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O'CONNORVILLE PLATE.
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THE NOKTHERN STAR SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1847.
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T.T \i 17 1? A I OAAITP T\r*T TmT*-»rt miTv^^vvn^-.** LIBERAL BOOKS ok POLITICS. ^UEOLOGY, AND SOCIAL PROGBESS,
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Published , and Sold , Wholmle and Retail , BY JAMES WATSON , A 3 , Queen ' s Head Passage , Paternoster Row , London . HE itEaSOXER ( Edited bj G . J . Holjoake ) . A weekly Publication , price three-halfpence , devoted to the investigation of Rdigious Dogmas . To be had also in Mo . itilyPaitB . dc : Mathematics no Mystery . Completed in Nine Number * , ^ ar Thrc ° nence each . to Pnctic > '• . Grammer by G J . Iloly , Is . Gd . | ov Handbuok to ditto , bs ditto , lOd . !• - Or in Five Numbers at Twopence each . f Just Published , in Two VoIhuibs , neat cloth boards and J letteiel , price Sir Shillings and Sixpence , the Fourth _ Edition of ' , ENUPIET concerning POLITICAL JULTICE , and { its Influence on Morals and Happiness . B , > William > Godwin . 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_ _ .... A JUST PUBLISHED , No . 2 , ( price 6 d . ) of THE LABOURER , K Monthly Magazine of Politics , Literature , Poetry , &c .
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1 Te "• * * ^ tio stii th ' , { . , " , tio po ° u a " CHARTIST POEMS , BY ERNEST JONES . Print Three Pence . FIFTH EDITION , REVISED AND CORESCTKB . Replete with the fire of genius , and poetic powers of the very highest order , for eloquence and destructive power , they appear , to us , almost unrivalled . We say " destructive , " for their tendency is " worse than Democratic . "Xew Quarterly-Review . —( Tory . ) These poems have earned for their author the admiration of thousands . They may be classsed together as stirring and truly poetical appeals , which must command the response of the mighty multitude . —Northern Star . These poems may very appropriately ba styled the outpouring- of a soul inspired by a devout love for labour's cause , and intent on the achievement of the emancipa tion of industry . The poetry will come home with power to _ many a careworn heart , produce an influence on the mind of millions , and do its part towards keeping alive the flume of hope in the souls of the toiling . —Nottingham Review .
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al e ei ol * oi " ' ! V z TO T 11 E INDUSTRIOUS MILLIONS . Oh Saturday Next , January 80 th , will be Published , No . 1 , Price One Penny , to be continued weekly , of THE TRIBUNE ; AND GUARDIAN OF INDUSTRY . The prominent features of this Work will be 1 st . A weekly digest of the proceedings of the sanatory and health of towns associations . 2 nd . An abstract of the progress of the short tune and early closing movements . 3 rd . Weekly sketches of joint-stock and bene 6 t associations , established for the advancement and elevation of the industrious classes . 4 th . A digest of important Parliamentary documents and bills of public interest and value , arranged and edited by a tarrister-at-law . 5 th . Spirited gallery sketches of leading members of arliament , with " scenes" in the house , by a committee of reporters in connexion with the daily press . Aud Last , but not least , Leading articles on all th-i great topics of the day , especially on the best mrvns of meeting the national crisis , and beneficially employing the whole people . y a system of home and foreign colonizatiou . E . Dipple , 42 , nolywell-street , and all Booksellers .
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3 1 I I * J j ,-!\ TO TAILORS . LONDON ind PARIS FASHIONS FOR THE WINTER , 1846-47 . y READ aud Co ., 12 , Hart-street , Bloomsbury square , London ; And G . Berger , Holywoll-street , Strand ; May be had of all booksellers , wheresoever residing . NOW BEADT , By approbation of her Majesty Queen Victoria , and his Royal Highness Prince Albert , a splendid print richly coloured and exquisitely executed View of H yd Park Gardens , as seen from Hyde Park , London . With cliiii beautiful Print will be sent Dress , Frock , and Riding Coat Patterns , the n west style Chesterfield , and the New Fashionable Double-breasted Waistcoat , with Skirts . The method of reducing and increasing them or all sizes , explained in the most simple manner , with 1 > ur extra Piates , and can be easily performed by any ptrson . Mauner of making up , and a full description of tlie Uniforms , as now to be worn iu the Royal Navy , and other information . —Price 10 s ., or post-free 11 s .
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j 1 I 1 ' | JUST PUBLISHED , THE MINERS' ADVOCATE , AND MANX INTELLIGENCER . Frice 2 d ., and delivered Free , by post , throughout the United Kingdom and the British Colonies . The above periodical is the recognised official organ of the Miners' Association , and will be devoted to extend its principles—to defend and instruct the miners , and to promote their general welfare . It is intended to be an organ of instruction and communication for the Miners of Great Britain , Ireland , and the Isle of Man—to be a reflex of their opinions and condition ; and its principal object will be to improve their condition , mentally , morally , aud phvsically .
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Now Ready , a New Edition of MR . O'CONNOR'S WORK ON SMALL FARMS To be had at the A ' jr tAern Star Office , 16 , Great Wind mill Street : and of Abel Heywood , Manchester .
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JUST PUBLISHED . Pri » e Oue PeDny , THE DOMESTIC MONITOR , Or Literary , Scientific , Legal , and Medical Adviser . E . iited by Hermes . 1 . Louii ? uiili [> pe ' 3 Vagaries . Speech of the King . — ¦ i »•« ft .. 'li ! £ o , or the Forbidden Wedding , Chapter VI . —3 . TUe Nosegay : Poetry , Anecdotes , Maxims , and tfisoellatuoua . —I . The Peon's Corner : Military Ftog-£ !„ £ . —s . Correspondence : Literary , Scientific , Legal , uO'l Medii .-ai . —« . Medical Advuer : t ^ usumptions continued . —7 . Literary , Scieatiiu , aad Dramatic Reviews . —8 . Domestic Herbal , —t ) . The Lawyer : Wills . —1 » Adverhseaients . Publknedby E . M&skeneie , IU , Fleet Street , and to e ad of all Booksellers and Namvenders .
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IMPORTANT TO PHOTOGRAPHISTS . AN application was made , on the 22 nd S « pt . > mber , to the Tice-Chanccllor of England , by At . Beard who , acting under a nrostextraordiny delusi on , considers himstlfthesokpafenteoof the Photographic praoess !) to restrain MR . E 0 ERT 0 N , of I , Templo-stnoc , and 148 , Fleet-street , rom taking Photographic Poi'ti . uis , which he does hj a process entirely different froi ? and very superior to Mr . Beard ' s , and at one-half the cl orgc . His Honour refused the application in toto . No license required to practice this process , which is aught by Mr . Egerton in a f ; : w lessons at a moderate harge * All th Apparatus , Chemicals , dsc ., to bo had as usual - t his Dcnot . 1 , Tcmple-strcet , Wfaitefrinrs .
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THE NEW ESTATE . It is with no small gratification we have to record the purchase of another estate for the people since , abstracted from its intrinsic value , it is a fact , proving better than all mere wordy argument the vitality and energy of the popular mind in a time of general depression , famine , and scarcity of money . It establishes the position of the working classes in a proud moral point of view , since it
refutes so many of the calumnies that have been urged against them . Let no one , henceforward , call them improvident , since we now see them enabled by the saving of their pence to purchase the estates of their aristocratic rulers , whose improvidence is forcing them , despite their thousands , to surrender that which , in most cases , they surrepti tiously or forcibly obtained .
The late proprietor of the Malvern Estate , we understand to be a most amiable and upright-minded gentleman ; it is such , however , as well as their more guilty companions , who have to suffer from the effects of a vicious system of extortion and prodigality , based upon that parent of all evil , monopoly Let no one , we further say , accuse the working classes of ignorance . Where is that ignorance to be found ? Is it in the fact that they apply their resources to moral , social , and political improvement , while the landocracy they are beginning to
supplant waste theirs in unprofitable , nay , ruinous extravagance ; so much so , that Lord John Russell , when granting loans to the Irish landlords out of the English working man's pocket , to improve their neglected and dilapidated property , is forced to express a hope that they will not expend those loans in extravagance at Paris , Naples or Vienna . Is this ignorance to be found , we ask , in the fact that the people know better than their Tulers where to find the paths of true pleasure—not in stifling hells , insipid or licentious courts , and insane orgies , but in the beautiful fields and gardens ; in healthy , bracing labour , and the cheerful home-fireside of a
winter s night ; or the pleasant chat before their oim cottage door , or stroll through their own domaim of a summer ' s evening : with no factory bell to fear in the morning — no bastile on the confines of the village , grimly waiting to receive them , the insatiable grave of honest industry . But , blessed change operated by democracy ! the school-house rises in its place—and the mother , instead of sending her children to the mill , there to brutalize the mind and waste the young form , sees them go to school with a light heart , to brighten that intellect which God gives equally to all , but the very use of which the rich have denied to the poor .
Here , again , is a signal refutation to those who fear to grant the working classes that power , which if not given , sooner or later they will take , and who oppose their emancipation in any shape , from the fear of the uses to which they would apply it . The very fact of this Land movement , the very fact ol this estate being purchased , speaks volumes for tht wholesome direction of the public mind . It proves that the working classes are not levellers , but elevators ; not destroyers of property , but industrious men , who turn the occasion of all wealth—the land , to its best and holiest uses , extracting its neglected
treasures , and turning it to its legitimate destination —the sustenance of toiling millions , instead of the support of horses and hounds to indulge the vicious appetites or wasteful luxuries of a few pampereu individuals . Indeed , it is gratifying to think that the kennels and stables on this new estate will be converted into healthy dwellings for the emancipated slaves of monopoly ; that the produce of these farms will be reared to nourish men , and not to pamper cattle;—nay ! that the very materials of the feudal mansion will suffice to build cottages for a colony c the Chartists .
Again , the dissipation and excess attributed to the working classes is a calumny that must now fall to the ground . Were they such as the monopoUa ; would make the world believe , would they not build the tavern instead of the school ? Or , indeed , would they ever have been able to save money wherewith to buy estates at all ? Thus we see , that
while the legislature is debating ; about education , the people are educating themselves ; while the aristocracy are losing their estates by prodigality , the working men are purchasing them through the means of being frugal ; while political economists are accusing them of ignoranee , the men whom , they accuse are outstripping them in the glorious race of progression .
>\ e have reiterated these facts , inasmuch as they illustrate the moral effect the purchase of an Estate like this , must have on the mind of the so-called upper classes . It must teach them , that men , who are strong enough to do this , can carry any just measure ; it must tell them , trumpet-tongued , that monopoly has no longer a chance against co-operation ; it must show to THE CONSPIRATORS OF MONEY , that they must bow before the
COMBINATION OF MEN ; while , on tlte other hand , it must open the eyes of the millions to the veal power they possess ; it must teach them the value of union , without which thi 3 never could have been achieved : and above all , it must encourage the down-hearted , and recall the waverer to the ranks of the peopU . Were it only for these results , the Estate wtuld be a cheap purchase ; but further , the immediate vicinity to several market towns , and to places of fashionable resort in one of our most beau-
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tiful counties , affords facilities and advantages to the fortunate allottees , such as ' our most sanguine hopes hardly expected to see realized . ** bmi ^ bbm ^^^^^ MB * MM ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
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from tho people of this country , in the name of " eonstitutioa" and " glorious institutions . " With , this object in view , the Prussian King has taken a step in tho "constitutional" direction . The result for the people will bo , an increase of taxation , with no inoreaae of their liberties . Nevertheless , we hail the appearance « m « Disgusting as it mast nearly all ( parties , it is very likely to excite a storm of indignation , instead of the burst of gratitude solicited by the Times . The middle classes who have been offering to join the King in keeping down the democrats , provided he woull place
them on a level with thoir class iu England and France , will bo not a little chagrined to lind their propositions unheeded . As to the working classe ? , with this additional proof of the insincerity of royal pledges , and the humbug of royal concessions , they will persevere in their efforts to accomplish that mighty change designed by the true Democrats of Germany , which will free them from the oppression and exactions of princes , nobles , usurers , and tyrants of every description , and ensure them a state of veritable and permanent freedom , based upon social justice , The hour is not yet , but is fast coming . Bar * baronsa will not sleep another hundred years !
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continue overworkin g the Women aJ" ^ drcn m Lancashire and York 8 hire ? J ' logic xs above our comprehension . AnvJ he that equalises work , leisurcand enjoyment ^; us an . mprovement npon the system of forced * , ness and starvation , and over-worked unl industry . On this question the Kusseil ^ -J ^ presents a strange spectacle . Us mmhm " «* vote contra and ^^^ " ^^^^^^^^^^^^ K *^ 1—I ^^ SS ~ —
ry ways . Cabinet Mini . * ,. ' vure coninuy ways . Uab . net Minister arKUes . « ¦ Cabinet Minister . The Premier is opp 77 Chancellor of the Exchequer ; the Home Sec i ' d . ffers from both ; and , in short , the whole J 2 are at sixes and sevens . This docs JOt seem to u desirable way of conducting the business of a nati * Those who are entrusted with the awfully imp 0 rt "' responsibility of ruling over an empire like that Britain , should at least agree on the »« , !„ .:.... . " 6 " 8 reat
. .. . principle . by which they -mean to legislate for the mass those whose destiny is , to a considerable ' ° their command . It is impossible that an G ment can long exht on the « Open ^ LT ^ tern . It , in fact , virtually deprives the countrTr a responsible Government , and leaves to hanhi a what ought to be the result of carefmiy . 1 J *? formation and deliberate counsel . Next Wednesd will , we presume , decide whether this great contra !
versy between Capital and Labour is to end in vie " tory for the latter , or not , this year . Its advocates have only to maintain the same admirable tone they have done , and ultimate victory is certain .
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V "" WMiWWjv THE WARRINGTON " SHALLOWS " AGAIN . We beg lo call attention to another letter of Mr Roberts to Mr . Duncombe , upon the subject of the Warrington Conspiracy . At six o ' clock on Thursday evening we received the Petitions of Mr . Roberts to Parliament , upon the case of his clients , and to which we should have cheerfully given more prominence than mere mention , had they arrived in
anything like convenient time . This is a complaint that we have frequently to make , of the delay of most important matter from the same quarter . For the present we shall merely observe , that the further developement of the subject , as analysed in the Petitions , shall have doe consideration in our next , when we promise to administer to the SHALLOWS a larger measure of justice than they extended to their victims .
Manchester , m a c- 7 th Feb . 1847 . My dear Sir , There is no doubt but that the petition as to the Warrington men will be opposed , and there seems to me to be but little doubt as to the course of opposition . They will talk about matter that is not in the petition , that the petition does not relate to , and they will give no answer to what the petition does relate to . This is the game I notice in all these cases ; unable to grapple with the matter charged , they divert attention by talking of other matter .
The petitions do not go into the merits of the cases , anymore than the O'Connell argument before the House of Lords did ; if they did , we should be met with this , " The Law has constituted the Magistrates the Judges . " I carefully steered clear of that rock . What the petitions charge is this—and to this the argument should be confined— that the men did not have a fair trial : with regard to all of them that they had not fair time to see their friends and obtain legal advice , and that their friends were not allowed to see them before trial ; with regard to Gerrard and Wyke , and partially with regard to the others , that they were tried in the absence of the informations , the charges against them ; with
regard to Ireland that he was first tried in the absence of the information , then that I was refused a copy of the information , to have it read slowly , or to hold it ; and with regard to Dobson that the information on which he was arrested having been lost ( Qy . was there an information at all ) he ought to be at once discharged ; the refusal of the copy , &c . and the fact , which all the sophistry in the world will not get over , that he was sent to gaol , not for the offence charged , but because he would not pay the £ 4 . 1 « . Sid . which he did not owe . This is all that we charge , except that the practice of trying immediately on the accused being taken into custody is general in Lancashire , and we say that fuch trials are " a mockery , a delusion , ' and a snare . "
I send you by Mr . Chinery a newspaper account . From this , what may be called the " merits " may be learnt . Wyke's defence was , that his master , contrary to agreement , made him pay for his tools . Gerrard had been induced to sign his contract while pressed for money to bury a child , then lying dead in his house , so he bound himself for five years ; he had been to gaol before ; caught rheumatism in the shoulders ; the master ' s doctor pronounced him
" shamming . " So being really ill , but aware that the doctor ' s evidence would be received in preference to his own , he absconded , rather than go to gaol again . On my arrival the court was cleared and the doors closed , in consequence of a cheer at my arrival . ( The cheer was hardly worth this ; two of their friends were already " gone , " and the rest were fast " going . " The excitement was natural enough . )
As to what follows the Newspaper account in the main agrees with mine , it says , however , that the offer to discharge Dobson on payment of costs was before the trial—so it was ; but the offer was repeated after the trial as I give it , and it was after the trial that the magistrates offered to discharge and enquired the amount of costs . Another prisoner , Wilcock , was brought up , but he got off " because he was a worthless character . " The evidence of 3 . Bratnwood . the policeman , will be relied on against us , by this it appears that the men on their journey boasted and talked a great deal of nonsense . The real fact of the matter is , that Edleston , the master , is a new man , poor and needy , and is endeavouring to get more work from his men at a lower rate of wages than the other
masters . Sir G . Grey will talk about all this , the high rate of wages , &c . ; but the fact that the men have not had a fair trial will remain untouched . The matter here is regarded with very great interest , and that must be my excuse for troubling you thus at length . I remain ,
My dear Sir , Your ' s very faithfully , W . P . R . T . S . Duncombe , Esq . M . P . P . S . —Wyke ' s was a hard case , the apprentice ; his mother is a widow , has two children besides " Thomas , " six and two years old ; is receiving relief from the parish—six shillings per week . Edleston , the master , is a Poor Law Guardian , an office that , it will be seen , assists him in his trade ; he insists on his apprentices doing as much work as amounts to 19 s . per week , their apprentice wages beinjr 8 s ., the apprentice gets no portion of the other 11 s . If the apprentice gets less than 19 s . the deficiency is stopped against him in a future week , « it is entered in the black book . " The homble tyranny of this system is apparent enough but what can the poor people do .
The master is a guardian , on several occasions he has told the lad Wyke , that unless he worked the 19 s . he would " stop his mother ' s pay ; " this threat has been repeated ov « r and over again , to every variety of language . Thomas is a thoroug h ^ good lad , " a . husband to me , and a father to my children " his mother calls him , and so he worked on ; first he had to work 19 s . for his master , and then for his mother ; he is really a splendid fellow , a giant in strength , always sober and thoughtful , he is twenty-one in October next ; it is heart raiding work to hear his mother speak of him . 1 wish I had been in time for his trial , to examine his master
; she was not allowed to see him till hal f-past five in the evening . His earning 18 s . one week ( besides the 19 s . for his master ) will be relied on . He worked hard for this ; his mother was behind hand , and tfee lad determiuad to " get it up . " He worked on the Monday twelve hours ( deduct fro » this and following two hours for meals ); on Tuesday fifteen hours ; on the Wednesday the same ; on the Thursday , from ( out in U » c ' morning < & twelve at night , workiug at his own bench some hours before and after he left the shop ; on Friday from three » the mocmig till twelve a * nig ht ; he then called up his . mother that he might not over-
O'Connorville Plate.
O'CONNORVILLE PLATE .
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As the different specimens of the above plate are now in the hands of our several agents , we have to request that all , without delay , will state the number of each they will require , as it is onr desire to presentit to the subscribers as speedily as possible Next week we shall announce the day of presentation : any delay that has occurred has arisen from the increased orders for coloured plates . Agents are requested to forward their orders forthwith .
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OBSERVE . All correspondence , reports ; of public meetings , Chartist and Trades' Intelligence , and general questions , must be addressed to Mr . G . J . Hahney , "Northern Star Office , " 16 , Great Windmill Street , London . All legal questions , and matters of local news , no * noticed in provincial papers , and requiring comment , to b e addressed to Mr . Ernest Jones as above . All questions respecting Bills introduced into the Legislature , Arts of Parliament , their meaning and intent , Ac , and questions respecting the Ministry , and the members of the two Houses of Parliament , to be addressed to Mr . George Fleming , " Northern St « r" Office . All questions , connected with the management of lnnd , nnd touching the operations of building , cultivation , &o ., to be addressed to Mr . O'Connor . Lowbands , Red Marie , Ledbury , Wnrnpstfirshirn .
All communications of Agents , and all matters of ac count , to be addressed te Mr . W . Rider , "Northern Star Office , " 16 , Groat Windmill Street , London Al Applications for magazines to be made through Mr . M'Gowan , Printer , as abore .
The Nokthern Star Saturday, February 13, 1847.
THE NOKTHERN STAR SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 13 , 1847 .
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THE PRUSSIAN " CONSTITUTION . " " Then bo the juggling fiends no more believed , Who palter with us in a double sense , Who keep the word of promise to the ear , An ! break it to the hope 1 " Shakespeare ,
Let the sceptics who doubted the prorahes so oft given by the Prussian monarch , but not until now fulfilled , stand abashed ; after the gestation of thirty years , the Prussian Constitution is produced , born like Pallas from the head of the ( anything but ) Jupiter of Prussia ! On the 3 rd . inst ., a Royalletter patent proclaimed the " glad tidings , " that at last the pledge given by the late king was redeemed , nay more , that" the promises of our late royal father" are exceeded in the grant now made " to the faithful estates of our realm . " Great is the joy of his Prussian Majesty ' s admirers —by the bye rather "few and far between . " The Times , the Post , and the Daily News , are in rap . tures at his Majesty's liberality ! The Times
says : — " At such a memorable crisis in their history , we are convinced that the feeling which will predominate over all others in Germany is that of thankfulness for the confidence the King has shown to his people , and a firm resolution not to employ the liberties thus secured te them in mere struggle ! and contentions for popular power or for party interests , but for the public good , &c . We trust that the anniversary of the day on which Frederick William IV , performed the promi-e of his reign , and began the highest and most arduous dutiesof his life , will long be celebrated with the blessings of successive generations of a free anil prosperous people . "
Of course after this flourish of trumpets , our readers will expect to find the fruit of thirty years ' growth , something extraordinary and astonishing . They shall judge . The kingdom of Prussia comprises eight provinces , each of which has heretofore possessed a " provincial diet . " These diets are composed of four classes of delegates , two each ,. representing the nobility , knights , burgesses and rural communes . The subjects submitted to these provincial diets have been generally municipal and administrative questions , such as public roads , forests , local courts &c , &c . They can discuss only the affairs of their
respective provinces , but can decide on no questiou . They have the right of petitioning the throne , meaning thereby the right of grumbling . In addition to the meetings of the provincial diets , the decree of the 3 rd of February organises the assemblage of all the provincial diets in a general one , or National Parliament . The General Diet will consist of two houses . The upper house will be composed of the royal princes , and other princes , counts and lords , who have seats in the provincial diets . We believe that the Prussian prelates , answering to our Bench of Bishops , will have seats in this house . The system of voting by proxy is to be allowed to the members of this
house . The lower house will consist of the deputies of the knights , burgesses and rural communes , who have seats in the provincial diets . As these are the nominees of the wealthy classes , they may be considered as sufficiently aristocratic and conservative . Thus ( as was remarked at the banquet of the German Democratic Society ) this precious "Constitution" rewards the long-suffering patience of the Prussians with an upper house , a shade or two worge than our ' hospital * of incurables , " and a lower house , which is a cross between the old boroughmongering ( English ) House of Commons , and the corrupt and infamous ( French ) Chamber of Deputies .
As regards the sessions of this hopeful assemblage , our readers will desire to know whether these are to be annual , triennial , \> r septennial . They will be neither The King will assemble the General Diet " when the necessity shall occur , " or when he may " consider it advisable ! " The duration of the sessions and the place of meeting the King will also regulate . The powers here reserved to himself , enables his kingship to render hi s boasted boon a dead letter . We shall not be at all surprised to hereafter find that the General Diet has lield its meetings NOWHERE , at NO TIME ! For certain reasons , however , —reasons affecting ! the state of his Prussian Majesty ' s Exchequer—we are inclined to believe that the General Diet will
meet ; let us see then what are to be its powers . No new loans are to be raised , and no new taxes imposed without the consent of th * General Diet ; but so many limitations are added to these clauses > as almost entirely to destroy their effect . Import , export and transit duties , local taxes , the revenues ar ising from the royal domains , and such indirect taxes as may become the subject of treaties with foreign states are excepted . A pretty tolerable list of exceptions ! But mark what follows . Li case of war the King reserves to himself the power of levying extraordinary taxes without consulting the General Diet , should he deem its convocation unad .
visa ble ! Under such circumstances , too , the raising of new loans are to be transferred to the commission for managing the affairs of the national debt . Thus it will be seen , that precisely when his kingship is most likely to waut money , and when perhaps public opinion , opposed to an unjust war , would be most determined against granting new taxes and sanctioning new loans , then the king will -map his fingers at the "constitution , " get the money as he best may , and settle accounts aftcrw . irds .
Only two other points of this "constitution" are worthy of notice - . —First , When the General Diet has to agree to new State debts , new taxes , or the raising of existing taxes , the two houses will irote together ; this is for the purpose of swamping what opposition may be manifested in the lower house by the flood of royal and courtly toob and sycophants from the upper house . Second , Petitions and complaints ean only be brought before the King when previously adopted by two-thirds of tho members in each house . Petitions once refused cannot be again preferred by the same assembly , and by a subsequent one only if there be new reasons !
We should add that a "' Committee of the United Diet" is to be formed from the members of the General Diet ; this Committee will meet periodically , n'd will possess nearly the same functions as the General Diet . Thero will also be a " Deputation " or Commission , formed from the General Diet , for managing the affairs of the State debts . It is very evident that the "Committee" and " Deputation " will be the real werking bodies ; composed of the King ' s creatures , they will devise the " ways and means" to keep the state machine moving . The General Diet will be consulted but rarelv , and
only in cases of emergency . Such is the thing called a " Constitution , " but which is in reality nothing ot the sort . It neither restrains power nor confers rights . The people will as heretofore have no controul over the making of the laws , nor will they be allowed a free press , or the privilege of publicly associating for the discussion and redress of grievances . Classes—a limited tew of the population—are permitted to agree to taxes and raise loatts wlien the Kin ? may feel his inability to procure either without tUeir assistance . This " great concession" "hatii this extent , no more . "
So far as the raising of laoaey is concerned , Frederick William has reason t » acknowledge the superiority of '' Constitutional Goverameats" over hia § wn . No despotism kas been able to extract such enormoua sums of mwey fcou its viotios aa have been wruaa
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . This has been a busy week in the House of Commons . The members of the Upper House are always compelled to kick their heels at the commencement of the session , waiting for bills being sent up from the other branch of the Legislature , greatly to the discomfort of Lord Brougham , whose impatience can hardly be restrained by forms , and who seizes every opportunily , however irregular , for carrying on a sort of guerilla debating on his own account . There is , however , every likelihood of his Lordship ' s appet'te for talk being satisfied in the course of next week . The first batch of Irish measures , having reference to the withdrawal of able-bodied labourers from the
roads and similar unproductive works , employing them in cultivating the soil , and preparing for the next harvest , and supporting them while so engaged , are rapidly passing through their several stages in the lower house . The speechification is smaller , and the work , such as it is , greater than is usual at the commencement of the session . The opposition of the Irish landlords to the only valuable portions of the Government plans , and their insatiable selfishness , are developed more clearly as the successive measures are brought forward . A
numerous meeting , of what is called the " Irish party , " was held on Saturday , under the Presidency of Lord Monteagle , when a resolution condemnatory of the principle of out-door relief was unanimously passed . The Government measure , in fact , does not establish the right of the destitute to such relief . It merely gives permission to the guardians to dispense it at their discretion . By the existing law , they are strictly tied up to afford no aid whatever except in the workhouses . Against this discretionary power , the " Irish Banditti" resolutely struggle , They will , if it passes , no longer he able to lay their own
cruelty and hard heartedness on the law . No Act will stand between them and their responsibility . Besides , they dread that what is at first dispensed a a favour , may grow into a claim . The Government Poor Relief Bill may become the thin end of the wedge , which , when driven home , will give Ireland a real substantial Poor Law , based on the old principle , that those who hold the land of the country in their possession , are bound to find the people upon it either employment or subsistence ; and that , in fact , the first mortgage on the soil is that of the labourer .
Mr . Roebuck is no favourite of ours , but the manner in which he has contended that the Irish landlords shall not turn the distress of that country to their own advantage , and demanded that the money and energies of the people of Great Britain shall not be mortgaged for the aggrandizement of a particular class , deserves commendation . His attempts to arrest the lavish generosity of the Whigs , and to expose the true character of the Government plans , have stung the " banditti" to the quick , and the personal attacks which have resulted , diversify the debates on the distress and its . remedies .
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The Government scheme of Education , like everything else they have yet brought forward , is a miserable abortion . The characteristic cowardice of the party is stamped upon it . The magnificent promises of the Premier have dwindled down to a miserable abortion , introduced by an open confession that the Government dare not grapple with the question manfullv . iiecause it is a difficult one , and
they are not strong enough to fight the Church on the one hand , and the voluntaries [ on the other ! It is a disgrace to the country that , at such a crisis , men so confessedly incompetent and weak should be permitted to retain office a single week . As the scheme will in due time claim the attention of Parliament , we shall reserve further comment upon it at present .
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The most important debate of the week took place on Wednesday—the whole of the sitting was devoted to the second reading of the Ten Hours' Bill , and at its close the question was adjourned . There was a very numerous attendance of members , and the interest manifested in the subject was very great . To the fullest extent our limits will permit , we have given extracts from the speeches delivered on the occasion , but they convey but a faint idea of the manner in which the claims of labour were defended on this occasion , by Lord John Manners , Mr .
Muntz , and other supporters of the Bill . In argument , in fact , in oratory , as in principle , the advocates oi the Ten Hours' Bill had an unquestionable superiority . The oft-refuted and stale sophisms of the Humes , Bowrings , Brights , et hoc genus mnoe , were urged in a subdued tone , without the slightest variety either in matter or manner , and with a dogged but downcast air , which almost implied an internal conviction that they cannot much longer resist the righteous demands of the operatives . The only variation on ! the subject of the speeches delivered
in defence of the right of capital to tyrannize over labour , and to destroy health , mosality , and domestic camfort , in the hurry of accumulating splandid fortunes , are the excuses urged why such a question should not be pushed at any particular time . Formerly Corn Laws » t « od in the way —when thev were repealed , then " perhaps . " They are repealed , virtually , bnt the " perhaps" is not realized . This year , Irish distress is the excuse . Beoause the peasant in Kerry bus not food and remaneiative employment , you are to
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An assault was made on Tuesday upon a remaining vestige of our old protective system . The Free Traders cannot be said to have any particular reasons for boasting of the success of their measures so far , but they seem resolutely bent upon the destruction of everything based upon the protective principle . The Navigation Laws formed part of a system , whose parts fitted tolerably well into each
other , though it might not be abstractedly correct . They can , however , hardly expect to be saved from the fate which has levelled stronger portions of the fabric . The Government , in consenting to Mr . Ricardo ' s motion for a Select Committee of Enquiry , virtually pronounced the doom of these laws , aud the unavailing resistance of the Protectionist party , though pushed to a division , shows that they are not strong enough to avert it .
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^ -L _ _ . THE NORTHERN STAR , FebbuamIo is ** . _ _ . « .- * . « .
T.T \I 17 1? A I Oaaitp T\R*T Tmt*-»Rt Mitv^^Vvn^-.** Liberal Books Ok Politics. ^Ueology, And Social Progbess,
T . T \ i 17 1 ? A I OAAITP T \ r * T TmT * - » rt miTv ^^ vvn ^ -. ** LIBERAL BOOKS ok POLITICS . ^ UEOLOGY , AND SOCIAL PROGBESS ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 13, 1847, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1405/page/4/
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