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Crafces' f&nbtvnmtst.
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THE NOETHEKN STAii. SATURDAY, AUGUST 1, 1846.
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Now ready, MR SBCOHD EDIHOH Of MY LIFE, OR OUR SOCIAL STATE, Past I.
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Tbb Murder at Daoeshau—Adjourned Ikquest
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fOLANb'S? -REGENERATION. .
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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a Poem , by ERNEST JOKES , Barrister at Law . 1 > contains more pregnant thoughts , more bursts of Ivkc power , more , in fine , ( if the truly grand and beautifn ) than auj poetical work , which has made its appearance for years . We know of few tilings more drainatic » V : y intense than the scenes between Philipp , Warren and Glare . —Afew Quarterly ifeciete . Full of wild dreams , strange fancies and graceful images , " interspersed with many bright and beautiful ihonyhts , its chief defect is its brevity . The authors msuiniiions seem to xush fresh and sparkling from iiippocieri-.-. lie will want neither readersuor admirers . — uorn-
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In Weekly numbers at One Penny , aud Monthly Parts at Sixpence , the T OSDOX PIONEEU , contaiuinp 16 large quarto pages I i ( 48 columns ) for One Penny , in which will be found an im mense mass of entertaining and useful matter—Origin al Tales aud Romances of the first order , besides some Terv u eful Essays , Original Poetry , and Articles on Dome , tic Economy , Science , and Manufacture . The London Pi-meer devotes a portion of its columns to the ad-¦ raucement of social l . appiness . It wages deadly war against all corruption and monopoly ; fears no party ; is we . idea to no party ; but advocates the rights of labour and the emancipation of commercial enterprise throughout the world , with paice on earth aud good will towards all mankind . Ko . 14 is this day published , and contains Eugene Sue ' s new Novel , entitled , "Martin , the Found , line- or Memoirs of a Valet de Charabre . "—Published bj B . D . Cousins , 3 ) ukt-str « et , Lincoln's-inn , London ; and sold 1 . t all booksellers . —Part S is now ready .
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LITHOGRAPHIC ENGRAVINGS OF THE BUNCOMBE TESTIMONIAL . MAY « till be had at the Office of Messrs . M'Gowax and Co ., 16 , Great Windmill Street , Hayniarket , Xo ^ . don ; throug h any respectable bookseller in town or cou .. irv m at iiny of the agents of the iforf / icrn Star . The ' cu ^ ravius is oualarge scale , is executed in Gie most finished styie , is finely printed on tinted paper , ami gives a minute description of the Testimonial , and has ^ Inscription , ^ ftfrlgBg&re *
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CIIEAP PAPER HANGINGS . WM . FAHRK solicits ihe attention of the Public to his well selected Stock of Paper Hangings , of which he has always a large Stock on hand for inspection rsale , commencing with Bed Room Paper from fd , per yard . Staircase ditto jd . „ Sitting Room ditto IJd . „ Drawing Room ditto 2 Jd- „ Grained and other papers equally cheap for Ready Money « nly at the -M : inuf ;;< : iorv . IS , Cumberland Row , King's Cross , Opposite the Chalk lioad .
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TO TAILORS . Now ready , rflHE LO 5 TDOX ana PARIS SPRING and SUMSIER X FASHIONS , for 1846 . By approbation of her Hajesty Queen Victoria , and his Royal Highness Princ Albert , a splendidly coloured print , beautifully executed published by BENJAMIN READ and Co ., 12 , Hartutreet , Bloomsbury-square , London ; and G . Berg r , Holvwell-street , Strand , London . Sold by the publishers and all bookselUrs , wheresoever residing . This so pern Print will be accompanied with full size Biding Dress and Frock Coat patterns , a complete pattern of the new
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A GOOD FIT WARRANTED . UB 5 DELL AXD CO ., Tailors , are now nlftVinsupa complete Suit of Superfine Black , any size , for £ 3 ; Superfine West of England Black , £ 3 10 s . ; and the \ ets liest Superfine Saxony , £ 5 , warranted not to spot or change colour . Juvenile Superfine Cloth Suits , 24 s . ; liveries equally cheap—attbe Great Western Emporium , Kos . l and 2 , Oxford-street , London ; the noted house for food black cloths , « nd patent made trousers . Gentlemen ean choose the colour and quality of cloth from tlie largest stout in Londan . Tiie v t of cutting taught .
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DAGURREOTYPE AND CALOTTPE . THE APPARATUS , LENS , CHEMICALS , PLATES CASES , and every other articls used iu making and Siounting the abovu can be had of 1 . E ^ erton , So 1 , Temple-street , Whitefriars , London . _» escriptive Catalogues gratis . ' ' LERBBOURS' celebrated ACHROMATIC TRIPLET LENSES for the MICROSCOPE , sent to nny part of the country at the following prices : —Deep Power , 00 s . ; Low Power , 25 s . Every article warranted . Practical instructions . Three Guineas .
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Jmt Published , Pjhcb Ohe Tekvy , The Monthly Report ^ for July ¦ of OCCURRENCES IN ^ 0 LAN " ' „ And fact , connected with the cause of Poland ! Regeneration . To which is added an Addregs TO THE ELECTORS OP FRANCE . By the Democratic Committee for Poland ' s Regeneration London : M'Gowan and Co ., 16 , Great WindmUl-strcst ; Clements , Little Putteney-street ; Hethtrington , Holywell-street , Strand ; Cousins , 18 , Duke-street , Lin coins Inn Fields ; and all booksellers and news-agents in town and country * * Any person forwarding two postnge stamps , addressed to G . Julian Haraey , 16 , Great Windmill-street , can have a copy transmitted through the Post Office , pre-paid .
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The Star of Saturday next will contain a full report of the proceedings of the ConYention . Immediately after tie Demonstration to Hemngsgate , Mr . O'Connor will visit Leicester , Nottingham , Derby , Northampton and Birmingham .
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•« . THE DEMONSTRATION . The Star of the 22 nd inst . will contain a full and entire account of the proceedings -ind amusements of the 17 th ins , and also a splendid engraving of the Chartist First Estate , by atirst-rate artist .
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Bahsslet . — ¦ Tlse'Committee of Power Loom wearers in Barn 3 iey on behalf of the whol « trade , return their best thanks to the following trades in Sheffield who liiive so liberally responded to tliciv call , viz ., the File-grinders , Saw-grinders , Scissor-for » tr * , Tablerknife-halter * , File-hardners , Fendei-grinders , and various other trades who have promised their support . Through the great kindness and liberality of the Sheffield trades , the turnout is likely to be brought to a speedy and successful termination , for -whose timely assistance we gratefully subscribe ourselves
For the Committee , Owen Wright , President . John Shepherd , Treasurer . John Ward , Secretary . . " "N . B . —Mr . Wm . Stork , Red Lion Iun , Smithfield , Sheffield , is appointed treasurer fur the Barnsky PowerLo jm Coinuiktee , and will be happy to receive subscriptions , either from the trades or individuals .
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ok THfi BODror Ulahkk . —Un Ihursday evcnim- the inquest in this cast- was resumed at the Cross Keys , Dagenham . Several witnesses were examined , bat nothing new was elicited . The coroner said , as Air . Anderson , the governor of llford gaol , was absent in Kent , and who . ho understood , had most important eridence to give , he would putit to the jury , whether the ends of justice would not be better answere tuv haying apther adjournment . The jury acquiesced and the investigation was adjourned for a month .
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IRELAND . If ever a people were presented to the nations o : the world in a humiliating and degrading position , the Irish people are now entitling themselves to that distinction . If ever artist succeeded in caricaturing human nature , and exposing the weakness and feebleness of the human mind , Mr . O'Connell may lay claim to the complete accomplishment of the task . Who can look upon the present struggle of
Irish patriots , in the contest for that dishonourable uaifi cation which can alone render them fit associates for their own and their country ' s enemies and oppressors , without blushing that he should belong to such a land of beggared name and surrendered pride . It is but a short period since the Irish passions , Irish vengeance , and Irish hate , were marshalled in battle array , not against "Whig dominion or Tory misrule , but against Saxon authority .
Ireland resounded from one end to the other , until the sea-bound dungeon re-echoed back her wails , and proclaimed her fierce resolution to rid herself not of any peculiar system of English government , but of all Saxon authority . If any , the boldest man , even the Liberator himself , had announced Whig patronage in 1846 as the triumph of the VULGAR GATHERINGS of 1843 , what punishment would the national jury then summoned have ccnaidered severe enough for the traitor ? Who feared to talk of ' 98
then ? "Who feared to read the Nation , and Erin s National Ballads , proclaiming the new resolve of Irishmen , whose triumph was to be their country for themselves ? "Who would have dared to have repudiated physical force , as a means of securing that freedom and-independence , that nationality and domestic comfort , which could alone spriug from the Repeal of a Union which the Whigs , in 1834 , had pledged themselves to resist to the death ?
When the hundreds of thousands of able-bodied Irishmen stood upon the honoured graves of the IRISH CROPPIES , on Tara of ihe Kings , whose valued Irish blood was cheerfully shed for the restoration of their rights ; when England ' s weakness presented Ireland with her opportunity for redress ; would the young Hannibal , now the old Hamilcar ' s sucking dove , have dared to cast reproach upon their sacved memory ; or , if pictorial illustrations are intended to convey notions which the coward lip dare not utter , was there no silent invitation conveyed to an enthusiastic people in the selection of those very snots , distinguished by Ireland ' s previous struggles ?
Why select Tara of the Kings , if it was not intended as approval of those scenes formerly enacted there ? \ Vliv select the Rath of Mullagmast , or why direct attention to the cold-blooded murders of Irish Catholics at Scullabogue ? Why select Clonrarf as the crowning triumph of 1843 , if the names of those who fell upon its coast in defence of Irish liberty , were to he held up to national desecration in 1846 , and the lineal descendants of the hero of the fight , to ; be catechised by a BRA . TLING , and threatened with expulsion for not accepting the humiliating qualification of passive obedience and non-resistance as the test of Irish patriotism .
Havellie Irish people yet maturely thought of the insult offered to free thought , and free expression of thought by the present race of Irish patriots ? Have they reflected that the new policy is to pander to the fears of old women , and to join in the protection of the accumulated wealth of the already over wealthy ? The World newspaper takes us to task for abusing Mr . O'Connell and the Whigs , and , bv a strange process of reasoning , would compare our purchase of the Land with Mr . O'Connell ' s sale of Ireland . We have no disposition
to quarrel with our very able cotemporary , with whom , although we widely differ , we can condescend to argue . In the present state of the Metropolitan Irish press , the worldmust receive it as a compliment at our hands , when we acknowledge the weekly perusal of its every article ; when we are ready to confess the great superiority of its original matter over all its contemporaries ; when we admit they are written with great ability , a pleasing fluency , and unencumbered by the usual rhetoric
of political writers . But , while we confess all this , our contemporary must bear in mind that he seeks to mate his triumph our condemnation that we upheld Mr . O'Connell when he struggled in a cause , the accomplishment of which would serve Ireland , while at the same period the World denounced him . It is not wonderful that the World should rejoice in such an ally as Mr . Daniel O'Connell , but it would be strange if the World and the Slar , advocating two opposite policies , should find cause for rejoicing in the same event .
We have no inclination to rob our contemporary of any portion of his triumphs , while we can see no affinity between the surrender of a princi ple for patronage , and the application of detail to test the value of a principle . It is not long since we derived much p leasure from the perusal of an article in the World , upou the recent strike in the building Trades , and in applying the Land plan to the Chartist principle , in our judgment we have g iven a practical illustration : of what the World so graphically delegated iu its denunciation of capitalists , and sympathy with labour . If we are to look for comfort in negative praise , we may console ourselves with reflecting that
our project is good and wholesome , when denounced by a Journal that is opposed to our principles . But the one question which we would ask of our contemporary , and to which we shall expect an answer is this—Were the JForWand O'Connell right in 1843 , when they differed " toto ccelo j" and are they right now when they agree to a miracle ? Of course , the answer will be that the blusterer of 1843 lias become a penitent and deserves absolution . Hence , the World may establish its own triumph by O'Connell ' s conversion to its principles , but cannot fairly accuse us of inconsistency , who have not yet nailed our coleurs to our contemporary's mast .
It is rather strange , by the way , that our censor should have selected what he esteems a surrender of principle in us , as a parallel whereby to establish the virtue of Mr . O'Connell , nor do we wonder at the difficulties thrown in the way of the Champion of so much apostacy . Indeed , the Liberator stands in the
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enviable position of furnishing the historian with ' such a pleasing variety of character , as to enable the critic to damn or praise , not according to his conscience , but according to his taste and humour ; and we entertain but little doubt that'ere long , when by the aid of another general election we hurl the Coalition of force , fraud , and venality , from its temporary throne , our contemporary , now the loud defender of the penitent Liberator , will once more return to its acrimonious abuse of its new protegee ; when a fresh experiment is required to be made upon the gullibility of his dupes to insure another flow of pence as a substitute for Whig patronage —then , and not till then , we shall expect that moderate revenge , which is ever best conveyed in a becoming apology for past transgressions .
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gression , as well as by the impulse , ; mental-construction ^ physical organization , disposition , temper , humour , and even whim of the active parties , we shalli . nevertheless , once more place our op inions upon record , and then argue the application of our principle more in detail than we have hitherto done . Our stereotyped principle is , that " moral power is that deliberative quality within each man ' s mind
that teaches him how to reason , how to endure , and when forbearance becomes a crime , and if it should fail to secure for man those rights and p rivileges to which he , is entitled , and should physical force become necessary to aid him in the struggle , ( which God forfend , ) it will come to his aid like an electric shock , but the man who marshals it destroys it and will be the first to turn traitor . "
There it something so truly novel and romantic in being called upon once more io meet the physical force doctrine in a season of uninterrupted and unbroken tranquillity , while army estimates , navy estimaies , and the bloody cat , still reeking with the blood of a murdered soldier , stare the peaceable and paying millions in the face , that we should abstain from further notice of the disgusting trumpery , had it not become our imperative duty to meet this resuscitated mischief-maker upon its resurrection . Why , we ask again , talk of physical force while universal tranquillity ii the universal boast ? However , as we have never shrunk from the performance of any the
most difficult duty , we shall endeavour to define what may constitute the corruption of a House of Commons , or the tyranny of a Prince . If the majority of the House of Commons , which constitutes the House , should have succeeded in achieving its own political ascendancy , by eneourag * ing and fostering principles , the practical carrying out of which threatened danger to the rule of that majority , and if that majority , having so gained power , should use that power for the persecution of its allies , that House of Commons becomes corrupt , and it becomes the duty oi the whole people to rebel and proclaim war against it .
Should a House of Commons , in the midst of great national wealth , and without the appearance of other necessity than that of augmenting the wealth of the alread y too-wealthy , pass any law abridging the comfort , or trenching upon the rights of the people , whereby they are compelled to sell their labour according to that standard which the House of Commons allows capitalists , to affix , it becomes the duty of the whole people to REBEL against that House of Commons . If the House of Commons shall suborne
witnesses , hire spies , pack juries , select corrupt Judges , to prosecute the people for morally advocating those very principles taught by the ruling power , it becomes the duty of the whole people to rebel " If the House of Commons shall have taught the people that taxation without representation is tyranny , and should be resisted , it becomes the duty of the whole people to rebel against that House of Commons , which imposes and levies taxes upon the unrepresented .
If the Constitution shall be violated by the sus pension of the Habeas Corpus Act , and if the ordinary laws of the country are placed in abeyance , either to save a faction , or to secure the retreat of a minister , it becomes the duty of the whole people to rebel . We feel some slight hesitation in selecting an unmistakeable brand by which corruption may be traced , and , therefore , we have not exactly made up our mind as to the constitutionality of a secret service fund , upheld for the almost acknowledged
purpose of bribing the wealthy and persecuting the poor ; for the present , therefore , we shall reserve our opinion upon this head until opportunity presents Itself oi revising the catalogue of minlsteria ' delinquency . If a strong country shall , by force of arms or other means , have possessed itself of a neighbouring country , whether the two nations speak the same or a different language ; whether they are
governed by the ' same or different laws ; whether they profess the same or different religions , it is at all times the right , and prudence will tell when it is the duty , for the conquered to rebel against the conqueror : while we hold the maudlin sycophant , the timeserving juggler , who would preach non-resistance , under all circumstances , to be a thing upon which every honest man , and every decent woman , should spit with contempt .
We have no doubt that the trafficking politicians , the Irish place-hunters , are luxuriating in the probable success of this cowardly cry . But we tell them that the safety of tyranny , and the tranquillity of faction , is more the result of circumstance , than of national satisfaction . The baud loom weaver , aud the . manual labourer , now find it impossible to compete against machinery ; and , therefore , we have new laws , new apothegms , new maxims , new cries ,
new fallacies , and new follies , introduced into the new catalogue of the new science of political economy , and therefore it would be idle to use tlie words of philanthropists of old , to measure the pauper ' s new rights . And so with the progress of chemical and mechanical force , it would be equally absurd to measure the philosophy or the judgment of Tyler , Masaniello , jor Tell , by the new science of improved butchery .
Perhaps , indeed , that no stronger indictment can be framed against a government than the charge that the sanatory , moral , and intellectual , state of the poor is a conundrum , yet unsolved in the midst of so much plenty ; while we read of the mighty rejoicings for the success of our arms , the increased sums required for the improvement of the science o * war , and , while the government should be the gveat monitor of the nation , we are told that it is treason in the ruled to talk of , or even to think of , improvements in that science , progress in which is the ruler's greatest boast . Let us for once and for ever
satisfy the chattering old beldames of Conciliation Hall , who are satisfied to deny their manhood while they contend for nationhood , who bow to the tyranny of the Saxon rule if the suffering is sweetened with Saxon patronage . Let us tell these degenerate drivclling un-Irish ' Whig tools , that their safety depends , not upon the people's belief that passive obedience and non-resistance is a virtue , or even a duty , but upon the fact that the oppressor commands an amount of scientific physical force , against which the manual exertion of the oppressed cannot successfully contend .
Is the use of physical force to be denied under all and every circumstance , or , if not , why are the mysterious hints at it in Ireland to be denounced as anti-Irish , while the Liberator has over and over again quoted the base and tolerated submission of the Irish people , recorded in the Report of Lord Devon ' s Commission , and represented as being worse , more unbearable , and destitute , than the condition of any other people upon earth ? We ask then , who can justify Poland ' s attempt at regeneration , and revile the Irishman ' s aspirations for justice
through the same agency ? For forty long years Ireland , has never heard of aught but trick and juggle , promise and transfer , tranquillity and justice , pence and Repeal , patronage and the Whigs . Would to God that every Irishman and every Englishman , from eighteen to fifty , was a drilled and armed soldier , and we pledge ourselves that tyranny and corruption would be banished for ever from the land ; and il arms gave patronage , the present leaders , who can now best secure it b y submission , would then qualify themselves by their physical force skill .
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confidence in the sincere and unequivocal disposition of her Majeuty a present Ministers to do justice to Ira , land by placing her on a . footing of eqnality with Ene . land and Scotlaid ; but , foboveall , iind before all , filled with most respectful and dutiful gratitude to he * mo » t gracious Majesty'for the enlightened and pa . triotie policy which has distinguished the commence , ment of her auspicious reign ; we do , under the sa circumstances , deem it a proof of our confidence in the existing Administration to declare ) that this Aiu
sociation is dissolved , devolving the carrying out of its purposes into full effect on the Irish popular members , in aid and support of the Queen s Government . ' Now , then , let , me ask you , having seen all these * doings—these tricks upon my confiding and warmhearted countrymen , would I not be one of the greatest blockheads that ever existed , if I did not see the object of the present Repeal agitation ? Yo u , my countrymen , shall soon see it also : but you were duped and cheated ; and so was I the first time , but I was not since 1835 .
In my next letter I shall direct your attention to the extraordinary changes which are going on et present , and shall also submit to your consideration a short and easy rule by which you can distinguish between a political knave and an honest man . Patrick O'Higctns . Dublin , 25 th July , 1846 .
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . The star of Free Trade 13 still in the ascendant . After a short fight of two nights the allied force ? , under ssell and Peel , carried the second reading of he gar Duties Bill by the sweeping majority ollSO , in a house of 400 members . This is nearly * w o to one , and virtually settles the question ; for it is ridiculous to suppose that at this late period of the session , and in the face of such a majority , the Lords will give any strenuous opposition to it . It was evi « dently concerted between the late Premier and the present , that the fight should be a short and decisive one . Peel spoke on the first night of the debate , in
order , no doubt , to remove all uncertainty as to the course he intended to pursue ; and jalso to influence votes upon the division . But though Sir Robert gave Lord John the aid of hii rote and influence , his Bpecch did not support Lord John ' s measure . Indeed he hinted , very plainly , that it was a measure he would not have brought forward ; but the practical question he put to himself was , " If I join its opponents and beat Russell , who is to succeed him ? I am not prepared , at present , to re-enter office . The Protectionists , if they were in power , would speedily be out of it asain . It is not convenient that wa
should have these changes just now , and , therefore on these grounds , wholly irrespective of the measure , and simply on account of the present state of parties I will support it . " Such was the pith ot Sir Robert ' s speech ; and so long as he is prepared to giro this kind of support , Lord John , as the Chronicle says , may dismiss from his mind all anxiety as to the security ot his place , as first Lord of the Treasury . But , it is clear , that he retains office solely by the forbearance of his great administrative rival . lie is Peel ' s cat ' s-paw , and merely permitted to keep the seat warm , till a change of circumstances makes it , in Sir Robert ' s opinion , prudent to turn him out .
As to the measure , Lord Brougham , in the Lords , very felicitously dissected the motives of the Whigs in bringing it forward . If he was not successful in his treatment of the question in itself , he was at least terribly in earnest , and most unBparingittthis exposition of the low cunning and paltry tricks of his quondam political friends . '' Set a thief to catch a thief , " says the old proverb . None but an old Whig could have so accuratelyand forcibly poartrayed the character of Whiggery . Animated by the lowest motives according to his Lordship , they merely aimed at clutching : the credit of passing : a great
measure in tho hurry and scramble of the fag-end of a particularly exciting " and protracted session , before people ' s minds had got sobered down after the late eventful changes , and when , by a junction of force , in the then state of both houses , they could force decisions without giving the necessary time for cool debate and practical consideration . In all this thnre appears to us to be much truth . When the tirao for cool reflection arises , it will , we anticipate , be found that the Whig Sugar measure is , like Whiggery itself , a sham and a mockery . Even when
they have got a great principle in hand , and a great question to settle , they go about their , work in that small peddling , and temporising spirit which is the essence of their political creed , and the hopeless constitutional infirmity of their party . The Sugar Bill will , in the end , neither give satisfaction to the people of this country nor to the Went India colonists , whose position , in consequence ef our antialarery policy , is one of a most painful character , and loudly demands consideration and measures of im practical nature , utterly beyond the comprehension of Lord John and his " open question" cabinet .
Lord George Bentinck has added another laurel to his wreath in the eyes of his party , by the manner in which he proposed and supported his amendments on Monday night . There is , perhaps , no instance of a Parliamentary reputation and standing of the first class having been acquired under such singular circumstances as that of his Lordship . For upwards of twenty years a member of Parliament , the world knew nothing of him except as a successful speculator on the ( turf . He was classed with the illustrious obscure , the great body of " ayes and noes , " who , like the supernumeraries in a theatre .
march on and off the stage without saying a syllable , at the command of the prompter . All at once , bowever , Lord George has shown that he has mettle in him not previously suspected , He gets up his cases remarkably well , is particularly voluminous in figures and facts , which he takes great pains in verifying , and has the tact of shaping his arguments broadly and consistently to the point he aims at . He is quite a Godsend to the " country party , " and it is no wonder that they propose to honour him by a grand dinner , to which all the leading Protectionists in both Houses are invited .
Mr , D'Israbh supported Lord George , in one of his most telling speeches of the session . He , too , has quite disappointed the expectations of many people . It was said that his bolt would be soon shot . lie had but one subject—Peil , and when he had exhausted his stock of sarcasm , ironical epigram and bitter ban mots , that there would be an end of him . But the statistical researches of his noble friend seem to have inspired him with kindred ardour for arithmetic . He finds that now a-days nobody is anything if not statistic ^ , and therefor e , though he does not overlay his speeches with figures
of arithmetic to the extent of damaging the effect of hi& figures of rhetoric , he adduces suffieient for the basis of his arg uments , andean now fence with the weapons supplied by the venerable Cocker , with the beit of his opponents . It ia not , however , in this . uieful but plodding school that J >* Issaku will ever nine . Re is a man of genius whose suggestive imagination cannot be tied down to the folios of ledgers and the items of bills- of lading . Even where obviously wrong in his isfecences , itliere is a daihing originality in many of h » theories respecting our constitution and its . tendencies , which take him clean out of the hard of gentlemen wlio write M . P . after their name . No man in the House is so attentively listened to . The
moment it is heard that h » is up members hurry in from lobbies and smoking-rooms , listless inattention gives place to earnest , thoughtful and lively sympathy with a speaker , who no * launches a sarcasm - spsu&ling with , brilliancy , anon propounds a new reading of history , defect perhaps in its philosophy but startling by its novelty * or extracts out ot the must ' rugged and unpromising materials ! the means for constructing theories as to our actual trade , and the future prospects of the country , which , if sometimes fallacious , are alwajs I pregnant with che highest qualities of intellect . 0 Dfl I cannot help feeling gratitude to such a man f ° I gilding the " gentle dullness" of the " House" by tbfl I brilliance of his talent , even where that talent sbo * I itself ia an erratic absolutely erroneous shape . »"
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The Noethekn Staii. Saturday, August 1, 1846.
THE NOETHEKN STAii . SATURDAY , AUGUST 1 , 1846 .
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THE CHARTIST CONVENTION . However lightly the movement party may be induced to consider their own tactics , and however appalling the centralized opposition marshalled against the progress of their principles may appear , we never can reflect upon a gathering of the representatives oi labour without being irresistibly led to the conclusion , that the blows already struck by this rude system of representation have told heavily
upon faction , and have at length compelled every fragment of what is termed legitimacy to unite in stern opposition to progression . If a striking illustration of this notable fact was not visible on former occasions , the sly but perceptible reasons assigned by Sir Robert Peel for supporting Lord John Russell upon the sugar question , can leave not a shadow of doubt that that statesman , not a bad judge of the human heart , and not an insignificant diviner , of future events , has seen the policy by which alone class legislation can uphold its ascendancy .
On Thursday last we announced the fact that the present coalition government would attempt to hold power by arousing the ( ears and awaking the suspicions of the lovers of order . We judged from O'Connell ' s timely resuscitation of the physical force bugaboo ; from the cautious finality policy propounded by the prime minister , and from the mysterious hints of his new accomplice—the Times newspaper—from the moment that the principle of centralization was substituted for the warfare of
faction and the bye-battle of patties , we predicted and announced that the day would come when the political squabbles of the rich and satisfied would be merged i » the necessity of preserving their ascendancy , their power , and their privileges ; nay , we went farther , we predicted that the day would come when monarchs and their ministers would be compelled to surrender policy to centralization and to wage an aggressive battle against the world ' s moving mind . .
Every measure of Sir Robert Peel was suggested as resistive of democratic principles—they were not the genial offsprings of his mind , neither were they calculated upon as the just concessions to a nation ' s wants , but , on the contrary , they were adopted as prudent and timely concessions to what might otherwise become an irresistible demand . On the 25 th of November , 1837 , in the second number of the
Northern Star newspaper , we declared that the existence of three political i > arties in a state was in compatible with the preservation of peace , law , and order , and we reduced contention to its proper elements by dividing society into RICH OPPRESSORS and the POOR OPPRESSED . From that hour it has been our incessant study to keep the " Great Fact" prominently in view , that at no distant period this division of society would take place .
Lord John Russell , not possessing the confidence of a majority of the constituency , and despised , distrusted , and suspected by 99 in every 1 & 0 of the unrepresented classes , now finds himself as the minister of the party that we then shadowed forth , as the ostensible , the recognized , leader of the RICH OPPRESSOR . Propped as he is on either side by Irish placehunters and a corrupt newspaper , we have
the almost simultaneous announcement of his backers of that future policy upon which governments must be supported . The denunciation of the physical force Chartists by Mr . O'Gonuell is a part of his old but exploded policy ; while at the moment that our first edition was being printed last week , we find the Times newspaper proclaiming the following astounding fact : —
" A man who may be a minister is almost as cartful as a mnn Who is ; of course , there are parties in this nation as reckless and hopeless as anything . Piiris could show . Welmvehad Jacobites . WE WAVE CHARTISTS . " However there may be something in this reluctant admission , that Chartism still lives , something cheering in the announcement that Chartism is the great difficulty standing in the way of party warfare , there is , nevertheless , something ominous iu the CRY by which the " RICH OPPRESSORS " arc once more sought to be marshalled against the " POOR OPPRESSED . " Neither , we trust , will the warning be lost upon those who have once more
undertaken to magnify this stumbling-block which is now admitted to stand in the way of the Coalition ministry . On Monday next the leaders of the dreaded body of Chartists will be called upon , not only to develope the probable strength of their party ; but they will be required to point out the weaknesses , the assailable points , in their enemies' ranks . Perhaps no more timely assistance could have come to hand to aid in this necessary wrk than the calm and well reasoned letter of Mr . O'Higgins upon the one hand—the confessed fears of The Times on the other , and , though last not least , the mvsterious but unmistakeable adhesion of Sir Robert
Peel to a measure which he denounces hut yet supports . The failure of all former conventions has arisen from the incongruous elements of which they were composed . In 1839 the people , unaccustomed to do their work for themselves , gladly accepted the proffered service of the Fletchers , the Cobbets , the Malthusiaus , and those of their own order who were too idle to work and too poor to live without labour , Their grand experiment was to make themselves respectable by giving an impossible character to Chartism—the character of that respectability which would render its advocates acceptable to the middle classes .
We have ever announced that Chartism , under whatever phase it was presented , in whatever terms , however lisping , it was advocated , would carry more terror to the titled and the privileged than all the horrible bugaboos of physical force . We have asserted that if fasting and praying were means by which the Charter could be carried , fasting and praying would be punished as the hi ghest political offence . It is a fact clear as the sun at noon day , that every deserter from our ranks has prepared his
retreat by denouncing the very policy which he himself has been the loudest in advocating . That Chartism which has fustian jackets , blistered hands and unshorn chins as its emblems , has been denounced by those who would make it a thing of refinement and respectability , while we repeat the fact to our readers that Chartism means poverty—and poverty is a consequence of class legislation ; the legitimate deduction from which is , that before poverty ceases class legislation must be destroyed .
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PHYSICAL FORCE . "It is r * much the DUTY of the people to REBEL against a CORRUPT HOUSE OV COMMONS as against a tyrannical Prince . " LOBB BOMNGBlloKE . Without crowding the mind of the reader with too many authorities upon a mere speculative theory , and without attempting to establish any defined limits , or any assumed data , for the settlement of a principle which ;' after all , must be mainly governed by the circumstances that provoke resistance or ag-
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TO THE IRISH RESIDENTS IN GREAT BRITAIN . Fellow-Countrymen . —Strange things have come to pass since I last had the pleasure of addressing you , and stranger and more startling things are likely to come to pass before the lapse of two years . The real character of those who led you , aud in whom you confided , and for whom you would have sacrificed the last drop of your blood , is now
beginning to develope itself . It is neither ray wish , nor my intention , to say one word calculated to hurt your feelings , or to wound your pride , or even to lessen you in your own estimation . But , my countrymen , it is our bounden duty to reflect upon the past , in the hope that it may serve as a guide for our future conduct . And I am sure that you have enoug h of good sense , and moral courage , to acknowledge past errorsf and make atonement for them by your future conduct .
This is what gives the stamp of dignity to human nature . He who cannot manfully acknowledge his own errors , as well as the virtues of others , is but a miserable slave ; no matter how high or how low his position in the scale of society . Now , my countrymen , permit me to ask you , and I hope you will answer me in bodies , in thousands , wherever you are located in Great Britain—what would you have gained individually , or collectively , as a class , supposing that every object was obtained which your leaders led you to expect in six months from the 12 th of October , 1843 , and for which you were struggling heart and soul , body and mind , and sometimes pinching yourselve * by subscribing your money ?
What will you gain by the repeal of the Corn Laws ? Not so much as one shilling per annum ; although I admit that these laws were unjust , and should have been repealed ; but their repeal will do you no good . And I wish to make , you understand that clearly , in the hope that when you so understand it , you will embark in no political scheme or agitation hereafter , unless you see clearly that it must end in a direct benefit to yourselves . Any political scheme , or agitation , which falls short of this , is sheer delusion . Pay no attention to the mock , the sham disputes at elections , or otherwise ,
between the two great plundering factions—the Whips and Tories . Ask yourselves , coolly and quietly , — " What good will either faction do us ? As neither will confer any benefit upon us , as neither will give us any political right , as both treat us worse than they do their horses or dogs , except when they want our assistance to promote their own immediate interests , in the name of God let us have nothing to do with either . Let them fig ht their own battles . " —Act thus , reason thus , and you will soon be respected ; what you are not now , nor have you ever been since you were sold for what is called Catholic
Emancipation ; which time has proved to benothiug but the emancip ation of the rich and idle , and the degradation of the poor and the industrious . It was emancipation that drove you from home to seek a precarious subsistence where you are . It was the disfranchisement of the noble minded , high spirited , patriotic Forty-Shilling Freeholders , that filled the towns and villages of England with Irish Labourers . You achieved emancipation and your own ruin at the same time : but you knew nothing of the base
bargain which your profligate Leaders made for your destruction , and their own aggrandisement , at the time . The fact is , they sold you for silk gowns , seats in parliament , and on the Irish bench . These Leaders , not content with the utter annihilation of the bone , sinew , patriotism and real wealth of Ireland , goi up a new agitation ; ami , in a . Series of letters , addressed to the passions of my warm , hearted countrymen , roused the nation from centre to surface , for the Repeal ot the Union . The first of these letters is dated
"Derrynane Abbey , 6 th Sept ., 1830 . " and commences thus ;—" Is there no satire arm Whose veins the Irish blood doth warm ? Is there no heart in the trampled land To spurn the usurper ' s vile command ? Can the wronged realm no arms supply But the abject tear and the slavish sigh ?"
" I will not weep any more for Ireland . I will not remble any more for her future destiny . The experiment has been made , and the result is eminently triumphant . The late elections tried the metal ef which the soul of the people of Ireland is composed , and it has been found to be brighter , and , though > k -. ttered , keener , than the burnished steel—purer Ciian the virgin gold !" In another paragraph the same great patriot
says : — " The change which is now necessary , and which we are now prepared for , is the Repeal of the Union . " And again in another paragraph : — " In my next letter I will discuss" the evils of the Union , and the probability of its speedy repeal . " Daniel O'Connkll . Now , feilow countrymen , bear in mind the date of this letter ; the direct allusion to fighting con tained in the poetic quotation which precedes the letter ; and the probability of a speedy " Repeal of the Union . " Just read that over again , and thinkof a speedy Repeal of the Union on the 6 th day of September , 1830 .
Well , then , those exciting letters were written for the double purpose of screening the author of them from the odium which should otherwise be attached to the man upon whose sworn testimony those very persons whom he describes as " purer than virgin gold , " the forty shilling freeholders , were disfranchised . How many thousands of you have become men since the 6 th of September , 1830 ? and who know nothing of the motives which influenced the promoter and leader of the Repeal agitation and its direful consequences from that period up to his abandonment in 1836 ?
The other object of this agitation was to force the government to give good fat places to the Irish Repeal patriots . The screen for abandoning the movement and gliding into the places , was the Coercion Act of 1835 , for every clause of which the Liberator voted , and complained that it did not go far enough to put down his own followers , you and I , my friends , and the rest of us , dupes and fools as we are . Up to that period , 1835 , 1 thought he was sincere , and gthat the agitation for Repeal was a sincere and an honest agitation . But when I saw the Liberator voting for the atrocious Coercion Act ;
when I saw Raphael , the Jew , a non-Repealer , recommended , for the bribe of £ 2 , 000 , to the electors of Carlow ; when I saw Baron Maule recommended for another bribe to the Repealers of the same county ; when I saw Mr . Ashton Yates , another non-Repealer , returned by the Repealers of the sa me county f when I saw the corruption of the English rotten boroughs , Gatton and Old Saurm , transferred to Dungarvan , Cashel , Carlow , Clonmel , Kilkenny , Drogheda , Dundalk , Wexford , New Ross , Waterford , 'Youghal , and Tralce ; and when I saw
that best of Irish landlords , Mr . W . S . Crawford , turned out by the Repealers of Dundalk , for voting against the Coercion Act of 1835 , and also against the Continuance of Tithes in Ireland ; my eyes were opened—the cloud was dispelled . I then saw the whole end and object of the Repeal agitation ; even before Mr . Christopher Fitzsimon sold to the . Whigs ( the sworn enemies of Repeal ) the Repealers of the County of Dublin for £ 1 , 000 a year ; before Mr . Morgan O'Connell sold the Repealers of the County of Meath for £ 800 ; before Mr . Charles OXonncll
sold the Repealers of the County Kerry for £ 600 a ] year . Having seen all this , and having taken an j active part in the agitation for Repeal from Septem-1 ber , 1830 , till June , 1836 5 and having seen the Repeal formally abandoned by the adoption of the fol-1 lowing resolution , which was move , d by Mr . O'Connell , seconded by Mr . O'Brien , ( uot W . S . ) : — "That , impregged with the most lively gratitude to the Earl of Mulgme , tor his firm , manly , humane , and perfectly imr . artial administration of the Government ia Iselrad . and reposing unlimited
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^_^^ _ ;_
Now Ready, Mr Sbcohd Edihoh Of My Life, Or Our Social State, Past I.
Now ready , MR SBCOHD EDIHOH Of MY LIFE , OR OUR SOCIAL STATE , Past I .
Tbb Murder At Daoeshau—Adjourned Ikquest
Tbb Murder at Daoeshau—Adjourned Ikquest
Folanb's? -Regeneration. .
fOLANb'S ? -REGENERATION . .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Aug. 1, 1846, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1377/page/4/
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