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TRE NORTHERN STAR , SA.T.OIlDA.T . SOYEilBEH. 13,1S47.
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Co fitaBtrs # Corjtsjjmarats,'
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JvstPubliriied, Second Kdition , Price One Half-penny or Three Shillings per Hundred, witorm with theLabourer.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
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A US V 1 LU addressed to Odd Feliows , Foresters , and £% . « her Benefit Societies , calling toeir attention to tne National Land and Labour Bank , setting forth the amount of profit on its deposits and security . By 6 . Can-BiUT , Hyde . Membere of the various Land Societies are requested immediately to transmit thsir orders , as the tjp ^ can only stand a limited period of time , to John Gaskell , secretary , ss Korl » ury . str « t : t , Hyde . Payment may be seat ia i = ost 3 ge stamps . TfiiB tract should bepurchased , wholesale , by the members of the Land Ctnnpany for general distribution , — XorOien , Star .
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JUST PUBLISH KB , ( Uniform with the " Labowrei" Magazine , ) Price Gd . A PRACTICAL TREATISE ON SPADE HUSBANDRY . being the results of four yean' eiperiette . Br J . Sillett . M'Gowta aad Co ., 16 , Great TTindnull . Etmt , Lon&m nnd may r-e had « f all booksellers .
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N )* r re * dj , in one thick 8 » o xolam * . price 5 s ., THE POLITICAL WORKS OF THOMAS PAINE , cow fir-it collected together , mad to which are added Mveral pieea ae » Mbefore published ia England ; ana an appendix , containing the IVtal of Thomas Pawe , at Guildhall ; with a portrait of the Author . Complete in 2 vols . 8 ro . price 12 » ., TOLTAIRE'S PHILOSOPHICAL DICTIONARY , With two well-finished Portraits of the A » tbor . Ia 2 rols . pric * 5 ^ ., publishea at 9 s ., THE DEVIL'S PULPIT , Bj the Rev . Eobch Tatwe , B . A . Ir one handfomo relume , price 6 s ., CARLILE ' S MAKUAL OF FREEMASOKRY , Original !; published at 15 s . Complcteinl rel ., price 5 s ., THE DIEGESiS , By the Ikv , Robibt T ^ xtos . A complete set of COBBETT' 3 POLITICAL REGISTER , For aale , 83 vols ., half-calf . W . Datdalr , 16 . Holy well , street . Strand .
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TO TAILORS . Sow Ready , by approbation of her Majesty , Queen Vwtorin , and II . « . H . Prince Albert TITE LONDON and PARIS AUTUMN * a& WIXTER PA ? I 2 IO . V ' - ? fqrISi 7 and IMS , by IJcigamin Bead aad Co ., 12 , Hart-street , Bloorasbury-square , London , ci : dbv G . Iterger , IloljtceU-street , Straud , London ; a most " magnificent and superbly-coloured Print , surpassing ercrjt : ii : 5 of th « land previously published , accompanied Trith the most fashionable full size Dress / Riding , frock , Hufctin . -, and Wrapper Coat pattern ; , with every particular pan fur each complete . Also , the meet fashionable and newest style Waistcoat Pattern , including the manner of Cutting and makinr up the whole , lrita Information respecting the r . ew scientific astern of Cutting , wliicli will be published Jan . 1 , 1818 , and will supersede everything of the kind before conceived . Price 10 s ; or , post free , to all parts of the kingdom ,, lls . Pateut Measures , with full explanation , Ss the set ( the greatest improvement ever fcnomi in the trade ) . Patterns to measure sent post fres to all parts of the kingdom . Is
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IJIPORTAHT KOTICE . T 3 E LONDONERS HAVE BEGUN A HOME VOB HOXEST INDUSTRY . Patrons . —T . S . Duncomhe , Esq ., M . P ., T . Wakley Esq ., J £ P ., B . Bond Cabbtll , Esq ., M . P . Hsve von read the Tract en the Land and Building Society for tne Working Million * J If a « t , get it , reed it . Prjee only One P » Eny . Tablished for the Society , by < & Berber . 19 , HolynVJ-street , Straad . Sold by all cheap boaktellers . ai-ti tke Society's agent * : alto to be had , with full information , of Daniel William Ruffy , secretary , officss of the $ oci * t » , U , Tottenham-court , Kew-road , St PaacraF , London , by sending three postnjro stanus .
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THE O'COSSOR TARTAS . JAMES KOTnESVELL , Bookseller and Kews Ajrent , Crtss , Paisley , begs to intimate to the friends and admirers of Mr O . Connor , and the public generally , that he ias been appointed agent in Paisiey fur the sale of the above beautiful cloth , suitable for vests , cravats , plaids , jhawls , &c . An assortment kept on hand . Paisley , Sot . 2 , 18 i 7 .
Tre Northern Star , Sa.T.Oilda.T . Soyeilbeh. 13,1s47.
TRE NORTHERN STAR , SA . T . OIlDA . T . SOYEilBEH . 13 , 1 S 47 .
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THE PAST , THE PRESENT , AND THE ^ FUTURE . This day witnesses the completion of the Tentt Volume of the Northern Star . Everyone is aware that our French neighbours unhesitatingl y believe this to be the month in which Englishmen are prone to relieve themselves from the cares of this life . by a self-sought halter . Be that as it may , it is certain that the gloomy fogs of November have not a more blighting cffect upon the human mind and its flesh and blood covering , than had the mists of prejudice , and the ciouds of ignorance , upon the body-politic , previous of the Northern Steer .
Ten years ago , the party of the " people " was unknown . " The People , " toasted at Whig and Shani-Radical dinneis , was an abstraction , a non-entity , a " will-o-the-wisp " conjured up by political jugglers to deceive honest men , and lead them astray . "The People" of " the Radical time" was ' composed of disjointed sections of a great whole , which Lad no bond of union ; and , therefore , when driven to madness bv the devilish arts of their
oppressors , were easily cut off in detail . " The People" of the Reform-Bill-agitation consisted of tumultuous mobs and unthinking political confederacies , possessing a multitude of literary mouth-pieces and self-appointed guides , whose honesty and whose qualification to teach and to lead were evidenced by the fatally absurd cry of " The bill , the whole bill , and nothing but the bill , " with which the press of that dav filled the mouths of its dupes ! The
Unstamped Press did good service to the cause of progress , but lacked the power to concentrate public opinion . CobbetCs Register must , jnmany respects , 'befor ever unequalled ; but that immortal publication was but the oracle of a '' school , " never sufficiently , powerful to marshal the popular forces in one phalanx . Bat from the death of William Cobbett , and the consequent fail of the Register , followed soon after bv the extinction of the
unstamped newspapers , the principles of Democracy were almost wholly unrepresented in the Press : at least , it may be truly said , such representation as did from time to time exist was nickering , powerless , and sliort-lived Thise glimmering lights one by one expired , until , at length , darkness and dismay covered the land . Men struggled and cried for ifds reform , or for the repeal oithat law , but , like men fighting in the dark , their blows were struck at random , and their well-meant efforts , often clashing , were ineffective and fruitless .
The Northern Star arose , and the darkness was gradually dispelled . Men saw each other face to face , and , forgetting past jealousies and prejudices , they became as brethren , working together for their common welfare . That union has continued to the present time . The bond of that union has been this journal . The Chartists of London and Edinburb , Manchester and Dundee , Liverpool and Clisgow , Newcastle and Aberdeen , commune with each other through its columns , and by its cheerfull y-acknowledged direction march forwaid , intent on one object . The cotton spinners of Lancashire and the weavers of
Forfarshire , the miners of Cornwall and the colliers of Durham , are equally represented in the pages of . the Star ; their grievances are therein published , and their rights advocated . And this is the only paper in which poverty ' s voice is heard proclaiming its wrongs . This Is the only journal which consistently and unceasingly enforces the rights of Labour . Hence , Labour has made it its organ , aad Labour ' s sons recognise it as the veritable " Tribune of tke People . " But the present proud position of the frortiertt Star has not been acquired without imjnense labour and sacrifice on the part of its proprietor , wto & « had to battle against the
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conspiracies of both " friends" and foes . For the hostility of avowed enemies he was , of course , prepared . Another O'Connor had in other and darker days established a " Northern Star" to light his countrymen on their stormy path to freedom , but the powers of evil triumphed , and the light of that Star was extinguished in the torrents of blood shed by the assassins of Ireland ' s liberties . The . despotism which had proscribed Arthur O'Connor , though shorn of some of its terrors , still survived when the nephew of " the Exile of Erin , " resolving to carry the war into the enemy s camp , re-established ( we may say ) the Northern Star . Despotism was notlong in taking the alarm , but England , " with all its faults , " in 1837 , was not
like Ireland of 1797 . An obnoxious newspaper cauld not be crushed by brute force , the means of annoyance were of necessity " legal means . " The policy advised by Melbourne to put down the Chartists—the policy of " ruining them with expenses "—was seen to be the only course left to the enemies of the popular cause to attempt the destruction of the Northern Star . The attempt was made ; more than one prosecution for libel was instituted against the proprietor , who , ultimately , was consigned to a felon ' s cell in York Castle , for the offence of having freely given the columns of his journal to the public , allowing all men therein to express their views , even when those views , or the mode in which those views were expressed was opposed to the wishes of Mr O'Connor ; for , it should be
remembered , that that gentlemen was made the " scape-goat ' for the " sins" of others . Again , the enormous expenses incurred by Mr O'Connor in defending the oppressed and persecuted , and battling in defence of the rights , and even the very lives of the proscribed friends of freedom , necessarily crippled that gentleman ' s resources . Lastly , persecution , disappointment , poverty , and despair , thinned the ranks of the " Star ' s" supporters , until this journal was well nigh crushed under the weight of legal , political , and social persecution . Kind "friends" have done their best to aid
the enemies of a free press . Everyj knot of politicians whose vanity was wounded by witnessing the rapid growth of Mr O'Connor ' s popularity , avenged itself by doing its little best to damage the Northern Star . Every disappointed ' leader"' who , in the vain-gloriousness of his own conceit , imagined he was a much wronged man , because the , public would not tolerate his spiteful egotism , or accept his pretensions at his own valuation , every one of these sons of mischief—and their name has been "Legion "—has vented his spleen in crying down the Northern Star . It is a curious fact , too , that every deserter from Democracy ,
Mid out-cast from CJiartism , no matter how much he may previously have lauded the Northern Scar—so soon as he found himself no longer tolerated by the people , lies tried to persuade the public that the Star was the vilest of journals . It is a fact , too , that all the enemies of the Star have been , at one time or other , the bitter enemies of each other ; it is not the less true that they still hate each other as the idevil is said to hate holy water ; but their point of agreement is , that they all hate the Northern Star . They hate this journal because they love darkness rather than light , their deeds being evil .
The most rancorous efforts are being made at this very time to destroy this paper , and its proprietor . But we have the satisfaction of informing the enemies of the Star , that they are but gnawing at a file—a game at which they are much more likely to hurt their own teeth than to hurt us . The Northern Star has now a circulation not inferior to that which it enjoyed at the time Mr O'Connor was sent to York Castle ; there is every and reasonable prospect that the " circulation" of ' 39 will be again acquired .
Even now we have unmistakeable evidence that the number of readers of the Star far exceeds thosa of 1839 . In the excitement of that year this journal was purchased principally by individuals ; now , in many instances , a single copy is made to serve an entire club , or a branch of the Land Company . The influence , therefore , enjoyed by this paper must be measured not by its " nominal , but its real circulation—not by its purchasers , but its reader " . Behold the proofs of that influence .
The party of the people really exists now . That party lias secured ' the election to Parliament of the Proprietor of this Paper ; forced other returned members to acknowledge the principles of the Charter , and given earnest that at the next struggle the number of thorough democrats , pledged to the Chartername and all , —returned to Parliament , will not be confined to the honourable members for Finsbury and Nottingham .
The National Land Company , called into existence by Mr O'Connor , and fostered by this journal , numbers 42 , 000 shareholders , who have already paid into the hands of their treasurer not less than ; £ 80 , 000 . That Company commands the sympathies and hopes of millions at home and abroad , andstill greater proof of its power—excites the rabid denunciations of the enemies of Labour ' s rights , who gnash their teeth through very vexation and despair , at the sight of the people preparing to burst their chains .
The National Land and Labour Bank is , in like manner , growing in strength ; defying the lying predictions of its enemies , and . holding out a certain and heart-inspiring hope of emancipation to the now thinking , moving , determined millions . The Trades , and sons of Labour generally , are becoming more and more united , principally through finding in this journal the medium of union .
National prejudices and religious asperities have been removed , or are in course of removal , in a great measure through the influence of this journal . Englishmen , Scotchbeen , and Welshmen are one , and our Irish brethren , long blinded and misled b y false teachers and traitorous leaders , are at last beginning to see the folly of disunion , and are gradually , but surely / learning to distinguish between the people of England and its rulers . They are learning , too , that class-legislation is the cause of the evils which afflict their coantry , and that , to abolish class-rule , they must unite with their fellow victims of that rule—the working men of England ,
And , in teaching that " All Men are Brethren , " we have not had regard to tfce peopfe of these islands only . We have ever been the first to denounce oppression , let the oppressors have been whom they might , and to vindicate the oppressed , no matter what their country or religion . Whether denouncing Nicholas or Polk , or defending the r . ghts of the Poles or the Mexican ? , our one regard has been truth , justice , and the natural fights of man . The hypocritical villanies of the ' Fagin ' of France , the atrocities of the assassin Metternich , and
the rascalities of Palmerston , have alike been exposed by us to the scorn and indignation of mankind . While unmasking the crimes of monarchies , we have not hesitated to denounee the slave-drivers , land-robbers , and military ruffians of America . Happily we have not laboured in vain . In France , in Germany , in Switzerland , in Italy , and the United States , the Northern Star is known and respected , as the organ of the British Democracy , the advocate of universal liberty , and the defender of the rights of all men , withoutregard to colour , clime , or creed .
Such is our proud position at the present moment , and we too highly value that position to risk its forfeiture in the future by any neglect of duty or abandonment , of principle . Let our enemies say what they will , we know that the public will judge us by our deeds . Labour , life , and every energy of manhood , we have , in singleness of heart and purity of purpose , devoted to the good work of our country ' s regeneration , and mankind ' s progression . We have hitherto been honoured by an amount of public confidence never before reposed in the conductors of any public journal , and that confidence we have not I
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abused . Strong in that best public support , we si all persevere in our labours until the object of our mission is achieved—the establishment , socially and politically , of Equal Rights and Equal Laws .
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THE NOVEMBER SESSION OF PARLIAMENT .
ANOTHER COERCION BILL . The new Parliament is to assemble on Thursday next , at Westminster , for the " dispatch of divers urgent and important matters , " and , of course , urgent speculation is afloat , in the political circles , as to the nature and extent of the business it will be called upon to transact during this extra and supplementary session of the eventful year 1847 . iisThree questions present themselves as equally pres-ing and equally demanding immediate legislation . The Currency , the State of Ireland , and the Hail ways . Hut to legislate practically and beneficially on any of
them would , in fact , be the work of an entire and protracted session , and it is generally supposed that the Autumn sitting will be mainly occupied by the formalities of electing the speaker , swearing in the members , and passing the promised Bill of Indemnity for the inevitable breach of the Bank Charter Act of 1844 , under the pressure on the money market . An attempt will also be probably made to meet the more urgent necessities of the Irish and Railway questions , with the view of staving them off until the usual time for Parliamentary action . There will , in short , be " great cry and little wool , " as on manv
former occasions . That this will be the case may be pretty safely inferred from a semi-official : leader in the Times of Monday last . The inspiration of Downing-street was visible in every line of that Ministerial manifesto , arid it is quite evident that the "Lotus Eaters /'—as Punch has happily designated the calm and self satisfied inhabitants of that dreamy region , —are determined to confine the urn * within the narrowest possible limits . It remains to be seen whether they can stop the talk . The Ministerial organ positively announces that
nothing practical or remedial will be done for Ireland . " Government will prefer to see the present measures in effective operation than to overlay them with a new one destined , in its turn , to be shelved before it has . had a fair trial / ' What the Whigs mean by a "fair trial" for their Irish measures we do not pretend to understand . But it must be clear to every one who looks either at their operation during the past twelve months , or the present condition of Ireland , that more wretched and utter failures never were turned out of any political workshop . The Times admits that
" the report of the so-called « Irish Council ' offers some legislative suggestions more worthy of notice than what usually proceeds from such » Vregular bodies , but tliey are of a gravity lohich requires long discussion , " and as "My Lords and Gentlemen , ' and the Whig Ministry , are indisposed to enter into long discussions , the suggestions of that " irregular body , " the associated landlords , Parliamentary representatives , and middle classes of Ireland are to be thrown aside until a " more convenient season . " In the mean
time , famine , pestilence , death , murder , and outrage may devastate the unhappy land which has been so deepl y cursed b y English legislation , and millions more be added to those swept away by the famine fever of the past year . Ireland thus depopulated by the ravages of disease will , perhaps , in the estimation of Whig Political Economists , and Irish absentee landlords , become a land fit to live in . They will have got rid of that greatest scourge of modern times , a " superabundant population . "
But if the Irish members do their duty to Ireland ; if the Radical members of Great Britain do their duty to the empire , the suggestions of the Irish Council , or of any other body , will not be thus lightly passed over . The great principle on which these suggestions are based is , that the land of Ireland is sufficient to maintain the people of Ireland , and that measures for setting the people to work at re-productive employment are imperatively required . No " mere palliatives or surface measures can longer be tolerated . The millions already squandered in ; useless or mischievous
works , or in still more mischievous charity , have entailed not onl y heavy burdens and loss upon this country , but have been an actual aggravation of the evils of poor unfortunate Ireland . Ten , or twenty , or thirty millions more , expended in a similar way , would only add to those evils . The time has come for a radical and a permanent change in the social and political condition of Ireland . All classes in that country have become convinced of that " great fact . " The utter disorganisation of- society has been too powerful an argument to be resisted by any political party , however strong their prejudices and mutual antipathies may have been heretofore .
It becomes , therefore , the immediate duty of the Imperial Legislature to take advantage of the favourable concurrence of circumstances , and to commence practical measures commensurate with the evils to be remedied , and capable , not only of affording direct relief , but , when fully developed , of preventing the recurrence of such disasters in future . The principle of reproductive employment , judiciously and practically applied " to Ireland , would effect these two objects , and , even as a mere question of economy and outlay , would be by far the cheapest policy that can be adopted .
By subsequent articles in the Ministerial organ to that we have commented upon , it appears that theGovernment , insteadof adopting this just and effective mode of putting down the misery which leads to the " wild justice of revenge , '' are about to have recourse again to that policy which earned for them , from their quondam friend and ally , the late Daniel O'Connell , the title of u The base , bbody , and brutal Whigs . " Lord J . Russell defeated Sir Robert Peel only last year on the Irish Arms' Bill . He objected to that bil ! , the defeat ot which placed him at the head of the
Government , ' in June 1846— " That it was not accompanied , above all , with such measures of relief , of remedy , of CONClLIATION ,. affec ting the great mass of the people of Ireland , who were in distress , as ought to accompany any measure tending to increased rigour , of the law . '' Yet , while Ireland is still destitute of that remedial policy , on the faith of which his Lordship ^ and his Colleagues climbed to power and place—while " measures of relief , of remedy , and of conciliation , affecting the
great mass of the people , " are as far off as ever , we have the monstrous , and , if it were not asserted of Whigs , almost incredible statement , that" Government are about to adopt vigorous measures for the repression of the conspiracy against life and property / which is said to exist in Ireland . In other words—the Whigs , with freedom , justice relief , conciliation , on their lips , are about to revert to their former damnable policy , and re-enact the Coercion Bill , which has made their former Government for ever infamous .
Constitutional Government is once more to be trampled upon by the liberty-loving Whigs . The Government which turned Sir Robert Peel out of office , because he proposed an Arms' Act , which was admitted by themselves to have less infringed upon the Constitution than any previous act of that description , are stated , on the authority of the Dublin Mail , to have " an Arms' Act of an extremely characterin
stringent , course of preparation , and that it will be laid before Parliament at as early a period as possible . " The suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act is announced to be "the only measure adequate to the crisis '' moved , and that the first act of the Parli ament called b y them in 1847 , shall be like that elected under their auspices in 1841—namel y to turn ; tuem out amidst the just indigna-
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tion and execrations of every honest man in the country . There is , fortunately , at least one man in Parliament who has the courage , the power , and the will , to act independently , and as * long as Mr O'Connor sits there , the Whigs may expect to hear p lain truth , and to encounter the most determined opposition to such an unjust , bloody , and tyrannical a policy as that ascribed to them by their friends . The country is to be subjected to martial law by the mealy-mouthed hypocrites—who leagued with the Protectionists to drive Peel from power on a false , pretence , just sixteen months since !
Will the people of England suffer this shameless and disgraceful conduct on the part of the contemptible , time-serving , self-seeking , unprincipled faction , now in office ? Will theynot rather demand that , contemporaneous with ; the proposal for a new Coercion Act , a vote of censure upon them shallj be passed . We place this question of Ireland before that of the Currency , and notwithstanding the Times says , that " the attempt to divert the 1
session from its original destination , ' to its consideration , " will be made from the mere love of mischief , " we trust its confident prediction will be falsified } " that its first object will be the Bill of Indemnity promised in the recent letter to the Governor of the Bank , and thai little or nothing else will be done , except what bears directly on the critical condition of commercial affairs . "
But even this same Bill of Indemnity opens up the whole subject of the currency , and it is not at all likely that the opponents of the Currency System of Sir R . Peel and the Whigs , will let slip so capital an opportunity of pressing the victory over that system which they have achieved , by the virtual suspension of the Act of 1844 . That Act has not effected one of the objects for which it was planned . It was useless during a period of monetary plenty , and when scarcity came , it fearfully and enormously aggravated the evils of the crisis , until at last its author and the Whigs were compelled to suspend it , iin order to prevent universal
ruin . It is impossible that such a law can be maintained or re-enacted . It is equally impossible that the discussion can stop w ' ith a mere Indemnity Bill . The Act of 1844 was avowedly the necessary complement of , and the buttress to , the Act of 1819 ; and now that the buttress has been taken away , the stability and safety of the original edifice must be looked to . In fact , it seems that the Government are awaretliey cannot avoid thefull consideration of the subject , and , therefore , intend to <• grant " ( which we interpret " propose" ) a committee of inquiry . Such a committee , while it would attain their first object , that of shirking the question for the time being , would be equivalent to a confession , on their part , that the
calamitous occurrences of 1847 had undermined and scattered the system commenced in 1819 , and rendered investigation necessary . We do not see that a committee could add ' anything to the knnwledge of the public on this snbject ! The first principles of monetary science , and the facts which illustrate the injurious working of the present system , are to be found in the writings of men who have given the subject more close and practical attention than a Parliamentary Committee could possibly do ; and all the use of such a committee would be to produce another huge and unr eadable " blue book , " with probably a report and recommendations " white-washing" the existing system .
Closely connected with tins subject is , that of the propriety of enforcing upon Railway Companies by some legislative means , the stoppage of lines , for which they have procured acts , in order that the money which would otherwise be expended in carrying these works , may be allowed to flow into ' the ordinary channels of trade . Unfortunatel y , the pressure of the times has already , to a considerable extent , settled this question in a most melancholy way . Many of the companies , seeing the sheer impossibility of getting " calls" paid under the existing state of things , have stopped these works ; and the consequence is , that thousands of workmen are thrown
idle , thousands of families added to the pauperised ranks , and to the burdens of the coun try . Anything more insane than the system which produces such absurd and melancholy results as these , it is nipossible to imagine . The worship of the golden idol ha s deprived its votaries of common feeling and common reason . In their blind infatuation , they insist that all the reproductive capabilities of this great , wealthy , and enterprising people , shall be measured by , developed by , and fettered by , the quantity of a scarce arid foreign metal , which may happen to be in the country for the time being , and when that is deficient , that mills , factories , work-shops , railways—all
, must stand idle , until by means of enormous sacrifices on the part of manufacturers , and dreadful privations on the part of the operatives , we cap manage to induce foreign nations to part with it , and to take from us that wealth , at any price they choose , for want of which we , ourselves , are suffering ! We repeat , never was there in the history of the world so monstrous and so mischievous' an idolatry as this . It has already inflicted deep , frequent , and wide-spread evil upon this empire ; and , if not banished , it will as certainly lead to its final destruction , jis the ' operation of similar causes overthrew Rome , the ancient mistress of the world .
These cursory observations will show , that the ante-Christmas sessien will have to deal with important , pressing , and vital questions . Another week or two will enable us to judge of the qualifications the new parliament brings to its work , and in resuming our " Parliamentary Summary , " we shall try them , as heretofore , by the standard of past * principles and public utility , altogether uninfluenced by the particular party designation they may'bear .
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POWER AND PROGRESS . It is high time that a definite lino of action shsuld be adopted by the people . The popular mind has already been tonod to one point—imbued with one feeling—the necessity for the abolition of all Class-Legislation ; but , while the theoretical truth kits been clearly demonstrated and fully appreciated , it is necessary that the popular will should be guided , and the popular power organised . The phalanx of faction is preparing to take up its position in it-Parliamentary battle-field ; the ranks of democracy must be marshalled for the encounter . Often as thus
great battle has been fought , we think we may safely assert , it has never yet been fairly fought or wisely contested . Damoeraoy has , hitherto , looked not towards the great aim of regeneration only—but to the darker goal of destruction . It , has thought that it must pull down , before it could build up . A t tke very time at which it exclaimed against class-legis . lation , it has endeavoured to construot itself into a class-and rule . With the bigotry of the fanatic er the acerbity of tho despot , it has met the hostility of either , and \ Ms perpetuated their evil . IP j 8 noJ B 0 h t 0 bjeC taof de « y « Eugland
: ^ ^ , and therefore itaprospectsare brifihter . Democracy endeavours to heal the wounds class-leglslation to inBieted , not to strike deeper blows-and while striving to enneh the poer , it does not seek to plunge the rich into that poverty to which thoy have so long consigned the millions . This system of d * struction , on the contrary , is tke very one employed by tho privileged factienist . The monied clais strikes a blow at the landed Interest , as the only means by which it thinks it can rise . The landlords
again endeavour to retaliate , thinking they can only gain by Ilia declension of commerce . The very key ttono of Fwe Trade-eo « spetition- what does t mean ! -. « Iwillruinmynei gkbouranddrive himo of the market , that I may have both his Am and my own . " It is cIear ^ »» * J » based en these principles , although it may beneBU restricted crele must , by injuring an entir * S ^ tttTS iffJlX
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mutual animosUieiVand increase of machinery , reduced wages , unemployed hands , and crowded basr tiles , are the inevitable results . But the evil stops not here . Its originators foel it themselves . That system which restricts prosperity to a clasB , keepB working on . and gradually contracts the limits of that-class itself . The " rich" begins to suffer , A period of panic in speculation , a pertoa . ofdepresHon in trade arrives-the strong back aloue can stem tne tide—the minor capitalists cannot weather the storm , but tho greater moneymonger finds all the better fishing in the troubled waters-he absorbs the broken fortunes of the ruined speculator , till at l ength the
great " monied interest" will be restricted to an aristocracy of a few gold-kinga , more tyrannous than the feudal and bolder prototypes . Thus we find the insolvency of tradesmen still increasing , and thus the stately fabrics of old-established banks keep fleeting away around us , melting , with their credit , into thin air—while some , aa stated in Mr O'Connor ' s letter of this week , can 'make a proBfc of £ 1000 per diem , outef the difficulties and tho ruin of the rest . It is o ! ear , then , that the policy founded on the destruction of one class , for the elevation of another , must be pregnant with future evil to the latter , and present ns well as prospective injury to all . It is
not to the principles propounded by the votaries of these classes that the people ought to listen , though coarted by the landlord to help in crushing the moneylord—or by the latter to destroy bis rival . They must , on the contrary , seek a rem edy , in measures , that , while they benefit all , will injure none . Such is the plan propounded this week by Mr O'Connor-such are the objects the popular power en-Bhrined in the Charter will seek to attain . But we must here point the attention of our readers to ' the foundation on which the political superstructure of modern Democracy seeks to place itself . Not on the shadowy basis of governmental
credit—not on tho fluctuations of commerce—that foreign war may annihilate or foreign competition undermine — no ! a people ' s welfare should be grounded on something more substantial—more secure ; and , therefore , we find that the political reformer is forced , amid the chaos of monetary ruin and commercial panic , to look to ins lasd as the source of wealth , the guarantee of power , and the as . suranco of its stability . Political freedom iB a glorious thing ; but political freedom and starvation would
Boon lead back , through anarchy , to Blavery . In rder to insure the stability of tho Charter , in order to guarantee a wise use of the power when obtainedit is necessary that ( ho people BhuuM learn to contemplate the end—as well as the meats . They are now standing on the threshold—they must learn to look into the interior ef the political edifice , and see what prospects of comfort and security there are in its spacious , and still , in part , unexplored chambers . Tho value of the Land movement , in this respect , has besn incalculable—it has led the minds of men
in the right direction . It is one thing to create po . pular feeling—it is another to organise popular mind . But , thanks to the constant instruction the people have received , they are now beginning to give some of it to the government ; agitation has ceased to l , e tt hungry howl—a storm of wrath , a clamour of revengo ;—the abstruse points of political economy are unapproachable secrets no longer , —and men begin to discuss the questions of Land and Labour , and Currency—the source , agent , and representative o [ wealth . This is as it should be ; popular power is worth nothing unless wisely used . The people are prepared so to use it , Bince they seek in . the Laud the
source of wealth—the stimulant to commerce and the correction of poverty ; for , while fluctuations in trade , and failures in banks , may ruin thousand ? , tho solid Land never fleets froa unfier our feet — all crops never fail simultaneously — the great bank of nations never breaks . They are prepared so to use it , since they seek not to rob the rich , but to prevent the rich from robbing them , and endeavour to harmonise t' » e just rights of property with those of labour . They are prepared bo to uae it , since they held that moneytho representative of wealth—should not be like dice in the gambler ' s hands , a medium to defraud
hbour—a means cf speculation—the fine juggle by which the fundholdcr and stockjobber , fatten on a National Debt and industrial poverty ; but as the monopoly of land is being broken through , as the monopoly of legislation i 3 being assailed , so they now assnil that hidden , but ever active power , com * priEed in the monopoly of gold . While these political principles are guided by the glorious motto of — ' Right to all ahd wrong to none , " we can call on the people with increased confidence to act and organi e for theCharter . This wtnterEntland must bestirring While factions are struggling and straining—while the moneymoncers are rushing into ruin—while the
mills are standing still—while the hands are in the streets—while the Irish are starving—while the protectionists have ne faith in Bentinck—tile moneymongers in Russell—the ministers in themselves —now that Chartism is the only arm that can interpose between the country and ruin ; Chartists , if true to their principles , must seize the golden cp . portuiiHy , and whelm , beneath the gathering wa ve of public opinion and popular power , the struggling atoms of Toryism and Whiggery , that now flounder about in the mire of their own misrule . It is no
time for waiting-famine stares us in the face—the game of parlies overlooks the general good—ministers quarrel for place while the poor are turned from the overgorged bastites—landlords squabble about relief , while their paupers perish—quick , energetic , and sound legislation can alone save the country—nature has given us the means of salva > vation , wise expo unders of political truths are teaching the people that bad lawa . must no longer p revent our access to those meass , and if government is unwilling , or incompetent to adopt great measures in great times , it must be forced to concede them .
We warn the ministry , we warn the privileged law maker ? , and law pemrters to yield in time ^ It iB yot the time in which generous and beneficent measures , like those embraced in the letter in our first page—like that expounded in the Labourer' of Oc . tober , may be adopted fer the benefit of all—let them not trifle with the feelings of a people , whose hour o f despair may tempt them to take counsel of hunger and wrath , sooner thaa of peace and justioe—and maythepeople take immediate steps for bringing public opinion to bear on the assembling parliament , by their demonstration , their organisation , and their Convention .
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THE "HOLY ALLIANCE" OF NATIQNS . The atrocious doctrines avowed by the Times re pwting tin " rights of propertj , " on which we com mented in our last , have been criticised also by our Irish contemporary , tho Nation in terms worthy of the energetic character of that journal . We quote the following paragraph : — Now we hereby offer oa the part of Ireland , strict alliance , offensive and defensive , to Wi » portion of tho English people—to those EnglWhmen who have nerlghh —to those whom tho Jtws thus trample and spit upon . If they have iudeed forgotten it , we mean to show Hum that they and we hare both rigtts , rights to win , and rights 'o recover ; that wo can help one another to do it ; that the first step to the pcrformaucs of our pious taik
is , to bring to condign punishment the criminals , Minis , terial , Parliamentary , Jew , and Gentile , who have so long lain upon ft" " ist of three great nations , and striven to Grub tittft mt of them , We beg to : I IVftt , d Nation , that Englishmen have not forgotten )}»} . eir fathers had rights , and that the ; pre ; ent g aefuion ave fully aware . that they have 41 rights to wiu andrights to recover . " Englishmen too-the working classes of England-have for years past demanded the restoration of the ri ghts of their Insh brethren , 89 earnestly as they have demanded
righs for themselves . More than three millions of e-Bglishmen have petitioned for the " Repeal of the Union , " in conjunction with " The Charter . " ir * long ago taught that Englishmen and Irishmen " can help one another" to win the rights of both ; and that without such union the rights of neither can le obtained . We beg tho Nation to remember that it was not us who swore to make the " gulf" between the two nations" wider and deeper . " If , before this time , Englishmen and Irishmen have not been united in one phalanx , the fault has not been on thiB side of the channel .
But" let bygones be bygones . " We accept the otter of " a BiBicr auiahcb , ofpenbivb akd db-KKsiTK , " between the two countries . Perish the prejudices of the past . Let Irishmen cordially unite with Englishmen , and we swear , by tho father * of
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-= —an loth , who had ( : rights , " that the " rights" of ft sons shall be won . lf Woo to the Whigs if they dare to bring forwaw their threatened measures of coercion against h hndl Woe to the Jews and jobbers , oppressors and murderers ,, who have too long " trampled and sn ' t upoa" the outraged people of both countries ! ty fi to the enemies of both nations , when the peonj * march " shoulder to ihoulder , " under ont bL nor , recognising but one foe , and intent on 0 n 6 object—the regeneration of Albionand Erin . tyitK heart and soul wo respond to the words of the Naifa . and now for the struggle ! ' 11 green flag glitter * o ' er ug , The friends we ' re tried Are by our side , And the foe we hate before us 1 "
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J . Paoe , Brighton We do not know whether The Legal Adviser Is in existence . Foil the O'C ' oNsoa Defence Fond . —J . Sweet acknov ? . ledgts the receipt of the following sums , viz .: —From UlulseHall , Is ( id ; Mr Ellicock , 6 d ; a Hater of O ppreB . sioii , 6 d : Mr I . ee , 6 d . —Towards Printing Awomit . ^ Collected at the Horse and Jockey , 2 s 3 i < l ; do ., at tho Sulutation Tavern , 2 s 4 d . —Nottingham Election Fund ; —A Friend , Kcttcring , Is . Mr Ebnest Jones h ; is received twenty four postaga stamps froth George Stevens , Armitage , tor prosecution
of the cusc of Manslaughter at sieaioru . All monicB for that purpose ought to be forwarded to tlic Directors , at the Land Office , 1 U , High Uolborn . Mr Jenes has also received the sum of 4 s 10 d for the same pnrpose , lrom Bni-y St Edmund' 6 , per Thos . Leggett , and 3 s 44 from the Hawick branch of the Laud Company . Subscriptions fob Election Committee . —The Secre . tary acknowledges tho receipt of 8 s 2 d from Mr Edmund Somorfiidc , Winlaton . A Young Chahtist , Dorking , strongly censures the Dij patch tor its libels on Mr O'Connor and the Land Plan ; und advises A )(] enn ; m Warmer to empliy sober editors henceforth , if he wishes his paper to continue iu ex .
istence . A Poor Operative Irishman wonders what has como over the press-gang of hire , io mindful of the interests of the workitii ; classes (!) and so anxious to protect them from Mr O'Connor ! He thinks the sympathy of the said' gang' is all humbug , and advises the work . ing men not to support any paper opposed to the Land TlMi . J . Uiciiahus , Lewisham , writes : I have money in the Exttcv Savings' Batilt . Can I draw it out of the Bank of England witlioat , going to Exeter V Answer— ' I fear Mr Uicdards will have to present himself p r . onally at Exoter , for the purpose of withdrawing his monoyfrom the Savings' Hank ; but these banks are not , I believe , all governed by the same rules . I recommend lr-m to apply for information by a letter add . cssed to the Hoard of Diroctors at Kxcter , setting forth the hard . ship of having to apply in person , and asking whether
lus receipt , through some friend « t Exeu-r , will btsuffi . cent discharge!—T . 1 ' kice , Manager of the Xatiunal Land and Labour ( tank . ' Mb Meakih , Suttun-in-AshfieM . —Yeu must make yosr own arrangements , We stall send on receipt of you 1 order . Mn TuitNEit , Park Gat * . -The paper was posted at the proper time . We will see to it . Stockton . —Ko fault whatever is attached to Mr J . Wil . son , our agent , for the dJay last week . We wrote him to that effeot . - Mu Gosling , Congleton . —We have not got them . A SuiiscMBSB , Wdodbridge . —Wa have no knowledge of the parly . The Leaguers . —To the Editor of tho Xortiiern Stir . — Sir , —I have ivad with most undissembled concern the statement in the letter signed' Manchester Man , ' of aa attempt being made by parties in the Examiner office
to prucire thu assassination of our best friend , which , if true , argues such an amount of respectable F / ee Trade chapsl-going vilhny , that I hope no exertion will be wanting to ascertain the truth or falsehood of the alleg ' ttiun . The attempt is , itself , a penal offence , for which they can be recoanmeuded a change of resi . dence , country , and climate , by twelve of their own order . I rimaiii , jour obedient servant , E . Robertson , ¦ Plymouth , Nov . 1 , ls ± 7 . Pkoslcotioh of the Proprietors of the Manchester £ m « minor . —Marjiebone Locality , Ss lud ; Abergarcany , pet'T . C . Ingram , 2 s 6 d . Mr S . Kvdd . —The Chartists of Deptford and Greenwich are desirous of printing Mr Kydd's election speech , if that gentleman can supply a copy . Mr Kydd is requested to communicate with Mr J . Morgan , 39 , Butcher-row , Deptford , Kent . WiLMAH Coombs . —We have no room to notice the
asinine doings uf the Western Visitor ' s sditor and correspondents . R . Fhaseb , Elgin . —Fhanks . Mr Rider ' s address is Xw them Star office , 16 , Great Windmill-street , Uaymar ket , London . T . D . Haiuusos , Walworth . —We have not room . S . Jacobs . — IVu have no room for yonr lengthy letter . If any injustice has been done you by anything pub . lisho'l in the Stir , show the error or falsehood of the mattor you complain of in half a dozen lines , and your statement shall hav publicity . 'A Word to the Chaktists . '—During the presentagi . talion regarding the Laud Company in Manchester , I trust the Cbartitts generally will not be so foolish as to encournge the enemy by purchasing the Examiner , through curiosity to behold its ravings . Instead of so doing , let them go to a reading room , where they may see it without giving the smalleit assistance to
theunpriuciplid crew . —from a Land Member who has tmsltiken confidence in Mr O'Connor . James V . M'Cobmack , secretary to the Stockport Elec tion Committee , begs to inform the localities he has visited that he will lay a full return before them in next weeVs . Star . Sir M'Cormack vistas-to lettno Ketghley men know ihat he was furnished \ vith proper credentials . All letters to be addressed to James F , M'Cormack . 'No . 30 , Queen-street , l ' ortwood , Stockport , Cheshire . ' J . Swest begs to acknowledge the rece pt of 2 s 8 $ d for the Printing Account , collectel at the Masons'Arms . Silve 8 Teh Ktam . —Noroom . John Cbossley , Stulybridge . —1 st If the government bring in the bill , it will noteost the town anything . ? nd . It will cause ho incrense of the police rates . 3 rd , You will not be compelled to have a corporation .
No Transfru can take place until the Company is com . pletely registered . All certificates must be taken out in the name of the person who joins . A Man and his Wife can eacli hold four shares . Mr Sidk . —We eauuot find the letter , which , we suppose , like other rejectcdcommunications , has been destroyed , J . Siiaw . —A resolution , signed J . Shaw . ' is without the necessary additions of when and where adopted . C . G ., Westminster . —Your acquaintance , who told you there was no such paper as tho Iieforme , is an ass , Tim Reforms i » the oruiin of the Democrat * Republicans of France ; it is published daily , and its office it No . i , Itue J , J . Rousseau , Paris , Thk WnisTi . Es . —As it is not our purpose to make a Newgate Calendar of the Northern Star , we have thought it duo to our readers , and respectful to our numerous correspondents , to withhold the numerous letters that we have received from the dupes of this
ABLE AND INTERESTING THIEF . Henkt Beam We liave received his long and interesting letter , relative to the conduct of Messrs Cleave and Ilobson . Wo shall reserve it , and preset ye it . One vruo signs uimsei . f ' One ov Mil lion bos ' s Apprentices' and who gives his name , writes thus !—' H ' iii Joshua Uobson meet Ben . Brown , Will . Brown , Fawley , Pallister . Vind another person , and myself , face to face , and we will not turn onr backs upon the discussion of the Land Wan , or the grease pot .
XiF < 3 AL . Wai . Uarein ' . —The papers relat ng to the estates ofth » late Sir Lister Holt 6 hall receive an early attention . Thoy arc >\ ry bulky ; and a careful perusal ot t . eir , and consideration of the case of the claimants , may en . Kiigo me some days . I am not nwarc of tho circurr . stances of the claimants ; but if they are not poor pe < v pie , a fee , bearing somo proportion to the length of tho papers , ought to be sent . Clients ought to keep in recollection that I have never profesE ed to give ' gratuitous ' legal advices , except to poor people . Wm . Consuntine . —I shall be able , I hope , to take op your case- aijain soon . Lawant Auqdstcb Leader . —I can make nothing of ynur letter : but if you will send me a copy of the will by which the legacy of £ J 0 O . was left ( or a coj . v of to mut-li of it as relates to this legauyj , I will advise on the case Nathi . Kettleweu -1 saw Mr Levey some time : iro ,
and I have since written to him , telling him I considered that you nnd your sister , Mrs Bullock , were clearly the only persons entitled to the legacy , bat I have recfeived no answer to my letter . I will i ! o . H in my power to prevent a Chancery suit , which is qutto unnecessary . S . II . Siiaw —If you were net hunting rabbits , but merely going with your dog quietly along the road or footpatt " , the farmer had no right to take and detain your dof . If he will n-. it give it up , you may maintain an attiojrrf trover nga ' ms ^ him In t \ tc ^ mall Delits Coui-fc . Tnos . and Jas . Arkwkiqiit . —Unless the OcclcshanS , after your uncle ' s death , lived in a mudi more expensive manner than they before did , I think the probability is that the reports about your uncle's great wealth must have been without foundation . As no will of your uncle was found in Doctors iCommons when the ' Minis ter of Wissin LhurcW caused a search to be tn : ide for iU the probability is , that , if your uncle made a will , it was
not proved in Doctors Commons . If , however , you think it worth while to incur the expense of n search in Doctors Commons ( IPs ., ) I will make it for you . Hare youlcauscd the Bishop of Chester ' s Court to ^ searched ? You spoke of a landed property which belonged to jour unvle ; where does it lie , and who is in possession uf it . or in receipt of the rents ! In what county is Illin , thff place where you saj your uncle died ? "Kilos . S . Ellis . —If the six housekeepers si gned a ' writtes ' agreement toy which th-. y u- 'dertook to pay the rent turn- due , ' in that case 15 . may sue them for it . Wm . iveuusoK . —As betivaeu landlord and teitanf , a weekly tenant is not liable to poor rates and church rates unless under a special agreement that herbal 1 pay them ; but if a weekly tenant has goods « nt !;» premises after the rents have become payable , theyni » be distrained ; to prevent which , the tenant had best pay , and deduct tho rates cut of his rent . Geo . Wadsworth , Lieds . —I have written to ilr Williams
on the subject of ; , our claim . Wm . Hamus , Br ' utol . —I take it for granted thnt Wni . Urook Nicholas , tho devisee in the will of l ! ii' ) : sr " Nicholas , is a pt-rsen who was well known by that ii' > 1 IJ (' ' and that no doubt exists as to his being the person tue testator want to give the property to ; Midifnot , tne deviso is perfectly good , unless impeached on sme otherground . If the codicil to Mr Xicnolas ' s will ( ina « « you say , in 1836 ) is in his own hand-writing , and can c " proved to be so , tho legacy to your wife is good , it P" 5 " able out of his personal estate . J . Hcnt , Leamington Spa . —If you wrote a for " " letter to ine , ithas , I fear , been l » 6 t or niielnid , a ""' from your letter , just received , I cannot at all make ou what it is you claim , or from whom . Tlw statenuj ;' » Martha Picken , about your wife ' s mother having P' ? ' some money in somo bank , near thirty years ngo , {»> vague and unintelligible , that I can collect notn " * from it to show that your wife is entitled to such 'Il 0 ^ jg If vou wish me to understand vour ease . * ou must s . n
it plainly and cleariy—you must state what it is ) ft claim , from \ vhom you claim it , and what evidence 3 U hnve in supportof your claim . . ,. » James Hknnett , N « w Milli , Stockport . - I » "" r letter from you which appears to refer to a I 0 " " letter , which htt been lost er mislaid ; you » I state your cat *
Co Fitabtrs # Corjtsjjmarats,'
Co fitaBtrs # Corjtsjjmarats , '
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¦ Jfit . THE NORTHERN STAR . ' vr : ¦ .. Novembeb . 13 , igfc I
Jvstpubliriied, Second Kdition , Price One Half-Penny Or Three Shillings Per Hundred, Witorm With Thelabourer.
JvstPubliriied , Second Kdition , Price One Half-penny or Three Shillings per Hundred , witorm with theLabourer .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 13, 1847, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1444/page/4/
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