon a power that has brought disgrace upon the nation and made Ireland a byeword of contempt throughout the civilized world . Had we been aware that Dungarvan was to have been so dishonored , if death , certain death , stared us in the face , we would have met the apostate upon the hustings and saved Ireland the dishonour and Dungarvan the disgrace of so deep and we fear so lasting a wound . " Alas , poor country , Almost afraid to know itself . "
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nientof his new alliance with Whiggery , by a repetition of his denunciation of Chartism ; trumping up the old bugbear , PHYSICAL FORCE , as the ghost fo affright his dupes , The damning report of the , . peal COffimlttefe : S replete with denunciation of Chartism , and the alliance is ostensibly formed with the view of once more crushing that combination of the working classes , so much dreaded by him , and so terrible to corruption . The only modicum of justice that Mr . O'Connell was able to offer from the Whigs was , the promise of place to those who desert the ranks of repeal ; and thus , as we have more than once stated , the war-cry of Ireland has been used by the Ogre to fat liis prey , that he may lire upon the hearfc ' e-blood of his bleeding country .
Here we find a doating old driveller , placing it out of the power of the most mild or tolerant historian to ascribe other than profligate motives to his long life of inconsistency . We were taught to believe , that " England ' s " . weakness was Ireland ' s opportunity ; " and yet , when she was tottering from very weakness , we find the leader ef the Irish people use the opportunity to prop her , and sustain her power to preserve her sway . Repeal , we are told , is the one , the only panacea for every grievance . We are told
that the O'Connor Don is a repealer , and , therefore , qualified for a place in an Administration whose pledge is to resist repeal to the death ; and thus , as in 1834 , so in 1846 , those who were returned upon the repeal pledge by confiding constituencies , many of whom lost their all and were reduced to beggary in consequence of their devotion to the principle , have now been doomed to see those representatives , for whose distinction they struggled so gloriously and incessantly , sold at the Whig auction mart , by the salesman and betrayer of his country .
"Who feats to talk of' 88 , Who dares to talk of 46 , Who feara to talk and prate , While Celt and Saxons mix . " From 1834 to 1841 the pledged repealers dwindled from 42 to 12 , while , as we before announced , each successive election will be used by the juggler to fill his own pockets , and provide for his poor relations and dependants at the expense of his country ' s liberty : and when the question is again ripe in the Irish heart , and when the Irish people once more demand an exhibition of their strength in the Saxon Parliament , the magiuian ' s wand will wave proudly over the land , and the SPLENDID ; PHANT 0 M of
Irish hope will have vanished . before the blaze of Whig patrronage . Then we shall have our Irish CUancellar , our Catholic Judges , our Advocate , Attorney and Solicitor Genera ) , our restored Magistrates , our repeal placemen , our recruited police force , our tenant right to go to law before repeal Judges with the landlord ' s statutes in their hands ; we shall hear of the security for the pauper in the tenderness and mercy of the Liberator ' s official relation ; we shall hear of the boons bestowed and privileges guaranteed to the Catholic aristocracy , from which those of their Protestant brethren cannot be separated ; but we shall hear no more of Ireland for the Irish ; we shall hear no
more—Of the harp that ones thro' Tara 8 halls ; no more of Tara of the Kings ; no more of the proud assemblage of Irish nobles and Irish commoners meeting in College-green to govern Ireland and to adjust her differences ; we shall hear no more of that arm still ready to wield the sword in defence of its country ' s liberties ; no more of the blood that ' s ready to flow to regain her rights ; no more of Ireland ' s restoration from provincial degradation to national independence . But why should we ? Will not Ireland have received as much justice as she is entitled to while her sons are ready to barter their liberty in exchange for the agrandisement of her betrayer .
Nor is this the only unhallowed combination we have now to meet and subdue . The bloody old Timei , as remarkable for its profligacy as is O'Connku , for his treachery , has been sold to the Whig party for the aggrandisement of its tool . As tve announced in our bills of last week , the Times has been purchased by tho Whigs , and a poi-tion of the price is a
BARONETCY FOR JOHN WALTER . The Times , like O'Cosnell , feels ashamed : of its own profligacy , and bending beneath the weight of its own treachery , like the Liberator , pledges , in the first instance , but a qualified support to its new protegees . Who , however , can read the fulsome announcement of
TnE Triumph of Mb . Macauut and the smothered exultation at the unopposed retarn of the members of the Whig Administration ^ without blushing fer the power possessed by prostitutes and jugglers . And yet , undaunted and unsubdued , Chartism will [ meet this new combination of incongruous elements , and by its own superior strength triumph over the unholy coalition . It wilj be seen that the Executive have , in compliance with
the requests of many constituencies , postponed the meeting of the Convention from Wednesday , the 29 th of July , to Monday , the 3 rd of August ; and it will be also seen , that Mr . O'Connor and the Executive will attend the camp meeting near Rochdale , where the counties of York and Lancaster will assemble , on the 2 nd , there to take counsel with the industrious of those two important counties as to the best and surest mode of conducting the future agitation for the accomplishment of the People ' s Charter .
We trust that the three questions to be brought most prominently before the Convention , will be the means of securing Chartist . representatives at the next General Election ; a national petition , to bo signed by at least five millions , to be ready for presentation to the next Parliament ; and the restoration of Frost , Williams and Jonbs . From intelligence we receive from all parts of the country , we feel gratified in being able to state that Chartism ia
neither dead nor dying , but is prepared once more to take its stand as the leading question of the day . AH that is now required is , that the leaders shall faithfully , fearlessly , and prudently perform their duty , and the people will as faithfully , fearlessly , and prudently discharge theirs . And when the foe that we beat before , with its forces augmented by such an unholy coalition , shall see our power for obstruction , they must either surrender or court an alliance upon our own terr as .
As yet we have observed no notification of thost broad principles upon which we were assured Lord John Russkll would conduct his government ; we have heard not a word of the Ten Hours' Bill , nor shall we until he is again at the bleak side of Downing-street . Truo , we have heard that Mr . Hindlby . and others who contended for the whole measure during the Tory Administration , have now consented to offer a compromise for Eleven Hours slavery , but as yet we have not heard a syllable from Russbli ., O'Conneu ., or the Times , calculated to induce us to lower our flag , or to strike a single word from our motto of NO SURRENDER !
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If the French peop le had rested satisfied with , testing : / , the value of a principle , before empires streamed with blood for its realization , France , as a party in such a struggle , would have established the bounds pf hec own comjort m . ore , reai an ([ stable than those assigned to her by the ambition of a military despot . Fortunately for the English people , they are more enlightened , and will not run the chance of gratifying ambitious warriors by a premature or hasty realization of a principle , which , in a brief period , has presented its own substantial value to
the British mind . When Mr . O'Connor first . ' proposed tbe land scheme to the working classes , it was treated with that silent contempt with which every project for their improvement is met , but when their approval was likely to lick the giant reform into shape , and mould it into practice , then the indignation of the ignorant , and the wrath of the disappointed , had no bounds ; and now that practical operations are about to be commenced , the skirmishing portion of the press can no longer withold its opposition .- .
The weak point in every undertaking having for its object the amelioration of the working classes hasjbeen a deserved loss of confidence in the managers and directors . If the object was political the leaders werejeorrupted ; if the object was social improvement and required money for its realization , the dishonesty of its managers has been the invariable rock upon which even chances of success have been shattered . The several objections started against the
land scheme have been so prom ; tly and successfully met and refuted , that it now remains for us to create those remaining obstacles which may present themselves to the mind of the dissatisfied , with the certainty of destroying them . One of two events must occur , either that the firat occupants will prosper or fail . If they prosper , their succesB is at once an answer to all objections , while , should they ^ failj from want of industry , of knowledge ,, or perseverance , their failure would not bespeak failure of the plan . ,
The great object of Mr . O'Connor was to create so large a class of farming , labourers as would , in the first instance , furnish a practical example to all of the capability of the soil and the value of free labour when applied to its cultivation , and secondly , to open the free labour market to those who had become a drug , a competitive power , a dangerous reserve in the slave-market . If , then , the first occupants should fail from any of the supposed causes , the cheering fact remains behind ! that there is a new market
opened for labour , which labour never before possessed . Rome in its infancy was peopled by outcasts , by pickpockets , thieves , and prostitutes from all parts of the continent of Europe . Our most splendid houses , in-our most splendid street ? , in our most civilised cities , even in our most civilised age , are , in the first instance , dedicated to drunkenness and prostitution , until by degrees flanking morality compels lewdness and dissipation to take shelter in that obscurity which vice must ever court .
So precisely with our splendid cottages , our square allotments , our straight gravel walks , deep wells , and running streams , if they should in the first instance be dedicated to idleness , dissipation , or profligacy , there Is a class of labour always ready and at hand to drive the bad ones from Paradise , and to reinstate themselves in their stead . If ten per cent , or 20 per cent ., or 50 per cent ., should fail to realise our hopes , there will always be a sufficient number of persons of their own class , but of superior condition , to replace them at a higher premium , and thus the plan affords even a fascination for the idle , and a secure investment for the industrious . At the pre sent moment we have more than one commission to
offer h'Om £ 30 to £ 70 premium for allotments , varying from two to four acreB , and in order to test the stability of the project , wo assert as follows : Suppose that by the rules pf the Society , the houses and land were to be let to the highest bidder , instead of being appropriated t » the successful candidates from the members of the association , a premium ol £ 30 , £ 60 , and £ 70 , for two , three , or four acres
over and above the reserved rent charged by . the society , would be cheerfully paid for every allotment m less than forty-eight hours after notice . Hence we show ihat parties who , we must presume , would have ample means even to speculate upon the land , would cheerfully become occupants when the market was once opened , while we further show the e . r cesslve premium at which the allotments will alway : stand .
We state this extreme case , for the mere purpose of arguing the certainty of success upon the most remote improbability , while we confidently assert that a single failure out of a thousand must be the result of idleness , dissipation , or neglect . We shall not ascribe it to either weakness or incapacity , as the weakest will ho iufticieBtly strong for his work and will gain strength as he progresses , while all chances of incapacity are destroyed by the cheap
knowledge that will surround the most ignorant upon all sides . The week before Ia&t we published an account of the operations of a Mr . Sillett upon two acreB of ground , for which we stated that he had paid the enormous sum of £ 180 , while from the following interesting and highly valuable communication , it will be seen that he paid the enormous sum of £ 236 , er at 5 per cent , the yearly rent of £ lls . 16 s . for two acres of land , without a house . The followis from Mr . Sillett : —
Sir , —Tbe account you have condescended to insert- in your valuuble paper ( the Northern Star ) ofthe 4 tli inst .. of my little farm , I beg to atate is perfectly correct witli the exception of the amomnt of purchase . I gave £ 236 instead of £ 180 as Mr . Gitrrard stated to you , and that an residence is in Suffolk instead of Norfolk . Ever since I have been in possession of your valuable work on " Small Furmo" ( which is now nearly three years ) I have always felt a gi l e » l desire to acknowledge my most sincere thanks for the benefit I have derived from it , my name having been made known to you 1 embracu the earliest opportunity of presuming to do so , for to that alone 1 owe all my success in my undertaking .
I remain , your most humble obedient servant . John Sillett . Keliale , near Saxmundham , Suffolk . July 15 th , 184 G . Now , we may fairly ask , even making every allowance for the taste , the skill , attention , anil in " dustry of the writer , wby any other working man with an equal desire to prosper , may not be capable of achieving the same result ; and under much more flattering circumstances . Mr . O'Connor has pledged
himself to make amends for possible incapacity , by making the dissemination of practical knowledge of agriculture his life ' s study , after the seveial occupants have been located ; passing periodically from Paradise to Paradise , encouraging , instructing , and enriching . In the outset the certainty of failure and the probability of discomfort , were the two open mouthed charges against the plan , but as it progresses * the charge of failure is abandoned , and that of too much comfort has been substituted . Of the numerous
visitors who have inspected the farm and the buildings , without one solitarylexception , whether Whigs , Tories , Chartists , Socialists , or Teetotallers whether men or women , all have admired with astonishment , and expressed their approval without bounds . The Chartists confessing tbat it is practical ^ Chartismthe teetotallers that it is pvactio . il teetotalUm , &B much as it holds out inducement to sobriety ; and the socialists , that it is tho realisation of what they were led to anticipate from the experiment at Harmony .
It is not presuming too much to suppose tbat a question that has taken such deep root in the hearts Of the industrious , and to which they are wedded b \ the ties of membership , will shortly be forced upon the notice of candidates upon the hustings , and upon the mind of representatives in parliament , nor can we for a moment suppose that either or any faction will be much longer able to govern this country with no better fruits presented to the industrious than the justice with which political bookkeeper ! adjust the monetary affairs of speculating capitalists . We . cannot bring ourselves to believe that the working classes will be satisfied with comparative comfort in this nation of overgrown luxury while their degree is to be measured by the helpless forlorn state of FOUR MILL ! ON DESTITUTE PAUPERS , OR FIVE HUNDRED THOUSAND NEGLECTED SOULS L 1 VJNG
The Northern Star. Saturday, July 18, 1846.
THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , JULY 18 , 1846 .
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THE CHARTER . Now that the Whig faction has been once more compelled to recruit its scattered forces from the political poor-house of Ireland , and the monied'ranks of England , —now that the big Beggarman has once more sold his country for the emoluments of patronage , to be dispensed amongst an army of profligates , it behoves the noble army of Chartists , who routed the combined forces of Whiggery and Irish treachery before , to marshal themselves for the battle once mare . However Mr . O'Connell may have decried against those supposed obstacles , which stood in the way of what he calls Justice to Ireland—and however he may have cloaked his real meaning in mysterious phraseology , no doubt can remain as to the party from which he anticipates corruption will receive the greatest obstruction .
Upon his return to the auction mart for the sale of Irish liberty , the growing spirit of Chartism haunted his coward soul , and he commenced the annoence-
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TIIE LAND . While the several factions are outbidding each other in the mavket of speculation , respectively basin g their pretensions to preference upon the superiority of their mode of adjusting the commercial interests of the monied classes , those lor whose benefit legislation ,. however mysterious , is said to be conducted , are . meantime setting their hearts upon the possession o the land , by which alone they hope to escape th mysteries of the law , the conundrum of legislation , the . oppression of capital and the degradation of
inferiority . The question ol' the land , unlike the state of the criminal law , is no longer a PROBLEM YET TO BE SOLVED . If England was now in the same state of political ignorance as France prior to the revolution , the whole : country from north to south , from east to . west , yea , to the very centre , would for ever abandon the SPLENDID PH ANTOM of all hope of sanatory improvement , education » I advance , and amendment of the criminal code , for the more solid possession © t that which can alone give man control over health , education , and propensities .
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . Monday ' night was the actual commencement of the new ministry . On that night they entered into Parliamentary possession and became in every sense a duly constituted Executive . A statement from tho Prime Minister as to his general policy , and tho leading principles on which he intends to conduct tho affairs of the country , was expected as a matter of course on that evening ; but Lord John excused himself by saying that he jwas not prepared . All his colleagues had not had time to be re-elected and get
back to take their seats , but on Thursday he hoped to make the expected statements , and especially with reference to . tbe Sugar question . As it is the fashion in the House , as well as out , to be exceedingly confiding and good humoured just now , and as the organs of the -Wliigs in town and country have in one general chorus . asked for " only a fair trial , " the Commons acquiesced in this unusual delay on the part of the Prime Minister , and there the matter dropped for that night . On Tuesday a member of the Protectionist party elicited that the precise nature ef the permanent measure with reference to sugar ,
would not be stated' on Thursday , whereupon Mr . Duncombe asked if they-were not to be informed , on that day , as to the general principles of the new government and its general policy . The answer give s by Lord John was , that no such information was deemed necessary , the priaciples on which he intended to carry on his government were those ho uad always acted on , and declared in that house . Mr . Duncombe , in rejoinder , promised to ask , what their principles were ; and there , at the time of our
writng , the . matters rests . We do not presume to anticipate the course which the hon . member for Finsbury will adopt to draw the badger from his hole . We have no fear but that on this aa on other occasions , he will do his duty faithfully and ably . But the shuffling , equivocation and evasion of the new minister , at his very entrance into office , reminds us painfully already that the Whigs are in power . Farewell to all straightforwardness as long as they remain so !
For the first time in his life , Lord John Russel appears in the character of Prime Minister . It was an imperative duty , no less than a matter of courtesy from one occupying such a situation , to baveexplained the outline , at least , of that policy which his government intended to carry out , instead of which he talks haughtily and vaguely about its being unnecessary , and the principles , on which he has always acted . What are they ? Can anybody , tell us ? . So far as our own recollections go , the principles on whioh Lord John has always acted , were the finality of the Reform Bill and an 8 s . fixed duty on corn . Not much hope of progress here , we opine . '
The week has been wasted , so far , in profitless talk about all manner of bills . On Tuesday night the house ' was counted out , in order to escape a debate and a division on one of the subjects alluded to by Lord John in his deceptive and catching ad . dress to the electors of the City of London . Mr . Ewam had ii motion as to Capital Punishments on the paper . Lord John told the electors , that" the treatment ol' criminals is a problem yet undecided ;" and apparently , so far as he is concerned , " undecided" it is to remain . Tne counting out of the house at the early hour of half-past six on the second
night of the' Whig official Parliamentary career , to avoid giving an opinion on this imuortant subject , . doea not say much for their boldness or their honesty . Especially is such conduct reprehensible , when the debate of the previous evening is recollected , and the excuse then put forward , of " too late for the session , " for getting rid of a whole shoa of useful administrative measures ; some of them ? far advanced through their several stages of progress , Indeed , the week has been principally distinguished for an unsparing massacre of the innocents . The Poor Removal Bill—a part of the " great and
comprehensive scheme " of the late Premier , is to be shelved for the session ; or , at all events , dealt : with piecemeal , the most important parts being reserved for mxt year . Mr . Duncombe a % d Mr . Wakley long since expressed their suspicion that this would be the case ; and so it has turned out . But Ttiiafc wonder is there in the fact ? That part of the " great and comprehensive measure " was almost the only part that bore directly on the condition of the poor man . It gave him a right to relief in the place where he had lived and laboured , and made others rich by that toil which brought him only penury , old age
and disease . But the wealthy millowner , the speculating capitalist , the holder of bank stock , the merchant prince , whoje wealth is acquired by exchanging commodities , secured their share of the " great and comprehensive measure" first ; and now the labourer may ask for his small part in vain— " It is too late in the session : next year we shall enquire . " Miserable mockery ! Till the people sond their own representatives to . Parliament , it will never be tht time for redressing their grievances . Too late , or too soon , will always be , as they always have boen , the ready answer of all party politicians , to genuine , honest , and universal reforms .
The Highway Bill is thrown over entirely . This was another part of the " comprehensive measure . " We are promised , next year , an enquiry into the working of the Poor Law as a whole ; in order to keep Peter Borthwick quiet in the meantime . He had a motion for an enquiry this session , but " it is too late . " So with the enor < mous evils attendant on the present system of
turning convicted felons by thousands loose in Van Dieman ' s Land , until the criminals largely exceed in number the honest and respectable population , who are ground to the dust in paying taxes for the maintenance of a moral pestilence among them . That , too , is to wait till next session . ¦ In the meantime no more convicts are to be sent for eighteen months . Let the inhabitants of that ill-used colony be thankful for this Bmall mercy . ¦
These are mere specimens of the slaughter which has commenced among the bills , by way of letting our legislative sportsmen off to their slaughter of game among the hills , and dismissing a- host of Whig placemen and incapables to the enjoyment of their salary and other official privileges , undisturbed by ugly questions , or untimely debates in Parliament . The aspect of the political horizon , however , already begins to look cloudy . People are
recovering from the stupor into which late events hav 6 thrown them . Bye-and-bye we shall find all parties shaking themselves once more into definite positions . When that time comes tlieiays of Whiggery are numbered . It is at best ) but a galvanized corpse , and merely acts at the present moment by the force of external agencies . It has no vitality in itself , and the moment that the extraneous causes , which now seem to impart life to it , are withdrawn , it wil ' drop into the grave , never , we trust , to be resuscitated .
The only portion of the week ' s proceedings up to the time of our writing , on which we cau congratulate the country , was tlic debate on Monday night , as to the conduct of tke Poor Law Commissioner * It **' indeed most gratifying to find that so outrageous h * their conduct been , that tUey have disgusted Bro «» bread Joskph himself , and that actually that emin CIl ( Malthusian economist and poor law advocate , m <> " that their salaries should bo disallowed . This fftfuM ' in fact , knock the Commissioners on the head , thoug * Mr . Humb did not intern * it iu that light ; but met **
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WITHIN THE PRECINCTs OF ROYalt ' v WITHOUT GOD OR WITHOUT HOPE ; N we hope better for the improved mind of this coun ' try ,, We hope ( hat the practical illustration of V value of the land , so clearly demonstrated by Mr * O'Connor , will lead to such a universal demand for its natural , just , and national appropriation , ag no government can long resist , and thus will the land plan have been the most eloquent expounder of Chartism and thuB may its founder truly sty , that in this age of activity and profession , when the novelties of yesterday become the antiquities ef today , that even in this age HE HAS PRODUCED A NOVELTY .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 18, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1375/page/4/
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