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D THE NORTHERN STAR 8AT0KDAY, JULY 3,18*7.
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Co £ea&er$ $c ComsfDoifflen tt»
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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HO WITT'S JOURNAL , OP MTEBATDRE AND POPTOAB PROGRESS . Edited bjWitliAMand MlEtHownrr .
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D AUXILUEY TO THE NATIONAL LAND COMPANY . THE NATIONAL CO-OPERATIVE BENEFIT
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JUST PUBLISHED , A FULL-LENGTH PORTRAIT of FEARGUS O'CON-1 ¦ SX NOR , Esa . Lithographed in the first Style of Art . from an Original Painting by T . Mabtih . s . d . P « att 2 6 Onludia paper ^ . ... ... 4 o Coloured to Life ... ... ... GO Frames and Glasses from 5 s . to ... SO 0 . We have seen specimens , both plain andcoloured , and must pronounce Mr Martin ' s work an unmistakeable likeness ot the brtathingoriginal , the worth of which the ten * of thousand * who know Mr O'Co-mor can decide when they see the Engraving . We have not met any one who lias hesitated to say , That is the man . "' -JVortJ
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TO TAILORS . B . Bead ' s New Patent Indicator for finding proportion and dispruporuon in all systems of cutting . Caveats granted , April 22 nd , 1817 . signed by Messrs Pool and Capmeal , Patent Office , 4 , Old Square , Lincoln ' s Inn . Degaration of same , signed by Sir G . Carroll , Knt . Lord Mayor of London . ffUlB LONDON AND PARIS SPRISG AND SUMMER « u £ AS 5 KFS for 1 H 1 now b BENJAMIN BEAD and Co ., 12 , Hart ^ treet , Bloomsbury MUare , London ; and by G . Berger , HolyweU ^ trett , Strand . Haj be bad of all booksellers wheresoever residing . By approbation of her Majesty Queen Victoria and H . R . H . Prince Albert a S plendid Priut , beautifully ooioured , and exquiatelj executed , the whole very superior to aiijthity o' ttae kind erer before published . This beautiful print will be accompanied with the most fashionable .
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A THE TAILORS' TRADIXG COMPANY . NUMBER OF JOURNEYMEN TAILORS ( Members ol Oie National Association of United Trades ) banngformed a Company to release themselves from the banefulinfiaence of unprincipled < ompetitow respectfully inform the operative classes , generally , that they have « pened a « establishment at
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A COLOURED DAGUERREOTYPE PORTRAIT in best morocco caseforlOs ., which is 15 s . less thau any other London establishment , and warranted to be egually good , by MR EGERTON , 148 , Fleet-street , og paate Bouverie-atreet , and 1 , Temple-Btrcet . Whiteftiars . Open daily from nine till four . Foreign Apparatus Agent to Voigtlanderaadliribours , a complete Uookof Instruction , price 7 s . frl ., bv post Ids Pri e Bsts eentpostfree .
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BALDNESS EFFECTUALLY REMOVED . A f ^ EONmidinsinCork having , in the course of £% . his Practice . b « dkisi attentioiHparticularl « directed to , and : . acqtured great « xperience in < - 'the TREAfUFWT OF CAPILLARY DISEA SES , ^ . W-LfcStto ^ ^^ rr 1 WlthB ^ LDX £ SS fwhetberin youth or ad-TancedinlifO . may , by a most simple process , REPttOi-UCE thatnecessary ornament . Parties applying nillreqmreto endosea small quantity of hair , a « V « fie of five « fe ? S \ r& l »* t-office order , in fevour ofSur ^ eon ^ ardftilluins . lS . Henry ^ jreeVCork ; Hfle . i the « . « Miary ntrtfaa willb . ^ -wa rdedby iiturnofpMt
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A GOOD FIT WARRANTED . S ^ f IS fv BLACK CL 0 THSS made to order at the i ™ t AT Westk m Emmbidw , 1 and 2 , Oxford SS ^ T " ' ^ 'Chneitherspotnor change colour . Only £ 3 las the ccmplete suit of any size . These clothes WSDEL ^ nf ^ V * 5 " ^ iltt S «^" S"J 8 vS K «» WJSfi ^ SL ** " * —* ' ^^ u ^^ J ^^ S ^ * atthe " ™«> - W * Jn $ : J * S 5 " ° ' * . * e Sum of FORTY « a «^ U' \ DS f 0 r S ? M 0 NT HS , by a respectable « an ^ Rate of nterest . &c . may be known by addressing ] LdlS ' JBB-iKo . 5 , Stanley-street ,
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. Associatiens for the purpose of endeavouring toget « xcue abuses done away are springing npin all parts « f Scotland . . Tfieironlfort Journal of the 23 rd annonnces the armed at EUinore of a RuiBian fleet , composed ot ¦ ixebipB oi the line , one frigate , one corvette , one fen ? , and one steam-boat . Those vessels were to be followed bv several other shi ps of tiie line and three frigate * . As Iktoceki Coxvict . —A highway woberv was committed in the early partof 1816 by four persons
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JUST P 0 BM 8 HBD , - HO- VII . OF " THE LABOURER , " COHTSHTS . ' ' ¦ 1 . Onward-byErnest Jones . 2 . Education and the ttussell Cabinet 3 . The Romance of a People . 4 . TisittoO'Connorrille . I : Tbe i ^ S : tio ni oftlie Workln K clM 8 M - 7 . ' The Confass ' iws of a Kine . 8 . The Qame Laws . ^ Voima * hk FiB 8 r , neatl , bound in cloth and lettered , Price 3 s . 6 d . Justreprinted , and may behtd onapplieationB . . . III . of "THE LABOUBEH , " ( v £ z S ? > amonjgst other Mattertf , " * Reprint of Mr F . ? nr t ? h - > in "Northern Star' * of January sow , demonstra ting the certainty with whiuh an allottea may support himself and family , and accumulate money . « a * "Two Aero" allotment . ; Tnc very general demand that was made for the paper ontaiamg the above letter induced the Editor * tc JP ™* *» ^ er careful reraioD , in the March Namber of tha "labourer . " NO . IV . of 'THE LABOUKER , " Containing an elaborate Treatise on the NATIONAL LAND AN 1 > LABOUR BANK , IN ITS XIUTION WITH THE NATIONAL LAND COUPANT . Letters ( pra-paid ) to be addressed to the Editors , IS Great Windmill Street , Hajmarket , London . Orders received by . all agents for the "Northern Star , " and all booksellers va . town and country .
D The Northern Star 8at0kday, July 3,18*7.
D THE NORTHERN STAR 8 AT 0 KDAY , JULY 3 , 18 * 7 .
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THE COMING STRUGGLE . We postpone the discussion of several topics interesting at the present moment , but which must give way to allow us to copy the following able and admirable article from Ike Labourer ( Chartist Magazine ) for July ;—
-THE LEAGUE : So far were we from supposing that the Anti-Corn Law League fcgd abandoned the field of agitation , that , from the passing of the measure down iO the present time , we have sedulously impressed upon the popular mind the fact that the triumph of FREE TRADE is but as yet the recognition of a principle , the moulding of which , for goud or for . evil , must wholly and entirely depend upon the details to be determined upon for its working .
Aware of this fact , the leaders of that party will strain every nerre to insure a majority favourable to their views , and , with characteristic deception , will tack bits of extra liberality , apart from that question , to their addresses , in the hope , of diverting public attention from the consideration of the master grievance—the grievance of the owners of mechanical power representing the interests of the manual laboure This should now be the all-absorbing question with , all wha hope to lwe upon their own industry upon the proceeds of their own labour , undiminished by the clippings of protected capital and represented
power . During the heat of Free-Trade agitation we adhered to the doctrine , that the capricious adoption of the priniciple , unaccompanied by prudent and necessary concessions , and fair adjustment , wou ) d firstly , pauperize the manual labourer ; secondly ) would make bankrupts of the small shopkeepers , who depend , for profitand existence , upon the state of the labour market ; thirdly , would reduce the farming class to beggary ; fourthly , would confiscate the property of the landlords to Jew jobbers , moneymongers , and mor tgagees { fifthly , would convince the Free-Trade manufacturers that they had caught a Tartar ; and sixthly , would compel the government
to do that , from terror of bankruptcy and revolution , which , if done in time , would have averted both , and have preserved the several classes of society in their respective positions . Our readers must do us the justice to admit that we have laboured incessantly to convince the shoplceeping class thai their alliance with the free-traders resembled the union between the lamb and the tiger , the mouse and the cat , the lark and the kite . We have further described the present general movement as th e struggle of the Democracy of each class , agair . st th » Aristocracy of its own order , and our position is being
daily strengthened by the increasing cJass ( ends now promising defeat to faction , which were only smothered by the dangers threatened liy famine , but which a General Election will swell to madness and rouse to fury . The destructive policy of adopting the principle of Free Trade , unaccompanied by a fair adjustment of all interests affected by the change , has rendered the stability of governments a mere problem , contingent upon the chapter of accidents , aud henceforth , as now , tenure will be regulated by the barometer—a glance of sunshine elevating , a cloud depressing , ministerial hope . Is this a position worthy the greatest nation in the world I
Here we introduce the address of Mr Cohden for the purpose of arousing the industrious to renewed energy and opposition , and to illustrate from it the prospects of the realisation of those very predictions which Mr Cobden was wont to treat as chimerical but which now haunt his Free-Trade dreams as fearful realities , only to be dispelled by a strengthen , ing of the party , whose measures have been the cause of the admitted result , which Mr Cobden deplores . - .
TO THE ELECTORS OF STOCKPORT . Gbstlemeh , —Should a dissolutio n occur before I can hare the pleasure of meeting you in persen I beg to be allotted to take this mode of again soliciting the honour of being one of your representatives in Parliament . I deeply regret that you will he called upon to exercise the elective franchise at a time of great manufacturing- depresiion . It is no consolation to generous minds to know that their sufferings are shared by others ; but , unhappily , almost the whole of Europe is mourning over deficient harvests ; amidst privations , which for severity and extent have no parallel in the present ceriturv . it is possible that to some of my friends , who rejoiced in the briefer
prospects afforded by our recent commercial reforms the existing distress ' may have brought feelings oi doubt and discouragement . Free trade cannot avert a sudden and calamitous visitation of Providence' it can only alleviate its pressure . But the present crisis has at least this ' consolation , —that it has brought , from all quarters ; proofs of the soundness and beneficence »> f our principles ; for we have seen the governments of the continent , with hardly an exception , abolishjtheir multiform regulations oftha corn trade , at the moment when , if their interference be ever efficacious ,-it was the most neededand we see them ' nowrelying upon the energies of emancipated commerce alone for saving their ceonle from the horrors of famine . > . *
It must , however , be acknowledged that we enter upon the new commercial era under unfortunate circumstances . I do not allude merel y tottie present scarcity of food , which in all human probability will be ofshort duration , but afco to the possibility of a sudden reaction in the opposite direction , which may protract fora time the transition fiomtherestrictive system to the more squabble state of freedom . The present exorbitant prices will cause , as in former times in England , a greatly increased production of corn . At the game time the agricultu < e of the whole civilised world is under the stimulus of famine prices ; and should we be blessed with a succession
of good harvests , we may anticipate a glut of corn not as the result of free trade , but of the present scarcity . A similar process , to be followed possibly with like results , is going on with another important i nterest . The present enormous cost of freights , b ? which not a few of the euipowneri of the M « aiterranean will clear the" Value of their vessels is this year , is everywhere causing large investments of capital in shipbuilding . Judginef-om former experience , it is not therefore improbable that these two interests , which have been the least favourable to free trade , may be ere long simultaneously exposed to the effects of a reaction from their present
excitement . It there be any force in these views , they furnish the strongest motives Id the friends of free trade for sending to thenext Parliament—during the existence of which the process I have described will in all probability be passed through—representatives oi tried convictions , who will guard with firmness the great measures of last year from the dangers to which they may be exposed " in their transition state . Should you honour me with your confidence , I shall hope to be found with renewed health at my post , prepared to show that the present state of trade is no fair experiment of our principles , and that ' the consequent reaction will be only an exception to the ordinary operation of free trade , which , when fairly tested by time , will , I ferrenqy believe , promote the
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prosperity and : 'harmony of the ; whole community ; and I shall return to England confirmed in | my opinion by the sympathy expressed for our prinoiples'by the best and wisest men in other countries , that- if we continue with firmness to offer to the world a good example , it . will be eventually followed by all other civilised nations . ;• . Gentlemen , if at this distance I do not attempt to enter upon the discussion of other matters , it is not
because lam insensible of the impo . tance of thequestions which muit at the earliest possible momen , t engage the attention ef the Legislature , foremost amongst which is the state of Ireland . I will only add , that in every question brought before Parliament I shall , to the best of my humble ability , act upon the principle of doing equal justice ; to my felldwcauutrvmen inevwy patuf the United Kingdom . I have the honour to remain , Gentlemen ,
With sentiraenta of respect and gratitude , ' Tour faithful servant , ... . ! Venice , June K . RICHARD COBDEN . The reader who has followed us in bur , ANJri-FREE TRADE career for the last fourteen years ; will , doubtless , smile at the admissions made by the acknowledged leader of the FREE-TRADE party ; but we . doubt that the mysterious consolation , offered by the prophet will have a sufficiently instantaneous effect in dispelling the disappointment so generally felt by the enthusiastic gapers , who felt confident in the promised magical abundance to secure ! the desired hearty co-operation , for the further problematical results , for which they are now invited to contend .
We shall now consider the enigmatical and very problematical results , for which those friends of Mr Cobden , " who rejoiced in the brighter prospects afforded by our recent commercial reform ^ ' * i are sought to be enlisted as the representatives of tried convictions . " - ¦ ¦ ., We can well believe in the disappointment ; experienced by Mr Cobdenls followers , and feel convinced that they are posseted of feelings of doubt arid discouragement ; but we shall seleii ^ passages of the candidate ' s address for comment , which are apologetic for the past , or encouraging for the future . Mr Cobden says , " Free-Trade cannot arrest a sudden and calamitous visitation of Providence—it can only alleviate its pressure . "
we had hoped that " the blasphemous charge against Divine Providence had been abandoned ; but it appears that the League , as the Church , must have Us stalking-horse . We , too , were aware that " Free-Trade could not arrest a suddeu calamity ;" but we were not prepared to find those , for whose especial and sole benefit the battle was fought , the only sufferers from the calamity j we were not prepared to find the Hi gh Wages , Cheap Bread , and Plenty to do , transformed , as if by magic , into Low Wages , no Bread , and Little or Nothing to do . We were not prepared for a reduction of wages , upon the pretence of declining marKets , and Free-Trade
opposition to a reduction in the hours of labour , upon the pretext that the Idle Poor would be the greatest sufferers . We were not prepared for the brutal exercise of power , which enabled the master , with his ready-made fortune , to pass undamaged through that season of hesitation , of doubtji and confusion , which Mr Cobden is now compelled to apprehend , while those who made that fortune were alone
to suffer from this Divine dispensation . The writer goes on : — « But the present crisis has at least this consolation ; that it has brought from all quarters proofs of the soundness arid beneficence of . our principles , for we have seen the governments of the continent , with hardly an exception , abolish their multiform regulations of the corn trade , at the moment wheu , if their interference be ever so ' efficacious , it was the most needed . "
We know not what "consolation the present crisis" may derive from the fears and expediency of foreign Cabinets , but we do know the starving poor derive but little consolation from the "Live Horse andyou'll-get-Grass" anticipations of Free-Traders . Does not Mr Cobden understand that the relaxation of the rigid rules of foreign monopolists was a tribute to fearful apprehensions , rather than to the soundness aud beneficence of our principles ; and that his Free-Trade disciples abioad consist principally of corn-growers , who look to devouring John Bull as a greedy customer of their produce , rather than to manufacturers , who still look to some-
restrictions , as their ptotectioh ? ' Mr Cobden , while dealing with Free-Trade in wholesale terras , appears to base lost sight of the question of a National Debt , and of the fact that no two countries , by any process of Free-Trade , who are unequally taxed , can by possibility meet upon equal terms in the universal , produce mart . Now , these are some of the adjust , ments , to which we have incessantly directed public attention , showing that allFree-Tradeprofessors have invariably lost sight of the question of reciprocity . Mr Cobden might have concluded his last paragraph in these words : " And we see them now relying upon the chances of emancipated commerce alone for saving themselves from Revolution . "
The next passage is so full of penitence , despair and dismay , that we reprint it at full length : — " It must , however , be acknowledged that we enter upon the new commercial era under unfortunate circumstances . I do not allude merely to the present scarcity of food , which in all human probability will be of short duration , but also to the possibility of a sudden reaction in the opposite direction , which may protract fox a time the transition from the-restrictive system to the more equable state of freedom . The present exorbitant prices will cause , as in former times in England , a greatly increased production of corn . At the same time the agriculture of the whole civilized world is under the
stimulus of famine prices ; and should we be blessed with a succession of good harvests , we may anticipate a glut of corn , not as the result of freetrade , but of the present scarcity . " Yes , i « truth , " we do enter upon the new commercial era . under most unfortunate circumstances ; " but then , what brighter prospects does Mr Cobden anticipate from future legislation , beyond the return of Representatives of tried convictionsi ? HoweVer , as our object
is to strengthen the popular cause for the next struggle , let us see in how . far Mr Cobden ' s present opinions coincide with our unaltered notions . ' Mr Cobden now sees and now dreads sudden fluctuations , while the grand object of free trade was , Settlement of everything—an ' unerring standard , by which Capital might be safely expended , Speculations safely undertaken , and , above all , Labour placed upon a sound foundation . Now what were , and still are , our opinions , repeated to surfeit ?—¦"' . !
• ' The great danger to be apprehended from - a ' capricious settlement of the question , without be- ' ing accompanied by an adjustment of the several ? interests to be affected by the principle , is sudden < fluctuations , alterations from cheap to dear , and ' dear to cheap ; a period of at least thee years of ' casualties , changes , speculation and derangement ; 'in which the unprotected-poor will be the first arid ' greatest sufferers from the measure , if not pre' ceded by the just and necessarv adjustments ,
' . which are indispensable to the settlement of iri' terests now , in some degree , based upon the . whole system . Let the poor consumer rel y upon its that ' he wilj be the first to suffer , and his hardship will ' not be mitigated by the fascination of cheap bread ) as cheap and dear are relative terms , and the man without a penny to purchase the cheap loaf will « be an object of greater commiseration than the ' man who is forced , but able , to give a shilling for the dear loaf' '
Now , we ask the impartial reader to say , whether or not our predictions , in part realised , and in course of complete fulfilment , do not at present haunt the free-trade dreams of the Tourist ? And further , we tell Mr Cobden that uncertainty will be greater , and dependent more general , when wheat is selling in Mark-laae for Forty Shillings the Quarter . So long as the price of . wheat , which es . fablishes the standard value of gold , auctuatw . " iq
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long will the poot be at the , mercylof the rich ; and in proportion as the value ; of the circulating medium is operated upon bv > onbp » lists and forestallers , in the same proportion will labour suffer and . industry decay , until at length the interests of all-and labour not the laBt-muBt be legislated for . The Free-Trade penitent proceeds : — " The present exorbitant prices will cause , as in former times in . England , a greatly increased production of corn . "
This is but a recent discovery of Professor Cobden , who was in the habit of assuring us that FREETRADE was the ONE THING , the VERYTH 1 NG , the ONLY THING required to EQUALISE DEMAND and supply . ' . " But , mark our answer . We told our readers , ! ' that the rich market being once opened , the cotton-growers of America , and all the agriculturists
throughout the world , would set about producing for the . wealthy consumers ., while the taxed homegrower could not compete against the untaxed foreigner , and that the consequence would be a glut of agricultural labourers , thrown upon the already overstocked attfficial market ; and the reader may rest assured that the amount brought here on speculation , and not the amount paid in foreign markets , will regulate the price of home produce . " ,
' The Professor proceeds :- — " A similar process , to be followed possibly with like results , is going oh with another important interest . The present enormous cost of freights , by which not a few of the shipowners of the Mediterranean will clear up the value of'their vessels in this year , is everywhere causing large investments of capital in ' ship-building . Judging from former experience , it is not , therefore , improbable that these two interests , which have been the least favourable to " FREE TRADE , may be ere long simultaneously exposed to the effects of a reaction from their present excitement . " .
Here , then , are symptoms of another reaction , and one which . we predicted in 1842 , upon the passing of Sir Robert Peel ' s cattle tariff . < At that time all the FREE-TRADE journals had their BEAST COMMISSIONERS ^ professed to have them , taking stock of foreign cattle all over the . world ; and the Cftr « n » cfe and Sun exultingly assured us that the home-breeder would fiud ample protection . in the high stnte of freights required by shipowner * for bringing competitors . over from Spain , amounting , as we are told ,,. to , over four pounds upon . a beast not worth more than thirteen pounds . Now , what was our answer ? Why , nearly the words of
MrCobden . We said , " That the trade was not not prepared for such a sudden demand , but that the ship-buildere of the world would not fail to place themselves in a position to meet it ; and that the probability was , that the ship-builders of Liverpool and of other ports were now making the necessary arrangements to meet the increased demands . " Such were our predictions with legard to one branch o f trade , of which Mr Cobden appears to have lost sight ; and ,, presently , competition in this depart , ment will cause an outcry from the shipping interest which will lead to another Free-Trade difficulty .
It is really curious to see how the Free-Trade prophets are compelled to adopt our every prediction . . . : •< We have now commented upon the New Free-Trade cry of "RETURN REPRESENTATIVES OF TRIED CONVICTIONS ; " and but little remains for us , beyond the duty of preparing the working classes for the CRY .-This , then , is our solemn advice : that the Chartist party should in all cases be prepared with representatives of TRIED CONVICTIONS , who will guard the interests notof a class , but of thecomm \ l « nity , in the next Parliament . As we predicted , the enemy has drawn the sword , and naught now remains for us but to throw away the scabbard . Gobden ' s presence , after a convenient absence , may give vitality to his own lifeless party , when it must be our care and study to protect the unwary against the snares set for them by the designing . . . : ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦¦¦ ¦ ¦ ' ¦¦¦¦ - There is now but one course open to the Chartist party , and that course is , to return as many
Chartists as possible , of tried convictions , to the next Parliament ; and , further , to secure as many Chartist delegates as they can , by a show of hands » who shall speak the public mind , and who shall meet , not in a national , but in an imperial convention , when the free traders next assemble in St Stephen ' s . And the duty of those delegates will be to secure the signatures of their constituents to a firm , a resolute , and unequivocal demand for the People ' s Charter .
We say an imperial convention , because there we hope to meet O'Higgins and other honest Irish representatives of tried convictions , representing a true and enlightened Irish niind .. " ' In order to effect this . necessary object , we shall ere long , point out the easy means by which the pecuniary resources may be supplied . ' In conclusion we may observe , without vanity , that our every prediction with regard to Free-Trade
and Free-Traders has been realised ; while our readers must do us the justice to admit we had prepared the public mind to resist the infliction of so great a calamity as the return of a Free-Trade Par . liameat consisting of representatives of tried Free-Trade convictions . Cobden ' s re-appearance , added to his plain and simple admissions of Free-Trade failure , ' will go far to strengthen the hands of : the Protectionists ; and further to nerve the opposition of the industrious .
The shopkeepers who may construe Cobden ' s admissions into their bankruptcy , will surely not longer hesitate , but will join those upon whose free labour and requited industry they depend . Let all now join in a Monster Petition to the New House , demanding the PEOPLE'S CHARTER as the only means of securing the People ' s Rights ; and let the improved mind , thus embodied in an imperial demand , be followed by the living masses , entertaining the same principles , to the door of St Stephen's , there to be committed to the guardianship of the People ' s Champion— ¦; . ¦¦ . THOMAS SLINGSBY DUNCOMBE .
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H « At . NOTICE . —I am daily receiving communications from persons requiring pratutiout legal advice in the Star , whoso very letters ' provs them to be men of property * The space of this paper is not to be monopolised bjr the rich to the detriment of the poor , whose cases shall « 1-wajB obtain the firtt consideration . , Rich men requiring advice shall in futuro receive fbivate answers upon romltrtng a fee of from five shillings to half » S 0 T 6-relgn according to the length of their cases and their ability to pay .. ... , _ , Ebnem Jones . i , Mann , Hebden Bridge . —She may , before marriage , socuro her property to herself and put it out of her husband ' power ; but it will require some skill to draw the settlement properly . If you will send me the names of
the young woman , her intended husband , and of two respectable trustees , and inform me what her property consists of , I will prepare a short settlement , and which shall not csot much . D . P ., Bolton , Bradford . —Send me a copy of the wllltand before you send it you had better , take a copy to keep ) , give me the address of the surviving trustee , and tell m « when the youngest child came of age , and whoU now recoTei ing the rents . The conduct of the trustee seem * to have been most shameful . ' : A Pooa Man of the Grovbb , —If you will furnish ms with the names of the torn and their masters , I will seo if anything can be done in the case . Can any proof ba brought forward about the promise of the clothes and . money 1 . Robert Kitchen , Low Mill , —If your brother , does not return to his master , the master may sue your father or his bond . If , indeod , the master neglects to do his duty to hit apprentice ( your brother ) , and it can bo proved , the magistrates would probably order the indentures of apprenticeship and bond to be dslherod up
and cancelled . , A Poor Man , Cheltenham . —If your landlord , or the person who may purchase the property , should give you six months' notice , to quit iu March next , you muit quit at that time . If you have made any improvement * which are not fixed to the freehold you may remote them j but you must take care to removo them before your term ia Tu ' of te ? Bri 6 tol .-I inferfromyour statement that the policeman did not take the house for any certain fixed Dcried ; and it not , he Is a mere tenant-at-wUl , and may quit when he p leases without notice . Hknry IIboues .-Youv case , rflrecollectright , received an answer in last week ' s Star . " ' ' VTiilum Db . bmmon » , Newtott Green . —What is it tba % jour friend claims under John Bolsover ' s . willl Beisf the " grandson of the testator'Uwho appears to hwrs boen dead nearly sixty years ) does not necessarily giva . him any interest under the will . I must know what it is he . claims , and tuo ground on . which tie supposes hit right to rest . . ¦ . Thomas Babnksbt . —I fear your case isahopeleM en « 4 you swuto hate got iuto bad haudV
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FROST , WILLIAMS , AND JONES . We direct the attention of our readers to a resolution adopted by the Metropolitan Chartist Committee , announcing the determination of that body to make another attempt to obtain the restoration of the Welsh exiles . We consider the plan of operation judicious , and the time well-chosen . If the Members are applied to before many more of them leave town to promote their electioneering schemes ,
the probability is that a goodly number may be induced to accept the mission of mercy suggested by the committee . Many of the Members may find it to their interest to plead fervently for the oppressed and suffering , thereby strengthening the hands of those few good arid true men , who , in season and out of season , are ever ready to urge the claims of right , and vindicate the cause of the victims of wrong .
As regards the Ministry , the time is wellchosen . With ' professions of liberality the Russell Cabinet are about to appeal to the public , and although the suffrages of the electoral body will be the first consideration , the " sweet voices" of the multitude will be also courted . The Whigs have a lively recollection of the storm of popular execration which greoted them in 1611 , and if they are capable of gathering wisdom from experience , will think twice before they venture to increase tb . e existing amount of popular hostility . At all evonts the
experiment is well worthy a trial . Success would equal more than a thousand ordinary victories , and failure will result in the punishment of the enemies of the martyrs , should the Whigs take up that selfdamaging position . We must impress on the committee the necessity of prompt action , as the days of the parliament are evidently fast drawing to a close . Should the committee need popular support in any shape , * we trust that support will be afforded aa promptly . The exiles must be brought home again . and , if Lord John Russell is wise in his generation they willl be brought home now .
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . : The week has been a scanty one in materials for comment . On Monday night the whole of the ¦ itting was absorbed by a discussion on the proposition to give to three Irish Railway Companies the money which was originally voted for the reclamation of Waste Lands , and on Tuesday night the Commons made "no house . " On the , dishonesty , as well as inconsistency , of the Ministry with reference tq the Railway Loan , we have already commented . Itjwill
be remembered that when Lord G . Bentinck brought forward his scheme for the employment' of 4 > 16 , 000 , 000 , during four successive years , in making railroads in Ireland , the Whfgs were his most : deterrained opponents , and went even the length of threatening' to resign if Lord George succeeded in carrying his measure . What they resisted then , they now adopt } but , as ' usual with them , in such ajway as to make whatever was originally objectionable in
the measure a thousand times more so . Lord peorge ' s plan had the advantage of being an impartial and a general one . It was proposed at a time when it might have been productive of considerable benefit to the people of Ireland , by affording them profitable and useful employment—the very thing that was then wanting ; and , though we think that more profitable and more useful modes of spending £ 16 , 000 , 000 might have been devised , yet , as compared with the wretched make-shifts and
hand-tomouth plans on which Ministers have prochgauy squandered ten millions sterling , Lord George's measure was really entitled to the epithet of" statesmanlike . ' In borrowing from hiui f however , Minister ? have taken' only the objectionable parti of the plan . They give three favoured companies the advantage of the public money , to the exclusion of
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others , and ] they " take ^ way . ttia "fnniis " origi , ' , ^? | $ y votedtfor-increasing the cuUivatedBmTof Ireland , ^ z § ft give them to private speculators for their own ifl , ' ^ "T vantage . A very small portion of the sum will be ex , "W , pended in the , direct employment of unskilled )| , Jkp hour in Ireland . „ Engineers , landlords , officials ^ p ' skilled artizans , will absorb ihe largest portion of f * the advance . : The whole of the Irish policy 0 { . •* MinUtera ,-as . we have repeatedly stated , »« blaiider * l which will cost ; thh country . dear , without cob . ! J ferring any substantial relief , or benefit on Ireland , *''
Under the system of relief committee * , which hi , superseded the wasteful one of useless and unprod . ^ * tive public \ vorks . two million * of persona are q receiving daily rations at an average cost of 2 Jj , ; each , and involving an expenditure of upwardi { nine millions annually . We do not grumble at tht ; amount , but we do protest against the manner j which it is applied . If England is to advance tett millions annually to sustain the destitute people of Ireland , let it be done in such a way as to be ef .
fective for present purposes ,. and at the same tint lay the foundation of a system by which the ne « i » sity for such aid will be avoided in future . On Wednesday a very important measure , intro . 1 duced by Mr buncombe , for the bettei ventilation of mines and collieries , and the protection and pre . serration of the lives of persons employed in them was thrown out on the second reading . The la tent *! of the session was the excuse , Government
giving a kind of conditional pledge that t he y would take the subject up next sesiioQ , : . That some legislation on the subject i ( imperatively required must be obvious to every one The frequent appalling accidents—of accidents , they may be called , which can be prevented by the ad op . tion of suitable means—and the large and lamentable distraction of human life which is the result of these explosions , constitute of themselves a sufficient ground for interference on the part of the LegUli .
ture . Mr Duncombe ' s bill proposed to appoint three Government inspectors , ai salaries fixed b y the Treasury , who , at any hour of the day or ui ght , were to be empower *! to visit all mines and collieciet within their respective districts . They were to be armed with absolute authority to investigate all circumstances relative to matters affecting the ventila tion and safety of subterranean works ; to take evidence upon oath ; and , if the actual managers or the proprietors did not comply with the request of the
inspectors , as to the introduction of improvements , . withn a reasonable time after notice , a penalty of £ 100 was to have been inflicted for refusal or neglect . Sub-inspectors , under the general direction of the three principal inspectors , were also to havt been appointed . In cases of accidents , ' , notice wai to be sent within twelve hours to the nearest sub . inspector , who was instantly to make inv « . tigation into . the circumstances , and . attend with
a surgeon on the parties injured ; The sub-inspec * tor was also empowered to bring actions , in the name and on behalf of parties so injured against the overseers ; and . in cases where the verdict was returned for the defendant , the costs were to be paid out of the funds provided for the purposei of t he Act , by laying a tax of a farthing a ton on all the coal sold in Great Britain , so that no risk of a pecuniary character should deter the sufferers from seeking legal redress . Where death ensued from re * movable causes ,: the inspector was to attend tbe inquest , and re-examine the witnesses . Actions might be brought 'for the benefit of the wives , children , and parents of the deceased , the amount to be divided among the sun
vivors , at the discretion of the Secretary of State . The bill also contained important regulations ai to work and wages , which would have been most beneficial to the oppressed' and ill-used minen . All work was to have been paid for by weight , and not by measurement ; wages were to be paid weekly , and no man was to be allowed to receive the , earnings of another , except under speciai circumstance ! . It is to be regretted that a measure so much needed , and which would have conferred so muuh benefit on our mining population , should have been defeated : We can only express our hope , that if Government does not take the matter up next session , the indefatU gable member for Finsbury will again bring it forward , with such improvements in its machinery and provisions as may be suggested during the recess .
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COUNTRY versus PARTY ; : : j Since last we . noticedI the movements of the Irish Confederates ui London . they 'have put forth a manly , declaration of their principles " and their objects , and in ; another part of ; this paper ^ record a correspondence ; which ^ has . taken ; place between : themselves and the Irish Confederation ' -ih
Dublin . ; We were ; right ; then , when we hailed , amid her expatriated ; sons |" , a , hope " , for Ireland ^ We were right when we expected , that , true to the national character , though absent , they had not forgotten theif country , but that they , would be striving , even in the very land of Whiggery ; to free Ireland from unjust" domination / We feel we were' right , too , when we said that " the English people would fraternise with their Irish brethren , when they found that they were striving for the self-same object , —a repeal of , a legislative monopoly : for it
is as unjust that the English Government should monopolise : the legislature of Ireland , as that it should deny ' to ' the English their share' in the government of their own country . Governments have long acted on the principle of divide at impera , ' - keep those . asunder whose mutual interests lead them to oppose you . Thus have successive ministries constantly thrown ' ; tne seed ' of rivalries and dissensions , matured by . prejudice , between the Irish and the English . The former have been oppreased-i-enBUved-i maUreited—but not by the
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English , people ; tuese . are innocent of the guiltthey have suffered from the same hands that inflicted misery on Ireland . What wonder that they should at last be learuing the truth—r what wonder that they should at last see , their mutual interests , and join in one cause , that of freedom from usurpation on the one hand , and . privileged monopoly on either ? The wonder sooner is , that a union of both people did not long ago subvert the " union" of the Government . But , alas ! national prejudices have been the winning cardB of Monopoly—with which they have tricked Justice of its due , over the graves of the
murdered Insh , : . ' i The declaration alluded to embodies the " league of peoples" against the " conspiracy of kings / ' -at the same time that it breathes a noble and forbearing spirit ; it analyses the spirit of government , and justly finds that no form of rule can guarantee freedom as long as power is enjoyed by a privileged class-as long as one portion of the community can impose burdens on the other , without the sanction and consent of those so burdened } it holds , that
the only right to property is a due performance of our duty as a citizen ; the only true title of nobility , that of deserving well at the hands of society ; that the" true basis of liberty is Political Ea tJALWY . It further establishes the great truth , that all natio hsandfeop iehave a right to govern them-• elves by the will of a majority of their own body ; andywere there even no other claim to be advanced , the Confederates have established herein an unenviable-right for enforcing a REPEAL of the Legislative Union . ..:.,.. ..
' ¦ To obtain this desirable result the Confederates have discovered the secret of true power—the cultivating of a better understanding among all grades of the toiling community . Herein a deep truth has been pronounced . Even as liberty cannot be obtained by the working classes of a country as long as they are divided among themselves , so can it not be achieved by the oppressed of England and Ireland , until they fraternize together . Factions , m a movement for , one common object , neutralise
results . The advantage gained here is nullified by the defeat there—the energy in one place is damped by the apathy in another . Many interests seldom work inharroony—unite the different elements in one liar , monious whole , and the result will be success . We complain against being ruled by individualism ; we must not oppose it by other individualism ; nationality must oppose party ; the people , as one , must resisUhe centralization of power , then numbers will have weight—freedom , hope—and energy , reward .
Our Irish friends are doing their duty gallantly ; they are awake to the tactics of the enemy , who professedly pass unnoticed the communications of their countrymen , as soon as they soar from PARTISANS into PATRIOTS . As long as they follow the banner of an individual interest ,. tbty receive a helping hand—as soon as they vindicate the honour of their country against any venal leaders hip—as soon as they raise the watchword of Liberty they are consigned to the tomb of the Capulets , or only , remembered to be shunned , only sought for to be thwarted !
Onward , notwithstanding you have suffered long —you have struggled bravely—you have watched and waited faithfully ; and with such measures and such a spirit you must triumph signally , at last . The spirit that is aroused in England shall not sleep idly . It is not a selfish spirit—it , too , has pronounced the glorious words-i' ' ALL MEN ARE BRETHREN . " Oppression to one is oppression to all—stab Liberty in one place , and she bleeds at every pore . Thus we recognise but one common cause—the cause of Freedom ;—and one common enemy-CLASS-DOMlNATION I
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-A- — . ¦ ... ; ... . ' ., : ; ^ . - *«» WOUTMIW STAR . * - * _
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Lord Brougham , at the fag end of the session , made a long speech and a motion on a matter which ought to have been attacked at tbe commencement , namely , the mode of doing the private business of the house . He showed , very iorcibly , all the evils of the present system , and predicted that next Parliament would be entirel y a railway one . The question , however , is-wh y did his Lordshi p not bring on the subject ' when there was time to have reformed the system , and prevented the evil * of which he complained , instead of waiting almost to the twelfth hour , only to make a flashy speech , and let the matter drop ?
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The Poor Law Administration Bill , which has excited auch lengthened and animated discussions in the Commons , has been received almost with silence by the Lords . The second reading drew forth a short speech from Lord Brougham , in which he stated his . adherence to the principle of the New < Poor Law Bill , but passed a severe censure on the Con * mission , for the manner in which they bad carried it out , and especially for the fear they had always shown of the newspapers . It is evident that we shall be saddled with the Somerset-house Commission in another shape , and that the Malthusian law is to continue unaltered in princi ple , however much its practical working may be modified by the new machinery . . ' ;
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 3, 1847, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1425/page/4/
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