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THE O'CONNORVILLE PLATE.
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THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 20. 1847.
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Un ttc 1st t>t March will be l'ublhu«d No. 3, (price 6<L) of THE LABOURER,
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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A Monthly Magazine « f Politic , Literature , Puetr ; , < tc . Edited » y Feasocs O'Cohsoi , Esq ., and Ersbbt Junes , Era ., ( Uarristers-at-Lan . ) The Democratic Movement in this count-y bring wholh deficient in a monthly urgan , thr abort magaziu * is estu . tlishod t <> rtinciW t ! iis detiriearj . Placed Lit lonness o ! price witlun tli «» rraeh of all , yrt equal t « Us moi « exjieu sire i -iimiictitxrs , it eiBlirai-tstlicfolloninsftaturei ; : — l .-THE LAND AND THE LABuUUF . lt , ' or the progress and position of fie tharii . t C . i-oiwiatiTe Land Coin
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CHARTIST POEMS , BY ERNEST JONES . Priet Tkr te P < nte . FIFTH BDITION , KETISEO ASD COK » E « K »; Replete with the fire of geuiue , and poetic j . owers ofthe rery highest order , for eloquence and destructive power , they appear , to u « , almost unrivalled . \ V »« ay "destructive , " for their tendency is " lrorti than Democratic . "Ik ' ew ( luarttrly Jitci ( K . —( Tors ) _ Theso ] ioems have eai ued for their author the admiration of thousands . They may be classsed together as stirring and truly poetical appeals , which must command tfce response of ttie mighty multitude . —Xnihern Utar . Theso pueinim : iT very Kppropriutelv ba styled tho outpouring ? of * soul inspired by a devout love " for labour ' s cause , and intent ou the achievement of the emaucipa O » n of industry , ' the poetry will com * lir . ne with power to many a careworn heart , produc * an influence on the mind of millions , and do iu part towards keening sJive the flame of hop * iu the touts of the toiling . —Sou Ungltam Iteruw .
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revolution ! a . publicTmeetikg In celebration ofthe
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WEST RIDING OF YORKSHIRE . ADJOURNMENT OF THE CHRISTMAS SESSIONS FOR TUE TRIAL OF FELONS . * c . XT OT 1 CE IS HEREBY GIVEN , thnt the Christmas i > Quarter Seesiuns of the Peace , for the West Riding of the bounty of York , will be holdeu by adjournment , at Sheffield , « m Monday , the Ut Day of March next , at Teu o'CIock in the Fomioou . and by further kdjourmuent from thence will be holdcn at Waktfield , on Wednesday , the 3 rd Day of March next , at Ten o'CIock iu the Forenoon , VoR the Tbial of Felons asd Persons Indicted fo * Misdekean ' obe , when all Jurors , Suitors , and Per-ons who itand upon Recognizance , aud oilier * lmving business ut the said Sessions , arc required to attend the Court . Protecutors and Witnesses iu casts of Felony , and M : tde * i * anor from the Waj . ontakes of Str . ifforth and Tick , lull , Osgolicross , aud Staiucross , must attend the Ses-( ions at Sheffield ; ; nd those fr-nii the Wapontake * of Sstaincliff * and Ewcross , Claro , Ainsty , Agbrigg , and Storier , Skjrack and Sarkstonash , being the remain ; er Of the West Hiding , UlUlt attend the Sessions at Wake field . C , H- ELSLEY , Clerk of tfce Peace . Clerk of the Peace ' s Office , Wakefield , 10 th Feb ., 1817 .
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Now Ready , a New Edition of MR . O'CONNOR'S WORK ON SMALL FARMS . To be had at the Sirtiiirn Star Office , 16 , Great Wind mill Street ; and of Abel Hey wood , Manchester .
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TO TAILORS . LONDON » nd PAItlS FASHIONS FOR THE WINTER , lSte-47 . y READ and Co ., 12 , HarMtrect , Bloomsbury square , London ; And G . Berg r , llolywell-street , Strand ; Hay be hal of all booksellers , wheresoever redding . NOW BE 4 DT , B y approbation of htr Uajesty Que < . u Victoria , and iiis Koyal Highness Prince Albert , a spundid print
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IMPORTANT TO FHOTOGKAPIUSTS . AX application was mada on the S ' . ' ud Sqit-.-. nber , to tin Tice-Chanctllor of England , by Ac . lieard who , acting under a moateztmordiny deiiiMj . i , considers himself the £ (< : pa' ^ 'l' * of y 1 % I'huti / grnpUic p . -j ; css !> to restrain MR . ESEUTOX , of 1 , Temple-strict , and Us , Pleet-street , rom tukiop Photogr . iphic Porti . uis , which he does by a process entirely different frou and very superior to Mr . Heard " s , and at one-half the cl . Tge . Ilis Honour rrfused the application in ( o ( # . Ko license required tu prartic * this process , which is aught by Mr . Egerton ii < a few lessons at a moderate Ck * rge-All th Apparatus , Chemicals , &e ., tobs had as usual * t lusDei'ot , ! , Temple-street , Whitefriars .
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A GOOD FIT WARRANTED . A Ttfitgreatwestemcmpcriam . l . and , Oxford-street Jfl . Ubsdell and Co ., practical tailors , are now making a beautiful suit of superfine black for £ 3 los any size ; splendid waterproof overcoats made to order for 29 s each ; and youths superfine suits for 'Jis . The above house is the cheapest and best iu London , for black cloths of ( .-very-de scription , as may be seen by several Loudua daily papess 6 f last July , September , and Novembe « 3 d Omnibuses to and from the City , stopat the establishment every minute ofthe day .
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JUST PUBLISHED . Price One Penny , THE DOMESTIC MONITOR , Or Literary , Scientific-, Legal , and Medical Adviser . Edited by Hermes . 1 . WisPhniippe ' s Vagaries : Speech of the King . — 2 l > on Kcdrigo , or the Forbidden Wedding , Chapter VI . —3 . The Nosegay : Poetry , Anecdotes , Maxims , and Miscellaneous . —4 . The Peoples Corner : Military Floggl ° / T i i ' - , Rptmdance : Literary , Scientific , Legal , Wd Medical -6 . Medical Adviser : Consumptions con . tmued .-7 . Literary Scientific , and Dramatic Reviews . -8 . Domestic Herbal .-s . Tne u . wlUfc _ , _ vertisemeats . Pabluhedby E . Macken «« , 111 , n eet Strtet and to b » bad of « U Bookseller * and Newsvendwi
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WANTED IMMEDIATELY . Active agents in every market town and populous village in the United Kingdom , to promote the sale of I ' utent Property . Officers of Mechanics Institutions or Benefit Societies will have preference . Letters must he juvpaid . Printed particulars price ' . » d , which Vixn hero , netted in postage stamps , will be forwarded t » order post p . id . Address to Mr . George Crisp , cure off 1 ) LewU and Co ., Advertisers aud printers , 3 , Castle-court ' Corn nil , London .
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Once more , and for the last time , we hare to reqicst our agents to transn . it their orders for the above plate , as we have decided that the plain plate shall be presented on the 13 th of March , ami the coloured and varnished plates on rollers on the following Saturday—that is the 20 th . It is not only
important , but right , that a-enta should transmit their orders Tor the coloured plates andfortho ^ c u pon ml . lew , and for this reason , because it is as much as the bestariistcon accoraplishtocolourthrce in the day , so fiat our agents requiring plates of that description , will see the necessity of giving us as much time as possible for their execution . However , we have now fiVd the day , and subscribers who are disappointed must blame the agents , and not us . A ^_^ 0 4 ^ . ^^^^^^^^^^^^^ + * ~ ^ >»! . __
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OBSERVE . All correspondence , reports ; of public meeting ! , Char , tist and Trades' Intelligence , and general questions , must be addressed to Mr . G . J . IUrney , "Hoithem Star Office , " 16 , Great Windmill Street , London . All lezal questions , and matters of local news , not ¦ oticed in provincial pspers , and requiring comment , to bo nddrested to Mr . Eivest Joxes as above . All questions respecting Dills introduced into the Legislature , Aets of Parliament , their meaning and intent , 4 c , ¦ nd questions reSfiectin < c the Ministry , and the members of the two Houses of Parliament , to be addressed to Mr . George Fleming , " Northern Star" Office . All questions , connected with the management of land , and touching the operations of building , cultivation , ic , to bt addressed to Mr . O'Cox . nok . Lowbands , Red Marie , Lcdbur . v , Worcestershire . All communications of Agents , and all matters of account , to be addressed t * Mr . \ V . Rider , " Northern Star Office , " 1 C , Great Windmill Street , London .
Al Applications for tnnzazines to ba made through Mr . M'Cowan , Printer , as above .
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THE "NORTHERN STAR" IN ADVANCE OF THE PRESS . In a recent number we made a calculation suggestive of the economy of food that would result from a reduction in the allowance of Corn to Cavalry Horses , and shewed how-great the saving would be , at 4 lbs . daily per horse , in a regimen ; eight hundred strong . We perceive that the Horse-Guards , by a recent order , have partially acted up to tint very suggestion , in reducing the allowance of corn for Cavalry Horses , from ten to seven pounds . It is not , however , to the mere fact of this reduction , itt itself , hut it is to the principle it involves , that
we attach a paramount importance . It is one of the fore-shadowings of the coming time ; it is a concession \ trung by famine from monopoly , by the starving from the luxurious , by the industrious from the idle ; it is the first of a leng series of enactments that must end in the ultimate overthrow of class-prerogative ; it is a proof , that the many begin to ask why some should waste while millions want ; and that hunger prompts them to put questions to authority , which , when put , can hut be answered by concession .
Hunger U a dreadful monitor . It is true it can more easily break through stone walls than through the armour of privilege that girds a landed and monied aristocracy—but even this it can pierce ; it is a sharp querist , to whose searching queries the paraphernalia of courts and office , the costly pageantry of war , and the hereditary splendours of aristocracy , fail to substantiate an acceptable claim . This measure then , trivial in itself , derives importance from its being a tribute to the truth of a great principle we have long since laid down—a principle on which
successive governments must act , if they do not wish to live iu antagonism with those whom they undertake to govern ; the principle that no man is justified in the enjoyments of superfluities while others are suffering from the infliction of want , and that every man , being inherently possessed of individual rights , receives no increase of exclusive rights from the possession of a disproportionate amount of property—but that such does entail on its possessor an increase of duties , as on the steward of another ' s wealth . This is a feature , not of modern political economy , but of
the very laws of God and Nature , that our so-called " liberal" contemporaries of the press have altogether overlooked . We believe , notwithstanding , that government will be obliged to act on these principles , if it desires to retain its tenure of office . Indeed , we would refer our readers to an able article in " The Labourer , " for January , in which the Premier is told , that not Ireland , not the famine , but Peel , O Connell , and lknlinck , would be tUe great difficulties of his administration . We fully concur in this opinion—but these difficulties can be overcome only by & broad and generous line of policy . Great times demand great men , as great calamities require great measures . We tell Lord John Russell
he must not attempt to meet extraordinary exigencies with ordinary . law . He must not frame his legislation merely from a legal point of view , — or look with parliamentary spectacles at the great requirements of the age . The paltry questions of ordinary law and of privilege must be waived in the face of a national calamity like the present ; and we tell him so the more , since he is about to tax the English people for the support of the Irish landlords . As far , indeed , as extraordinary law ii concerned , Lord John Russell must have satisfied the most sanguine curiosity—since no more extraordinary law can be conceived than that embodied by this Minister for the relief of the Uriah destitute-
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namely , enriching the Irish rich at the expense oyf the English poor . But this reduction must not stop with the koree —it must be extended to the rider . When provisions run short on ship-board , and short rations are issued , there is no distinction made ; officers and men are put upon the same allowance . Now , ihis is just what we demand . Let not this calamity—tins " God ' s dispensation '—afflict the poor alone , but let all share it equally . We quarrel with no man ' sjust rights—let every man have his own—but we
empliatically assert , no man on earth has a right to waste one particle of the earth ' s produce , or to arrogate to himself a greater share than he justly requires as an individual , while his fellow-men are iu want of the necessaries of life . We would recommend to Her Majesty the propriety of giving an example in this good direction , and putting some of her horses , too , on smaller rations , and even dispensing with some of them altogether , seeing that they eat food for the want of which her subjects are starving . It mi ght even be found commendable if she countermanded some of the courses at the royal table , —and if he who first attributed bad legislation to God
instead of man—if , we say , the Lord Primate himself were to retrench some of the splendours of the clergy in consideration of the miseries of their flock . But , indeed , it will , and it must , come to this . The men who occupy the best cabin in the vessel of the State will be glad to throw their trappings overboard to save themselves from the wreck « f privilege—they will be obli ged to adopt our advice , if not in outward form , still practically—for , as the scorpion stings itself to death , so will the distress their monopolies have created be the destruction of the abused power * that created it .
We would suggest a far more equitable and beneficial measure , the appointment of commissioners to lake stock of every man ' s store , for , surely , at such times , the people have a right to demand even extraordinary concessions at the hands of those who ENJOY ALL and PRODUCE NOTHING . We say , that the people have an undeniable right to look to the store-houses of the rich , to demand of them what fliey can give , and to claim of their superfluity . We need not be asked what law is there for this — what act of Parliament—what
order in council ? A legislature should be no dead letter ; it is for this that we have councils and cabinets to vary the machinery of the government according to the requirements of the governed . But . we arc free to admit , we look to a hig her authority . We look to the RIGHT OF LIFE , and to the great warranty of God , the natural instinct of SELFPRESEKVATION implanted in the breast of every living being . The question simplv reduces itself
to one of life and death : are the people to perish in the midst of wealth , or shall the government be compelled , not to grant charity , but to render RESTITUTION ? Let us not be misunderstood . We do not advocate a turbulent excitement , but we do advocate such a rally of public power and opinion , as shall compel" a vacillating and treacherous ministry to stoop from its prerogative of office , and bend its appliances to the just requirements of the people . "
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THE RATE-PAYING CLAUSES . In the great Meeting which took place at the Crown and Anchor on Wednesday evening last , we bail , not so much a step towards getting rid of some vexatious clauses , as of that great humbug , the Reform Act itself . As such , we give this movement our cordial support , believing , as we do , that the repeal of these clauses will effect much towards obtaining an influx of purer blood into the constituencies . It is bad enough to be governed by partial and oppressive laws ; but it is monstrous to contemplate , that these laws again should be partiall y and oppressively
administered : an evil which is mainly facilitated , as far as the Reform Act is concerned , by the very clauses above referred to . They place an unconstitutional power iu the hands of men least likely to usp . that power with discretion , since they , more than any others , are liable to become the creatures of party , and the nominees and tools of local influence . We allude to the parish officers , who can easily obstruct the exercise of the franchise on the part of a man opposed to them in politics . TUe pjor mau—and it is the poor man who has most to fear that every hiudrance will be put in the way of
his right to vote , since class legislation has separated his interests from those of the rich—the poor man , we say , has but small opportunity of punishing the negligent official for the neglect of his office , or the culpable partisan for a dereliction of his duty . Want of money and want of time , influence and intimidation , usually nullify every attempt ; and we can but characterise these rate-paying clauses as a great cheat practised on the public , to render abortive , the little good ( if any ) that was achieved by the Reform Act . No doubt our legislators calculated on the results that would ensue from
themor , when professing to establish a property qualification , they would not , b y one clause , have clogged a definite limitation of the franchise by a cumbrous machinery that turned it into a qualification of ratesand taxes . An evidence of this intention is clearly afforded by the fact that county voters are not subjected to similar restrictions , since county voters were supposed to be more wholly under the control of the great landed aristocracy , than the comparatively less trammelled householders of boroughs . No doubt our lawmakers never
contemp lated the existence of a Chartist Co-operative Land Company , which will fast change the elective face of the counties—a contingency against which even the pliable machinery of the Reform Act will prove of little avail—a movement that will do more to purify the social and political atmosphere of the country , than even the repeal of the rate-paying clauses , or the Whig " tinkering" of half Liberals in the House of Commons . Indeed , we are filled with pleasurable anticipations of the time , when a body oi Chartist freehold voters can march to the polling booths in
those counties which are the very strongholds of the aristocracy , and there register their independent votes , heedless of the frowns of a landlord , and scorning the bribes of a millocrat . These will be the men to talk of the repeal of the rate-paying clauses , since they arc men who will have a word or two to say about the making of rates in their parishes , and the electing of their parish officers too . Nevertheless , we hail with unfeigned satisfaction the noble demonstration at the Crown and Anchor , as an evidence that the men of London are alive to a sense
of their duty , and from the sentiments elicited , and the responses they met with , that they only look upon this movement , and only support it , as what it is : A part of the great plan for removing EVERY restriction from the universal ri ght of man to the suffrage . There is another way in which these restrictions are brought to beav still more forcibly through the very medium of the rate paying-clauses , —we allude to the discretionary power at the disposal of the revising barrister—a power the more to be dreaded , since these functionaries have declared
themselves , in many instances , incapable of putting a definite construction on the provisions of the Act , and since they have frequently arrived at conflicting and contradictory decisions . There is a satire upon legislation , when laws are so worded by their framers , that they are confessedl y not understood by their official expounders .- Surely the people , in whom the rig ht of all law-making is vested , but from whom the power of so doing is withheldsurely , we say , the people could not do worse than this ; and , indeed , they would uot perpetrate such I one-sided legislation , if we are to judge by the
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meeting of last Wednesday evening , called by nonelectors , for the especial benefit of those who have the vote . This is the spirit that should actuate , and does actuate , the working classes of this country ; that spirit of equal justice , that while it contends against the wrongs inflicted on itself , is ready to aid all others as well , in the obtainment of their rig hts . And here / is the great superiority of the Chartist body over every faction in the emp ire ; that , while others are contending for sectional interests , they are the only part of the community that strugg le for the interests of all . This must do
much to dissipate the old prejudice of factions against them , and will make men more incline to enlist the aid of Chartists in obtainment of their rights , than of those who are professedly but the advocates of a party , be it Whig , Tory , or pseudo-Liberal . We shall find this feeling tell at the coming Election , and we hope that this movement for the Repeal of the Kate-paying Clauses , will serve as a further reminder to stimulate the energy of every Chartist for the approaching contest , for , above all , the day of a General Election must not take us unawares . We have no doubt tbat the
Election M ovement will , under the gallant and experienced leadership of Duncombc , make a prosperous and rapid progress ; but while the machinery is prepared , and the council in the camp are at their post , the soldiers , too , must be willing to act , and the videttes keep a sharp and unremitting vig ilance . But , we trust , we need not stimulate the Chartist Body on this head , after all that has been done , written , and spoken on the subject ; and we believe so the more , since we understand that most encouraging communications have been received from various boroughs throughout the country . Be it remembered , however , that a general good is involved in this question , not a local advantage ; and that it therefore behoves every place to be stirring
in the cause of returning Chartist Members to the House . Sectional movements must fail—national co-operation can achieve anything . It is restoring the Land to the people—it is saving the trades from the grasp of capital—it can as easily seat its own Representatives in Parliament . We have dwelt on this subject the more , because this very effort for a repeal of the rate-paying clauses brings forcibly to our minds the necessity of strengthening Mr . Duncombe ' s hands ; and because it will act , to some extent , ai a test of our present Members at a coming election ; when , we trust , not a Cliarlit vote will be g iven to the men who shall have opposed a Fieldcn , or a Duncombe , in their efforts to legislate between the employer and the employed—the taxeater and the tax-payer . t - ¦
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lowed chains te be put upon our warlike people and forced them to proieis a foreign faith , and to epeak a foreign language , and for having red eed them to be slaves of those who have trampled upon our riuhtB . The dust of our fathers , of those martyrs of the rights of our nation , calls to us from the tomb to avenge them ; the infant at the breast calls upon is to preserve for him the country which God hn * confided to us ; the free nations of the entire world invite U 8 not to allow the sacred principles of our nationality to bo destroyed : God himBelf invites us , He , who will one d « y demand from us an nccouut tit what we hare ( lone with it .
We are twonty millions . Letusriseasoneman , and no force on eartti can crush our power . We shall enjoy such liberty as never was known on earth . Let us conquera state of society , in which every man shall onjoy his share of the fruits of tho earth according to his merits ( earnings ) and his capacity , in which no ( exclusive ) privilege , of any kind whatever , will be allowed toremain ; in which every Pole will find a full guarantee for liim-clf , his wife and hi . « children ; in which every man disabled by nature in tho useofhis bodilv or mental functions , will find .
without humiliation , the unfailing assistance of the whole social body ; a stato in which those portions ot land which hitherto have been merely in the conditional possession of their cultivators , will become their adsolute property ; in which all hunt ( white and black , according to tho feudal acceptation of the term ) , soccago labour and other similar burdens , ( entailed upon these lands ) , will cease without any indemnity ( to the landlords ) , and tliono who will devote themselves in arms to the national cause , will be remunerated by a grant of land from the national domains .
Poles ! from this moment we recognise no distinction among ourselves ; brethren henceforward we arc the sons of one mother , our country ; of one father , God , who is in Heaven ! Let us invoke Ilis support , that he may bless our aims , and grant us victory ; but to draw down Ilis blessings we must not sully ourselves with intemperance or plunder , we must not disgrace our consecrated arms by usin « them for oppression , or for the murder of the disarmed dissenter and foreigner ; for we donotstru" - gle against ( thepeopleof foreign ) nations , butagainst < mr ( common ) oppressors . And now , in testimony of our union , let us adopt the national cockade and take the following oath : —
" I swear to serve Poland , my country , by counsel , word and deed . I swear to sacrifice to her all that my personal views , my fortune and my life ! I swear obediunco to the National g overnment , which iias been established in Cracow , the 22 nd of this month , at eicht o ' clock in the eveni . g , in Krysztolbry-House > d to all tho authorities appointed by the Government "V V , oJ ma >' stan ( l lne » ' my need . " 1 his Manifesto will be inserted in the Government Jmirnal , transmitted in seperate sheets tlirou Kbout 1 .. and , proclaimed from the pulpits of all churches , and placarded in all public places . Cracow . „ . . Feb . 22 nd " , 1840 , ( bigncd ) Ludwik Gouxkowski . John Ty ssowskf .
_ . Alex . Grzegorzkwski . I he Secretary of the Government . ( Signed ) Ivarol Rooawski . Contemptible is that man who can read the above soul-stirring Address and not feel his veins " run fire" and his heart swell with the holy emotion to do and dare by the side of the brave men , who , in the above document , have proclaimed ? he new era for their country—an era which shall witness the destruction of tyranny and inequality , and the establishment of the reign of right and justice .
The Cracow Manifesto proclaims the extinction of serfage , the abolition of class distinctions , the resti . tution of the land to the nation , and the veritable freedom of the people , by guaranteeing to them the lands . they ' cultivate , and ensuring to each of the patriots in arms a portion of the national domains ; the disabled and unfortunate are promised security and national aid ; and , lastly , not only the fraternity of all Poles , but the fraternity of all nations , is proclaimed ; war is invoked only against those who are the common oppressors and enemies of all mankind .
The suppression of the insurrection of 1846 has not suppressed the Cracow Manifesto . The principles of that Manifesto will be appealed to iu all future struggles , and will be enforced by the victorious people-victors they shall be . Excellent , however , as the Manifesto is , we venture to suggest an addition , which we earnestl y recommend to the consideration of our Polish friends . We suggest that a CONSTITUTION FOR POLAND be drawn up by the Democratic Society , which Constitution shall enforce , in its provisions , all the rights and duties , political and social , proclaimed in the Cracow-Manifesto ; with such guarantees as shall compel the performance of duties , and secure to the masses
the perfection and stability of their rights . When the wisest and ablest men of the Democratic Party , after due deliberation , have produced THE CONSTITUTION , let it be submitted to the votes of the members . When fully adopted by the Democrats , let THE CONSTITUTION be then forwarded to the other sections of the Polish Emigration ; if they adopt i t , they will show that their patriotism is disinterested , and lias for its object the welfare of all , not the privileges of a few . If they will not adopt it , their refusal will be an additional reason for the Democrats acting by themselves , trusting to tha justice and wisdom of their work , to ensure its after adoption b y the entire Polish people .
Of cour c the suggested CONSTITUTION would not bind the Polish people until it had received the stamp of their approval ; but its immeuse utility would consist in its being used as a standard rounil which the Polish people mi ght be induced to rallv . For the moment the Cracow Manifesto serves for that purpose , but the objection to it is , that it is not sufficiently defined ; the guarantees are wanting which a CONSTITUTION would suppl y . It is a falal mistake for a people , in a state of revolution , to trust to leaders . Had the people of Paris , at the close of their three ( lavs' combat , demanded and
enforced the CoirtituMon of ' 93 , instead of foolishl y trusting to that old humbug , Lafayette , they would not have been jockied b y Thiers and Co . " , cursed with the rule of Philippe , and been under the necessity , as they now are , of making another revolution . Let the Polish Democrats prepare a thoroughly democratic CONSTITUTION ; and they will , by so doing offer an irresistible inducement to the Polish _/; eo /;/ e to engage in the struggle ; secure more firmly than ever the sympathies of the people of other countries , and take the most effectual steps they could take to secure for their cause a complete uud laslitw
victory . The Anniversary of the Cracow Insurrection wilj be celebrated in this metropolis by a public meeting on Monday evening next , at the Literary Institution " , John Street , Tottenham Court Road . We trust that on that occasion the speakers will speak out , and declare in plain English the sense the public entertain of the cowardly criminality of the English Government , and the disgraceful indifference of the British Parliament in regard to the question of Poland ' s wrongs and rights .
\\ e trust also that the speakers will be supported by an assemblage of the Democracy of London worthy of the occasion , proving the sympathy of the English people , and their ri ghteous resolve to aid the good and glorious work of Poland ' s Regeneration '
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—¦^ SBa _ PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . After a three nights' debate , the last of which was protracted to the old-fashioned Parliamentary hour of half-past three hi the morning , LordG . Bentinck ' k great Irish Railway scheme was defeated by the large lajority of 214 , in a house of 450 members . ThU decision , however , cau scarcely be taken as one upon the merits of the measure , and had the debate bien
postponed a fortnight , as was asked for , the result would probably have been very different . Lori ! George , if not in an absolute majority , mi ght lme headed so formidable a minority , as to have led to the Premier ' s resignation . The plan was most favourably received by many influential persons in this country ; it had been hailed with rejoicing in even part of Ireland , and had Lord John not taken the decisive steps he did to brine the question to an
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mmediate issue , it might have been difficult for hitn ^ afterwards to stem the torrent in favour of Lord George ' s plan . Besides , many of the most pressing measures for the temporary relief of Ireland , would by that time have been either passed , or nearly through all their stages , in both houses , and the Irish landlords and members having got bonus number one from the Whigs , would have felt themselves at liberty to take boon number two from the country party , and thereb y escape some of the threatened ^ erwonen / Whi g measures , at which they make awfully wry faces . \ y | lucky dogs they would have been to get £ 16 , 000 , 000 ' fiom Bentinck , and avoid Russell ' Poor Law at the same time !
But the Prime Minister , by the course adopted broke up the formidable confederation w ! iicj , wag ' hatching between the Irish and the Pro tectionist parly . By declaring his intention ro resi gn if | , eaten and his determination to urge the question to a d" " ' sion without any delay , he broke into pieces the gathering phalanx of opposition . The Irish members were puzzled . It was better , under the pressing necessities of their country , that they should take the ten or eleven millions offered b y the
ministers in me , than risk the chances of the sixteen held out by the Minister i » posse . At the same time , it was very hard for them to vote against" the introduction of British capital into Ireland . " Here was a "fix ! " What is the result ? 38 of them voted for the measure ; 31 against it ; ihirly-jive did not vote at all ! This was dexterous Whig management . In the division list , we find the O'Connellg curiously squandcrerl-John and young Dan voted for , Morgan John against , and the " ould fox" not at all !
Besides cutting off so large a division of Lord George ' s troops in this direction , the movement of the Whi g general detached from his camp many of his own party . Some ( like Mr . Recorder Shaw ) went openly over to the enemy—others imitated " old Dan . " They were probably not gifted with the chivalrous courage of their leader , nor so much in earnest ; and , upon cool reflection , shrunk from the awful responsibilities , cares and anxieties , which at the present moment await men in office . On the other hand , all Whig placemen and flunkies rushed to the breach . Peel and his section were sure to go against the Protectionist , and this is the rationale o Lsrd John ' s triumph !
\\ e remarked , when the scheme made its appearance , that , though better than many of the Ministerial plans , it was liable to grave objections . Subsequent consideration has confirmed that opinion ; but there can at least be no doubt that the scheme exemplified many more of the qualities of a statesman ' s mind than the incoherent higgledy-piggledy plans of the Administration . It was based upon definite
data as to costs and results . Its parts fitted well into each other , and the whole plan evinced a mind capable at once of perceiving the whole of a subject , and of mastering the most minute details connected with it . The proposer of the plan , though nominally beaten , is virtually victorious . It has raised him and his party immensely in the scale of political reputation .
W awing for the moment the propriety of introducing such a measure at present , and the nature of some of its provisions , which , undoubtedly , tended to violate the princi ple we have so often laid down , viz ., that whenever the State expends public money and employs public labour , the benefits thence arising should be secured to the public treasury , and the people as a whole , instead of sections or classes , —Waiving , we say , this objection for the present , let us glan : e at some of the probable immediate and future results of such a measure .
Two great wants in Ireland are—money-wages for the labourer and a retail market for the producer . To a very considerable extent the extension of railways would have supplied both . Over a large area on both sides of the lines wages would have been raised and paid in money , not ouly while the railways were in covirse of construction , but after they were finished . Buyers would thus have been created , and the farmers , whether large or small would have felt the effect in an immediate increased
demand at increased prices . Instead of waiting for the higgler to come and take away butter , eggs , pips or sheep , at the wholesale price , after many of these articles had deteriorated in value by not being sold when fresh , as , for instance butter and eggs , the farmer would have had a ready retail market . His butter would have fetched him £ 5 instead of 30 a ., his mutton Gil . per pound instead of 2 jd . or 3 d . for the half or quarter sheep . More money would have been put in circulation , improvement stimulated , and labour increased . The
fisheries , mines and collieries would , in the course of time , have had their latent wealth developed ; and all these most desirable and most necessary results might , had Parliament been so minded , been attained with a very small portion of ull , or , so far as encouragement to gambling speculators or bankrupt landlords was concerned . On the other hand , it is not to be denied that the Chancellor of the Exchequer , his predecessor , Mr . Goulbourn , and his predecessor , Mr . Baray , followed Hp fcy Sir R . Peel , urged mauy solid and forcible objections te the measure in some of its details , and
especially its adoption under the present omin ous financial prospect cbforc us . It is quite cle . ir that every one of these financiers look forward to another "bottomless deficiency " such as that which occurred under tarings former management—or mis-management—whichever is the proper word . Fre » b hours , fresh taxes , a fulling revenue , declining traur , and deficient harvests lie before us , and , under these circumstances it was not unnatural that so bold and dasliitig a measure should have been scriitiniMil severely , by men who practically know something of the difficultv of raising supplies .
It is true that Lord George and lus friends repeatedly asserted that the State would not lose one sixpence ; but the past experience of many public works iu Ireland wm not of such a character as to cause implicit belief in these statements . It docs not surprise us , therefore , that the measure was rejected , but we trust that the principle i involves will not be lost si ght of . Indeed , Lord John
himself by no means agreed in the slashing and impetuous speech of the Chancellor the Exchequer , which , as Mr . D'lsraeli wittily remarked , was more like a speech from the Paymaster of the Forces , than that of a chancellor . His lordship did not disapprove , in limine , of helping railroads by means of public advances , and it is rumoured that to a certain cxtention he is prepared to do so .
As to the solemn twaddle , whether talked by Peel or Roebuck , Hume or Molesworth , about leaving all these things to private enterprise—silent contempt is the best reply . It was most effectually deposed , of by Mr . D'lsraeli and Lord George in their respective speeches . The debate was throughout an animated one , and
certainly brought out some of the principal orators on either side in their best style . Sir Charles Wood "flared up" in a very unexpected way * D'lsraeli came out splendidly . Peel was inspired by the desire of proving himself worthy of his hig h position as a Parliamentary debater , and he did so . lie was , in fact , ' « the burning and shining light- '' of the administrative camp . As to Lord George , it
The O'Connorville Plate.
THE O'CONNORVILLE PLATE .
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THE LAND PLAN . Those who doubted the stability , or th ? value , of the Land Plan , even as a speculation , will be astonished on learning the following fects : — Mr . Gamble , of Maryiebone , umbrella-maker , has not promised , but has actually paid , Thomas Bond , of Devizes , 90 / . premium , for his allotment at Herringsgate . Mr . Kni ght , one of our Auditors , has not only promised , but has paid , 50 / . for a four acre allotment at Redmarley . Mr . Whpeler , father to our Secretary , has paid 45 / . for another allotment ; while we are now commissioned to receive offers from parties anxious to dispose of their allotments ; hut , as we never did intend the Land as a gambling speculation , we would recommend the poorest of the poor to try their fortunes before they part with their luck , and we pledge ourselves tbat , in less tliaj fifteen months from this date , allotments will sell for the re pective amounts of 100 / ., 150 / ., and 200 / . ; and we further assert , that , if we closed our sections to-morrow , the undrann shares would very speedily sell for 50 / .. 70 / ., and 90 / .
The Northern Star Saturday, February 20. 1847.
THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 20 . 1847 .
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— — ^ — ~ - ~ ^ » » —^ » » - ^ ^^ p ^ r r ^ w ^ ^ w v v ^ v ^ w ^ r ^ ' ^ ' * ™ THE LATE DISCUSSION . As might have been anticipated , the discussion between Messrs . Clark and Gurney ended in a signal triumph for the Charter ; and either party have every reason to congratulate themselves on having had a fair , impartial and attentive audience . What gave us sincere pleasure was , to find that the large Hall was filled by men of every party ; We should have regretted a preponderating attendance of Chartists— what vre court is , discussion ; what we wish is , for our enemies to come , and hear and judge for themselves . Every publicity was given to the discussion , on the part of Mr . Gnrney and his friends , bv
announcements in all the leading journals , —and accordingly men of every class and shade of politics were in attendance . The more gratifying is it tbat out of so large and crowded a meeting as that thronging every part of the John Street Hall , only four men could be found to support Mr . Gurney at the close of the discussion—a forest of bands being held up , and three lusty cheers being given for the glorious principles embodied in the Charter . We owe it to either disputant to state , that they argued with great ability and perfect good temper . AVc only wish that our opponents would imitate Mr . Gurney ' s example , have courage to come forth nnd facs us , and we should have no doubt as to the result .
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POLAND . ANNIVERSARY OF THE CRACOW INSURRECTION . Monday next , February 22 nd , is the anniversary of that movement which twelvemonths ago excited the hopes of the friends , and the fears of the enemies , of Polish regeneration , and added another page of heroic daring and fearful sutFering to the annals of that most unfortunate but most gallant people .
Accursed be the traitors who warned the despotic oppressors of Poland of the coming storm ! But for them the hurricane of Revolution would have burst with its full force upon the heads of Poland ' s enemies , and the surging waves of uprisen millions would have swept them away . As it was , the tyrants could not altogether stifle the cry of Young Poland . To all the legitimate atrocities of war , the despots added perfidy and assassination . On lies
and delusion , fraud and corruption , they organized murder , and destroyed by the assassin ' s knife the men whom they dared not encounter sword in hand ; but , we repeat , the voice of Young Poland has been heard in spite of METTERNICH and his ruffianly tool * . The destiny of Poland ' s future has been proclaimed , and that future shall be , in spite of the crimes of tyrants and all they may attempt to prevent the accomplishment of Poland ' s regeneration .
Hie Manifesto of the 22 ud of rebruary , published by the brave insurgents of Cracow , announced to the world that henceforth the struggle for Poland ' s restoration would not be confined to a no'le class , or to a soldier class , but would lie participated in by the mass of the people generally . That Manifesto proclaimed also that the restoration of Poland ' s na tionality would be no mere barren victory fur the masses , but would veritably restore Poland to the Poles—not mcrelv to the Polish nobles or anv
privileged classes , but the Polish people universally On the occasion of this anniversary , we feel ourselves bound to reproduce the CRACOW MANIFESTO , in order that the people of this country may be reminded of the objects sought to be obtained by the Poles , and be reminded also of the duty they owe to their gallant brethren , to aid them in every possible way in their heroic efforts to obtain the establishment of their glorious aims . MANIFESTO OF THE POLISH NATIONAL
UOVEltNMENT .-l'EBRCAiu- 22 nd , 1 S 40 . Poles I—The hour of insurrection has struck . The whole of dismembered Poland rises and greatens Out brethren have already risen , and in the Grand Duchy of Posen , in Lithuania and in tke Russian provinces , are fighting against the enemy . They aro fighting for their most sacred rights , of which thiy have been deprived of by force and fraud . You know well what has passed and is still occurring . The tlower of our youth are languishing in dungeons , the old , whose counsels guided us , are given up to contempt ; our clergy is deprived of all respect ; in a word , all whose actions , or even thought )' , have shown the resolve to live and die for Poland , have been destroyed or immured in prison , or are in
danger of being ao every moment . The groans of millions of our brethren who perish under tbc kimut , or pine . inlsubterranean cells , or are driven into the ranks of our oppressors and subjected to all the sufferings which humanity is capable ot enduring , have struck our hoavU and cau ed them to bleed . 'NYe have been robbed of our glory ; our language has been forbidden to us ; the profession of the i ' aith of our lather * prohibited . Insurmountable barriers have been opposed to the amelioration of our social condition . Brother has been armed against brother , and the most honoured children of our country have been reviled 6 y calumnies . Brothers , one step more , ami there woul-1 be no Poland , not even a single Pole . Our grandchildren would cursoour memory , for having left them nothing in one of the finest eountofo in the world but deserts and ruins , for having al
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^^ ^ ^ O'CONNORVILLE . To Plasterers . —On Monday , the 1 st of March , Mr . O'Connor will b 3 at O'Connorville , and will ba ready to receive Contracts for performing that psrtion of the plastering work which has yet to befinishsd ; those applying must specify the amount for plastering separately from that for stuccoing , — the latliin ? is finished , so that allowance must be made for that portion of the work , and the Contractor will receive 75 per cent , upon the amount earned until the job is completed . Meantime , application may be imde ! o Mr . O'Connor , Lowlands , Redmarlev , near L ? dbury , Worcestershire .
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* THE NORTHERN STAR . Febi , CAI ! T 20 , ,
Un Ttc 1st T≫T March Will Be L'Ublhu«D No. 3, (Price 6≪L) Of The Labourer,
Un ttc 1 st t > t March will be l ' ublhu « d No . 3 , ( price 6 < L ) of THE LABOURER ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 20, 1847, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1406/page/4/
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