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M t Friends , — 1 , 'the first act of that I ^ Kament from which I from the amount ° * ^ Ipod infused into it I ^ much was expected , is about to dose , ! d it now becomes my duty to analyse its con-1 * ! unheatatin ^ y declare , then , that the pre-1 , ^ nt i s the most middle class Parliament that tos ever sat in St Stephen ' s ; and , therefore , I 5 ? e oiost hostile to the working classes . I "With few > very few , exceptions , the House -Blasts of those who have a direct interest , ! ^ jeed , whose profits and whose fortunes' de- j ! Jend np on-low wages , and , as Mr Bright " very j ^ iy said , this Government is a middle dass G overnment . The majority consists of Free 1 Irate political economists and speculators in jail ' s , all of whom have the most direct influence in paring wages down to the lowest ] point , while the Government reserve consists tfp lacehunters , pensioners , officials , naval and military officers looking for promotion , and a section of the most contemptible and corrupt of the Irish party . Indeed , so powerful is the majority of the present Government , that I can scarcdv look Bpon Sir Robert Peel and his party as h ' olding the balance of power between the Protection ists and Free Traders .
This strengthened position of Government would be cheering , if -Whi g practice was in accordance with "Whi g theory , but when it is tome in mind that the strength of the government wholly depends upon the will of the middle classes , and that their will will be exduavely governed b y the disposition of nnmaters to allow them thelion ' s share of the prodace of Labour , then Labour has nothing whatever to expect from this Government .
kow , I lay this down as a dear and simplt maxim for the most ignorant . to understand , and , I repeat it , in confirmation of my oft-repeated assertion , that the danger to the working classes consisted , not so much in the adop tion of Free Trade principles as in the adaptation of details to carry out those principles ; and I have told yon , to surfeit , that the danger that Labour had to apprehend , was so large a Free Trade majority in the House of Commons as would coerce Ministers to give to the middle dasses , and those who make profit of Labour , all the benefit of the Free Trade principle . Moreover , the present is the most insolent
reckless , and impertinent Government that ever ruled the country ; a Government that has no regard for truth , if falsehood will better serve its purpose ; a Government that is wholly regardless of the old Whig principle , that "Taxation without representation is ty ranny , and should be resisted ; " a Government less liberal than any Whig Government that preceded the Reform Bill . Now , I make this estimate of the Government , and its power in the House of Commons , in- order to show the working dasses that it is safe from the in-door lisp of opposition , but must be shaken by the thunder from without .
No estimate is to be formed of its power with the people , uhtilthe people and the Government come into contact ; and the respective strength of the Government and'the ' people is tested , and that cannot be efficiently done , until our dear and loved friend and leader , Mr Duncombe , is eo far restored in health as to allow him once more to take his rightful position , as leader of the working dasses in the House of Commons . And , perhaps , the most welcome and cheering portion of this letter will be the fact , that he is rapidly recovering from a dangerous illness ,
contracted by dose and assiduous attention to the interests of the people in parliament . There is no man in this world who more longs for his restoration to health , so valuable to the cause of universal liberty , than myself ; and in order to cheer him on in his good work , and to prove that those for whom he sacrificed health and comfort were worthy of such devotion . iet all now put their shoulders to the wheel , and be prepared to meet him on his return to the struggle with a MONSTER PETITION , which will inspire him with renewed confidence , and bring the pressure from without . to bear anon the corruption within .
I candidly confess to you that I seejno hope of redress or relief for any man who lives by the sweat of his brow , except by the enactment of the People ' s Charter , which will give to all and each a voice in the nominationTof those representatives , whose greatestand primary duty it is to see to the proper CULTIVATION OF THE NATIONALSESOURCES , AND , ABOVE ALL , TO THEIR EQUITABLE DISTRIBUTION .
Now , although I have arraigned the venality of Go vernment , yet the dereliction of duty upon their part is justly chargeable to the passive obedience and non-resistance of the working dasses , and is more especially chargeable to the truculency and subserviency of the aristocratic portion of the trades , who , under the influence of the master class , have hitherto kept the democracy of their order in base and servile subjection . I have told you a thousand times that the nest great struggle in this country would be between die democracy and the aristocracy of the several classes , and I am proud to find that that war is no longer confined to the laity , but has been carried into the
bosom of the church : the curates , the ill-paid working democracy of the derical order , now protesting against the lust , the luxury , and injustice of a useless and overpaid hierarchy ; and it will be not a little astonishing to the labouring poor of this country to learn , that even I have received applications from more than one ill-paid curate , to stand up for the rights of derical labour . Upon the other hand , the shopkeeping dasses , between whom and the working dasses I have ever shown the most perfect identity of interests exists , are beginning to learn that an overstocked workhouse , and an ill-paid labour dass , cause abstractions from their profits not prognosticated bv Free Trade Political Econom £ swhose assurance of - HIGH WAGES ,
, CHEAP BREAD , AND PLENTY TO DO , " caused many to enlarge their tills , expand their hopes , and increase their liabilities . Upon this all-important question of the influence of Free Trade upon Labour , I have written more than any living man within the last twenty years ; and , notwithstanding the fascinating predictions of interested prophets , I havenever once been induced to alter my opi > nions or desert my opposition .
I have told you , over and over again , tnat monopoly , bad as it was , had become the keystone of the social arch ; and that , before it was removed , those timely and prudent con . cessions , so pompously referred to in the Russell Edinburgh manifesto , should be made , else would Labour belannihilated in the ruins . I told you that you should expect at least from three to five years of casualties and calamities , of which Labour should bear the whole burden , if its interests , under the new state of things , TFere not clearly defined before the whole state
of soriety were altered ; and 1 told you , moreover that the men whose profits were made np of low wages , were the very most incompetent parties to declare what those timely and prudent concessions should be . Did I not tell you of the present state of society ? Have I not a thousand times told you that the manufacturersi would find that they had caught a Tartar ; that the operatives wonld starve in a cookVshop-that cheap and
dear were relative terms—that an empty tall on a Saturday night would make an ugly wire on Sunday morning—and that , mec hanical power , wluch disinherited manual labour , was the greatest enemy to the shopkeeper and to every branch of trade ? Did I not tell you , that when Free Trade passed , hatters would suppose the people were born without heads , hosiers that they were born without legs , shoemakers that they were gborn without feet , ana
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S , S tna * tfee y were bon » * i * out back , belly , or ades-m fact , that the economical generation would be a . population of ghosts ? Did I not predict for you the present condition of the agncultxral labourers , both in England and Ireland ? Were not my words , that before the dose of 1847 , the farmers would become paralysed , and ^ the landlords pauperised by an inundation of destitute unemployed agricultural labourers ? and have I not incessantly shown you the effect that" such a state of things must inevitabl y have upon the money market ? r * II || , . tna 5 taey were bom without hai * .
Well , then , having established mv title to counsel you , I now tell you that a foil , free , and fair representation of the whole people in the Commons' House of Parliament , is the only way by which Free Trade can be made a natural instead of a class benefit—by which the national resources can be cultivated by taskwork , for the benefit of the labourer —• and by which an equitable distribution of the produce can be secured . I , therefore , unhesitatingly declare , that unless the head and tail of society—thelanded aristocracy , and all who live by their labour 1 — combine against the middle jiece of society . that this country-will be driven to a revolu tion , in which . all will be turmoil and
confiscation . The landlords of England can have no possible grounds for resisting the enfranchisement of the whole people , as I am prepared to prove to demonstration , that the result wonld be the reign of perfect and unbroken peace through contentment , and an inconceivable rise in the value of their estates , transferred from the wholesale to the retail market ; while it should be borne in mind , that a pauper population , now daily pressing upon the means of existence , will not calmly an&submissiyely starve while they are impressed with a just and irrefutable conviction that their
own country furnishes more than ample means for double its population , if governed by a wise and parental system , in which the support of the poorest of the poor wouldhave a defined and never-ceasing interest ; aad when the landlords of England discover that bringing the comparatively smalt amount of four million acres under profitable spade cultivation , the husbandman being the first partaker of the fruits of the earth , would doable the incomes
of the holders of these four million acres , and wholly relieve their class from the payment of the tax of poor rates , they are highly culpable if they allow the present opportunity of doing justice to the poor to escape . Thousands of the working classes are still in possession of my six letters written to the Irish Landlords , written from my dungeon in 1841 ; and I ask them to read those letters now , and to say whether or not they were prophetic of the present times .
Did I not tell them that the consequence of their dereliction of duty , and their adoption of Free Trade , would cause the confiscation of their estates ? Did I not tell them that when the Minister had used them he would desert them , and that the affections of a grateful people would be a better protection than a barrier of bayonets ? Did I not / oretell the inevitable effect upon the labouring population ? And although the sceptic and apologist may now endeavour to palliate the consequences of Free Trade , upon the plea that a scarcity of food demanded it , I tell you that
the operatives , artificers , artisans , and agri * cultural labourers , will not feel the -full effect of the blow until you have a luxuriant and super-abundant harvest generally throughout Europe and the world ; when the glut from abroad'will be the standard of value for homer grown corn at home ; when in the sack in Mark-lane will be found the Poor Law Commissioners and their staff ; the church cess , the poor rates , the parson , and the bishop , with their numerous attendants , and the long list of innumerable taxes paid by the home grower . And if I am told that these are all
indpient items , deducted in the first instance from the stipulated rent , then , I answer , that it but transfers the burthen from the shoulders of the Tenant to those of the Landlord , and that like case like rule , their estates , like those of their Irish brethren , will be subjected to confiscation , and like them they will have to appl y to Parliament for means beyond the ordinary law , and which , like them , they will find less graceful and efficient than the timely performance of those duties consequent upon ; and legitimately belonging to , the possession of property .
Up , then Old Gnards ! for " thePeople ' s Charter and Ne Surrender !" Let every man , woman , and child who lives by Labour , begin at once to sign the Monster Petition for the restoration of their rights , and let it go on continuously , and let the knowledge of its weekly increase be a balm to the feelings of our suffering leader . Ever your faithful Friend , Feargus O'Connor .
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Bubbi . —Mr S . Kydd delivered an excellent lecture on the Land Plan , in the Presbyterian Church , on the 3 rd inafc . At the conclusion , a vote ot confidence in Mr O'Connor was unanimously adopted . IIawick . —At the regular monthly meeting it was resolved , 'Owing to the great depression of trade , that the subscription for the prosecution of the Manohrbibr Examiner be postponed till after the now year . ' The branch meets every Saturday evening , at the Chartist store , at eight o ' clook . The general monthly meetings of the members are held in the same place on the first Saturday evening of each month . at seven o ' clock . Fihsbukt . —At a meeting of this branch , Mr Wa , West was appointed treasurer for the ensuing year ; and Mr Messenger appointed secretary , in room ol Mr Wright .
SALFORn .-On Tuesday week Mr Leach delivered an excellent lecture on the Land Plan , in the Cattle Market Hall . At the conclusion of the lecture , the following resolution vtaa passed : —• That this meeting returns its best thanks to Mr JaraeB Leaoh , for hia able and instructive lecture , and that it is with feelings of pleasure we view Mr Leaoh taking that position to which his talents and abilities entitle him . Hammersmith a BoRouoH . —TflE I and and thb Charter . —A most enthusiastic and crowded public meeting was held on Thursday evening , December the 9 th , in that spacious , and elegant buildini ? . thn
Temperance Hall , Bndgcroad , Hammersmith . Mr James Millwood was unanimously called to the flhair . Mr E . btallwood in a speech that met with greatapplaue , showed that large constituencies were always the most liberal , and that the most useful and patriot * members were returned by such con SSRSS ^ <™> ndred thoSaXut Sioit , £ „ ' , ramat . . s . authors , statisticians , economist * , eminent physicians , lawyer * nnrt divine * them ?
, all ™ T * ( Loud cheers . ) indabow SnJ" ? -u thm c not amonB 8 t them the designers anci builders of mansions , churches , colleges , and palaces , with the fabricators of clothing—in brief the producera of a world ' s wealth , without whom , the wch , the great , the powerful , would bo as nought ? ( Immense ; applause . ) Mr Stallwood summed up the arguments used during his speeoh , and sat down greatly applauded , by moving the adoption of a petition , praying that the parishes above mentioned be
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JKr- d mt ? a P « % iientary diatriot , and . have SSf ! f tniIlg * membe ™ tos parliament / : ' M 5 j Sndbury . diatranchised . Mr ; w . Chahca ^ - •^? w 6 d the motion , whioh was carried by acclamation . The petition was then 8 JnePby the chairman , and ordered to ba transmitted to } & Osborae for presentation . ^ Mr Stallwood again- .. •/• WVS- - tto y ? £ he Rowing resolution :- - : ' - 'That this meeting believing the land to'be the rource from whence the wealth ofthe world is drawn , , ¦• hereby resolves to aid and assist the National Land ' Company , by every means in its power , to place the
working classes in possession of their share ef our ' fair nnd fruitful soil . ' Mr I * F . Brown seconded K the . motibn , and Captain Clarke , of the H . E . LC . S ., '" > A rose , and condemned the conduct of the Wkbklt ^^> ' Dispatch—eulogised the conduct of Mr Feargna ' " ^ V 0 Connor , whilst residing at Hammersmith , as well ¦'¦¦ Vv a ? the ability with which he had defended the cause . ' A , 1 V of the people in parliament . ( Loud cheers . ) He had ' s ' . not one word to say against the resolution / he , on the ¦ " : \ contrary , wasglad to find that the people were endea- \ .., Sj ¦ Touring to better their social condition . ( Loud . = * cheers . ) Mr Thomas Clark now rose , amidst great V applause , and in a caustic speech delivered a severe f ^ X castigation to the Weekly Dispatch ; and in glowing . : \ terms , - observed the nroSDeritv of the Lund Com .
pany , » t 8 means of working—the practicability of the V , % Land Han—and the great benefits that it must confer s ~^ X \ on the labouring population of thiB country—and sac \ ; . J \ . ' " ^ down amidst shouts of applause . The resolution waa "* vV \ carried unanimously . Mr John Dowling moved the - VV following resolution . — 'That this meeting believing ¦ *? " every man of sound mind , of twenty-one years of rV age , not being under conviction for crime , to be duly : ' and truly entitled to a voice ia electing those who ^ make the laws he is called on to respect and obey , ! v and also , believing the other five points of the ^ People ' s Charter ' admirably calculated to workout ¦ • the great principle here laid down , do hereby resolve v to aid and apist in . agitating for that measure , nn- ' ' ' ' , X Ul the principles contained in the People ' s 1 Charter Bhall be enacted as a law of this realm Jl ¦ x % Mr ErnestJones rose , amidst loud cheers , - -and , in » i [ \ most powerful , eloquent , and arflomentatiYtfknaeeh . | N % >
showed the malpractices thatThad arieentboth in England : ^ nd Iretodoutif « la 8 aleeial » ti 6 Hi . and il » necessity-for-ito abolition ,-uaA the nticewityoaithe { S »^ : ^^ M »*^ -kw « fr ; pi ^ i 8 tflB « TO the People ' s Charter , as a substitute ; and after eld quently . expatiating on Ita six points , sat dowa amidst a perfect furore of applause . v The resolution was unanimously adopted , and the following persons appointed a council , to meet every Sunday Homing , at the district office , 3 , Little Vale-plaee : —Messrs E . Stallwood , L . F . Brown , W . Chance , J . Dodman , J . Newell , G . H . Cook , J . Millwood , R . Dowling , J . , Dowling , — Swinson , E . Oliver , F . Whiting , n ¦ & ewy ~~ LoD £ » . ' Royalanee , W . Dann , and W . Dahbar . A vote of thanks was then given to Messrs Clarke and Jones for their attendance , which was responded to by Mr Clark , who moved a vote of thanks to the chairman , which was seconded by Mr E . Jones , and carried by acclamation , after whiob the meeting separated .
Greenwich add Depteoed . —The enclosed ^ resolutions were proposed and carried on Sunday even * ing : — « That we , the members of this locality , hope that Mr O'Connor will not take any more notice of the trash of the Dispatch , Liotd ' s weekly rag , the „ Whistler , ' and others ; as we think the columns of the Northern Star may contain more useful information than replying to their rubbish . ' ' That we , the members of the Greenwich , Deptford , and Woolwich branch of the Land Company , and of the Charter Association , do form ourselves into an O ' Connor Tartan club , for providing its members and others with vests , scarfa , and other articles of the above manufacture , by means of small weekly payments . ' [ Patterns , and the price of the articles .
may be seen at Mr Sweetlove ' s , agent for the Northern Siar , at Mr Morgan ' s Chartist meeting-room , 39 , Butcher-row , Depti ' ord , every Sunday evening ; and at Mr Paris ' s District Land office , 2 , Coldbath , Greenwich , every Monday evening . ] Pbestos , —The annual general meeting of the Preston branch of the Land Company , took place on . Sunday December 12 th , at Bix o ' clock in the evening , in the large room at Mr Ross's , Luaestreet . Mr Charles Durham was called to the chair The secretary read the last year ' s balance sheet and report . After the auditors had reported that the accounts were correct , an unanimous vote of thanks was given to the secretary and treasurer for their services daring the last year . The following were
unanimously elected officers for the next quarter : —•¦ James Brown , 71 , Park-road , Secretary ; James Duckett , treasurer ; Richard Nutter , scrutineer ; M . Lutener , secretary , and William ¦ Nellard , treasurer , for local expence fund ; J . Dav } s , land E . Lettle , auditors . The following resolutions were then agreed to : — 'That a meeting be held on the first Sunday in every month , for the purpose of reading , discussion , and other means of spreading information , on agriculture and the land , and the National Land Bank . ' 'That a committee often be appointed to draw up rulesfor . the purpose pf assisting members , to Bend small sums of money to the National Land and Labour Bank , and to adontth * most effective
means to establish , a Mutual Assistance Fund for ' those that may be located . ' ' That a grand demon * stration and tea party ba got up for the benefit of those who , have been ballotted from Preston , previous to their location ; and that application be made to the mayoi" for the use of the Corn Exchange Rooms , for that purpose . ' « That this meeting having heard that an attempt is being made to deprive F . O'Connor , Esq ., M . P ., of his Beat ^ Parliament , and believing thac such attempt is being made for no other purpose than to attempt to ; ruin him with expences ; we pledge ourselves to assist by every means in our power , to defend his return for Nottingham . ' Votes of thanks having been given to the chairman , the meeting broke up :
Dobkinci . —Ernest Jones delivered a spirited and truly brilliant lecture at this place on Monday evening last . The lecture room was filled . The subject was— 'Ireland , the pause of ita misery , and the remedy without coercion . ' Mr Hawkins , schoolmaster , in the chair . Mr Jones spoke for above two hours , amid the enthusiastic plaudits of his delighted audience . At the close of the lecture the following resolution was carried by acclamation : — 'That this meeting is ef opinion that the wealth-producing classes can never obtain their jast rights until they are in full enjoyment of the franchise , and possession of the land ; and this meeting pledge themselves to use every legal and constitutional mean for the attainment of the same . ' Prejudice has been very strong here , but from the way the address of Ernest Jones was received ,, and the enthusiasm , of his auditsnee , great good is expected to result .
Sheffield . —Dr M'Douall delivered a leoturein the Town llall , on Monday evening , December lath , Mr Jackson in the chair ; subject : ' The National Land and Labour Bank . ' At the close of the lecture a public meeting was held to petition Parliament against the Irish Coercion Bill . The petition was unanimously adopted , and it was agreed to beentrusted to Feargus O'Connor , Esq ., M . P . for presentation , signed by the chairman of the meeting , After the usual thanka the meeting separated . A soiree will be hold in the Hall of Science , on Wednesday in the Christmas week , towards defraying the expenses of the late municipal eleotions .
North Shields . —At a meeting of this branch after a satisfactory report by the auditors , the following officers wereeleot € d : ~ Mr Chisholm , treasusurer ; Mr Pratt , scrutineer ; Messrs Hall and Bartlett , auditors ; J . L . Rawling , secretary . Members in arrears for their local and general levies are requested to pay the same before the close of the year . Ksiohlet . —On Monday evening last , a publio meeting was held in the Mechanics' Institution , Keighley , in favour of the adoption of the plan of spade husbandry for the employment of the ablebodied and unemployed workmen , in preference to the present method of breaking stones , &c , for the repair of the toads . The requisition calling the meeting
was signed by the whole of the guardians and the principal ratepayers , and such was the deep interest felt on the occasion , that the large hall of the institution was crowded to suffocation . The Rev . Wm . Busfield , rector of Keighley , presided oves the meeting , and opened the business by a most humane and Christian address . He lamented the deplorable condition of the poor , and acknowledged tint he saw no permanent and effectual remedy for relieving that distress , but a gradual falling back upon the land . He declared himself an opponent to any mode of relief by emigration , and believed that the country was ouite capable of supporting far more than ita present number of inhabitants , if its resources were Dronerlv applied . Mr Joseph Firth moved the first resolution *
totheeffect- 'That the pregent modeof employing the poor on the roads was a waste of the money and industry of the nation , and ought to besuperseded by some other . ' In the course of a length ) address , he remarked that the last time he , stood up in that hall was to ask an hon . M . P . a few questions about the grievances of the labouring classes , and the remedies . The answer of the honourable gentleman ( Mr Bright ) to every one of his questions was— ' the Repeal of the Corn Laws . ' It reminded him very much of the advice of a modem Sangrndo ef a qaaok doctor who lately appeared in tni 3 part . When asked hisopinion about the best cure for rheumatism , he said , Agood dose of Yarrow Tea and hot bricks . ' When asked about consumption , his remedy was the same , and so of
- through the whole category complaints , it was always' Yarrow Tea and hot bricks . ' Having now , however , seen the remedy prove a failure , we were compelled to try something else , and he thought that the land was the natural remedy . Messrs W . Emmet and J , Town , two working men , spoke ably in behalf of the land . Mr Town , in the course of a long , able , and eloquent speech of nearly an hour , wentinto the past and . present condition of the labouring class , and proved to a demonstration that maohinery on the one hand , and the monopoly of the land on the other , had been the principal causes cf producing the present distress . The resolutions and memorial were adopted unanimously , and three rounds of applause given to the reverend chairman for hia conduct on the occasion .
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' Hereditary bondsmen , know ye not Who woald be free , himself must strike the blow .
TO THE IRISH PEOPLE . My Beloved Countrymen—After an absence of many years from my own' country , and during which time I have established a better feeling between the English and Irish people than ever existed before , I have , thanks to the courage , zeal , and confidence of an English constituency , been once more placed in a situation to give my own , my loved country , the benefit of my poor advocacy of its rights in the Parliament of the foreign oppressor , and , in the onset , ! I ' must answer an observation in the Nottingham Re view , to the effect that I was sent to the British Parliament , not to waste its time in the discussion of Irish grievances , but to aid in English
legislation . —To this I answer—If such were the conditions , take back the trust , which Iwill resign to-morrow , rather than hold it upon so base a tenure as the stipulation that I am to be a passive observer of my country ' s ruin . Nor can I discover the bearing or value of the argument , which in its entirety , goes to this , that while an Irish debate was under discussion I was to remain" a listener vritfa sealed lips , because the writer has wholly overlooked the fact that the question under discussion was a ministerial question , and that it would not be competent for me or any other member to introduce other or irrelevant matter . But I should despise myself if I thought it necessary to make any apology for the de fence of mv country ' s liberty .
If the attempt had been to coerce England , my opposition would nave been as consistent , determined , and continuous , and then , perhaps , my censors would have found an apology in the change of circumstances . Let the English people rest assured , however , that every successful blow , aimed at Irish liberty , but emboldens the oppressor and serves him with a precedent , when needed , to
take vengeance upon the oppressed and complaining people of England . My countrymen ! I never will forget the ties bv which I am bound to my native land ! I never will forget that though the world is my republic , yet Ireland is my country ! and I say it not bombastically , that my life should be chee rfully risked to-morrow to rid her of the tyrant power of the oppressor . Wkile I thus declare my firm resolve never
consider it the basest of treason to desert or postpone in search of other popularity . Ilookiipon the co-operation of the brave ; the bold , the generous , and unselfish Saxon , as Ireland ' s greatest auxiliary ; and I have to re quest that those who speak disparagingly of the English character , will learn to make the distinction between : the oppressor and the oppressed , as T ~ assert , without fear of contradiction , that the . English working classes and the Irish working classes in England are better and more consistent friends of Irish liberty thaii the Irish at hprafc-Anal without ripping up the past , which can only
would to abandon the struggle of the Catholic people ot Ireland to rid themselves of the oppression of a tyrannical law church ; to restore to them their native Parliament , ELECTED BY THEMSELVES , and to guarantee to them the indisputable and undisputed right to cultivate their own soil for their own benefit , without the terror of a Poor Law bastile , or the compulsion to leave their native land in search of slave labour all overthe world—that , nevertheless , I will confine my struggle for my country ' s regeneration to this country , where I have established a great social principle , which I tn ahon ^ ,, * i ... ^ i . - „ « .. ,. T
lead to the perpetration of dangerous' and damning feuds , 1 would now implore the leaders of the Irish party to marshal their forces , as well as the English Democracy is marshalled , for the assertion of right , and the citadel of corruption must fall before the first assault . My countrymen , as my character is dear to me , and dear to you , and dear to your English brethren , and as I allow no man the privilege of assailing that character wantonly , and as I feel , that silence in the outset' leads to growing misapprehensions , which may require much
disputation to correct , I embrace this , as the first opportunity afforded me , of refuting the gratuitous , the wanton , and untimely attacks that have been made upon me by the Irish party . Good God ! my countrymen , will the time ever arrive when singleness of purpose shall be the ruling principle of agitation ; when all thought of self shall be merged in thought of country , andwhen self-devotion , regardless of the countenance of the minister , the patronage of the Crown , and of an ephemeral popularity , shall be sunk in the love of fatherland ?
^ "Who , let me ask you , under the present discipline , can serve his country like a patriot , if he is to be held up as the disturber of her councils , and the envious destroyer « f her concentrated strength ? Are you not aware , and are my revilers not aware , that public opinion is the shield of the honest man ' s fame , and will be the sure avenger of any imjust criticism to which he is subjected ? and , even now , though character is dearer to me than the wealth of the world , it is painful to be obliged to defend it , when the course may subject me to the | narrow animadversion of the weak-minded and the prejudiced ; but , as the task is one ofwhieh honour ! demands the performance , I shall discharge the duty mildly , but firmly .
A portion of the Irish press h as undertaken to revile me for bringing forward the question of the Repeal of the Union , while all , with the exception of the Freeman ' s Journal and the Cork Examiner , have given garbled extracts from my several speeches upon the Coercion BUI , giving unconnected and broken sentences , in the forlorn hope of turning my opposition to that base , bloody , and brutal bill into ridicule ; but I defy them , as I have defied the English press-gang , and I tell them that I will live down and beat down their . poor , paltry , pitiful , despicable , and interested misrepresentations . 1 shall now proceed to lay before you the charges brought against me , with regard to my motion for Repeal .
Mr John O'Connell has written a letter , which appeared in the Freeman ' s Journal , stating that he had a motion upon the same subject , on the motion paper , on the day on which I gave notice of my intention to bring on the Repeal debate ; and I take the following extract from a letter of his , which appeared in the World newspaper of the 11 th December . He saysf REPEAL' is to le argued on Tuesday . The chances of the ballot have giten Mr F . O'Connor priority with hie notice for a committee . I like not the cumbrous shape in which he puts it , and least of all do I like that one stained with the violence of Chart ' Bm should broach the subject .
Now I will dispose of this part of the indictment first , and here is my answer—Upon my honour , Mr John O'Connell had no notice of the kind on the motion paper ! I had learned from some of the Irish members the fact , which I shall presently corroborate from Mr Maher ' s own words , delivered at Conciliation Hall on Monday last , that it was not Mr O'Connell ' s intention to bring the Repeal question forward till a latter period of the Session . Now , though my own character would justify the strongest criticism upon this wilful misrepresentation , I shall not offer one angry comment , further than
to request the reader ; to bear in mind , that I am the party wantonly and unjustly assailed . Further , with regard to persevering in my motion , Mr Johu O'Connell should have stated this fact , namely—that on the very day on which my motion was to come on , Mr John O'Connell came up to me in the library of the House of Commons for the first time , and said , H ' Connor , is it your intention to persevere in bringing on your motion to-night ? " I replied , " O'Connell , I am very glad you have spoken : I could not make the firstjadvance , but I now tell you what I told your brother
Maurice and Mr Maher , after I gave the notice , that if even now you think it prejudicial to the question , or likely to disturb that unanimity which , above , all things is necessary , or if they wish you to bring it forward at another time , I will , without a murmur , withdraw it , and leave it in your hands . " His answer was , "No , no , Mr O'Connor , lam very glad you brought it forward , and I hope you'll persevere , as it may be the means of throwingthe Coercion Bill over the recess . " I rejoined , « That being the case , and that being one object I had in view in giving the notice so early , 1 will persevere . " We shook hands , and I continued , "Now O'Connell , when I tender support , I tender it generously , and I now tell you that I will
assist you on all Irish questions with any power that I possess , and if I should take a course not approved of by the Irish members , you have only to communicate their wish , to ensure my compliance . " Now I most , solemnly swear and declare , that that is not only the substance , but the literal version of what occurred . So much for the time of bringing on the motion ; and now for'its cumbrous shape—they were the identical words , without the alteration of a letter , of his father's motion in 1834 , and which I adopted for the sake of unanimity , so I think I have removed the cumbrous shape from my own shoulders .
As to the stain of Chartist violence , I will not condescend to defend so noble , so holy , so Godlike a principle against so weak an assault . Now , as to Mr Maher , and his apology for absence . That gentleman is reported , in the Freeman ' s Journal of the 14 th , to have spoken as follows at Conciliation Hall . He says : — But I will say ; this , tlmt however urgent the necessity of my eomine here was , nothing could hare induced me to
leave London , if I supposed that the discussion on the great question of Repeal would have been brought for . ward in my absence . ( Cheeri . ) But the fact is , and I think it right to explain it here , Mr Feargus O'Connor , wko gave sotice of a mononfer an inquiry into the means by which the Union was carried , came unto where Mr Uanrice O'Connell and I were dining , at Bellamy ' s Coffae House , and I asked him 'Are you really sincere in going on with your motion ? If you persist in it you wUl
SS 3 flfihJ * . 9 lrtl mem to " ' who are not pro-?«^ d » £ Zl Smt tiine 5 lome of them aM absent In ifK ? ml asfull J Prepared as we could ^ edhta « ir { Ji ? ^ ^ John O'Connell has ? i ? difc \ S fln b * J"S . the ; . question- before ** honse W Ae T& ° " , g the t re 8 ent 8 e 8 sion ' 1 and we-mean : K « inwT ^ pe men" > 6 rB-are determined to have a •^ SSiS ? * every Be 8 . 8 ion - ( Cheers - » But if J ° u l « n »« ThSSS ^ ' wUl «*«*«» the Irish memWs , and Injure Hie cause you seem to have at heart . Mr SESSsSP ^ aaiss K ^ T SSKSBfifciSUft p'CohnorwouW . notfollow uDhiBnoticBnf Winn Tf t ... . _;
? VS ^ tttiT *} haVe - "niainedVaTany ri . k t o take partin the . discuBsion-no , not to take part in the dUcusnonr-letme correctmyse ' lf-for Wconm I would pU TmemW e wmS ^ r , « eon ^ brothSe . ^ vrS ^ Slw * °£ alk out 6 f the "o UBewhe » W * £ ft ™ » 4 motion , arid lew it altogr fher in ^ Msi pwn hands , and in worse hands it could not le , according , to myJudgment . ( Hear . ) So far I have ac counted for my conduct relative to this matter I shall np -criticise this , gentleman ' s taste , or his blundering and laughable apology for hisabsencfi ; ana , fhii niode of-supporting the quiedtion ^ J ^ j ^ lTrlK ftve only to deal . with his ina ^ wc ^ , land ,: unfortunately , Mr Maher f » « $ | ta&the pith ^ atid marrow of ¦* i ii wouiu ioiiiu
pno «» jjgHw »» u upuirarau ;; wj ; | hjfe-aiKe f («^ p ^ a * ipy ^ cph ^ ient ;; 1 * in ^ to make a cat' ^ w of anoth er , and therefore IwHr - refresh Mr Maher ' s memory . Mr Maher asked me , "If 1 would persevere in my motion if the Irish Members decided that it was impolitic to have so tarly a discussion , arid decided upon a ppstponement ? " and myanswer wap , "My dear Maher , you ought
to . know me well enough to know that I am no mischief-maker , and that my object in having an early debate , and in giving such an early notice , was twofold—firstly , to take thie very earliest opportunity of testing the new fledged Repeal Members—aiid , secondly , to arrest the progress of Coercion ; but "—and this is what Mr Maher has " omitted— " if , notwithstanding , the Irish Members are opposed to so early a discussion , THEY HAVE ONLY
TO WRITE ME A SINGLE LINE , STATING ANY VALID REASON , AND I WILL INSTANTLY COMPLY . " New then , what will the Hon . Member for Tipperary say to his absence ? when it was his duty to have ascertained that the request for postponement had been made . As to his absurd declaration of leaving the House if I brought it forward , I will merely say in reply thaty . perhaps , it would have been the most efficient support the Hon . Gentleman could give it . But how does his version square with Mr John O'Connell ' s version ? Mr O'Connell
says , "that his notice was on the motion paper ; " while Mr Maher says , "that the Irish Members were not prepared for the discussion . '' But let us have his words . Again he says , — Mr John O'Connell has pledged himself to bring the question before the house for discussion , during the prc tent session . : Now I ask any man of common senseJif this is not a flat ^ contradiction of Mr John O'Connell ' s assertion , " That he had put a similar
notice on the motion paper , " and especially when it is understood , that by the forms of the House any motion , of which notice is given , must be brought forward within fourteen days from the day that the notice is given , and I gave fourteen days notice of my motion , and the Irish Members fourteen days for consideration ; arid during the whole time not one single application was made to me for postponement ) wliile upon the last day Mr John O'Connell urged me to persevere . ' .
In point of fact , the only appeal for postponement that was made to me , was made by Mr Reynolds , in the House , five minutes before I rose to bring the motion forward . Now , without comment , I would ask , if ever a more clear refutation was given to what I must call a most ungenerous and untimely attack . The fact is , and I was aware of it , that no stone was to be left unturned to destroy my influence upon all Irish questions ; but I was resolved to stand like a rock , unshaken by the buffetting of faction , and I now assert , without fear of contradiction , that but for myself and Maurice O'Connell , the Irish Coercion Bill
would have passed without a shadow of opposition . And while slightly touching upon this subjectof Coercion , with regard to which'I mean to analyse the conduct of the degenerate Irish members next week , I will say , that the best speech , without exception , that has been made during this Session , was the speech of Maurice O'Connell against that violent abrogation of the ordinary law—a speedy which of itself must have earned conviction home to the minds of an impartial jury—but was thrown away upon a packed and predetermined conclave . I do not mean his speech upon the fint reading , in which he mangled poor DilloD Browne , but I mean his able speech
against the second reading , which , to have been properly estimated , should have been heard , and which I shall analyse next week . Now , a word as to Repeal , and I have done . I require no apology for bringing that question forward . I was the first man who ever gave notice upon the subject , which I did in 1833 , in the following terms : — That it is the opinion of this house , tiiat the legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland has been proved by an experience of more than thirty-two years to to be a measure of bad policy ; that all the conditions upon which the said Union was established have been violated ; that the Irish people looked with intense anxiety to the
formation ot a Whiz Administration , hoping to receive from them some of the promised benefits ot reform , but they now consi- ' er them to be the most dangerous enemies to civil liberty , inasmuch as tbey beld out promises to the people which the ; well knew they could not realise . and I admit no right of priority to any man living , as regards this question . I have been a fearless and consistent Repealer when the question has been allowed to remain in abeyance—and I will be a Repealer until I see the Irish Parliament sitting in its own capitalelected by its own people , and legislating for its own country ; and no power on earth shall ever make me accept any terms from the
invader , until I see my country ' s liberties restored , whole and entire , and guaranteed in its integrity by Universal Suffrage . Moreover , I know the history of my country better than any man in the House of Commons , and , I say it without vanity , that I describe her wrongs , and demand the proper redress , with the proper beariug Of an insulted Irishman . ^ As to the debate , the Irish members could" not force the ministers to take part , who , through the instrumentality of their whipper-in , placed their servile
adherents under the ban of silence ; and yet the debate was not without its interest—as I say with pride , that every Irish member who spoke to me , and not a few English members , complimented me in the highest terms upon my speech , of which the English press has given a much fairer report than is furnished by those garbled extracts purposely selected by a portion of the Irish journalists . The report of the speech was furnished by a shorthand writer , specially retained for the purpose , and now remains in the Northern
Star news paper as a compendium of Irish history . In that . speech I placed the question of Repeal upon higher grounds than the mere falling off of imports and exports , or the decline of manufactures . I placed it upon the high constitutional principle , that a conquered people had at all times a perfect right to regain their liberties , and that no statute of limitation operated against that right . Next week I shall analyse the Coercion Bill and the votes ; and for the present take my leave by assuring you , my ^ countrymen , that by a union
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with 'the English people alone can you ever hope to regain your liberties . They are with you to a . man ; therefore court so honourable an ^ alliance , which will at once cement the bond of union between the English people and the Irish in England—a union which , of itself , will unrivct your chains and set you free . Next \? eeK I shall publish an address to the Irish people , pointing out the simple and inexpensive policy by which they can insure at least sixty member ' s in the House of Commons , who , if pledged to reject place , pension , emolument , and patronage , and to resign their
seats at any moment they may be called upon by a committee of thirteen persons , appointed from their several constituencies , consisting of electors and non-electors ; and to sit in Dublin during the recess , framing short and understandable bills , to be submitted ' to the consideration of their several constituencies ,, and devoting themselves heart and soul to country and freedom ^ regardless of the patron ' s smile or . thfcdespo ^ s frop ; they would soon make Jwajwa cou ^ try : worth living for and worth dying-for ; - . :-a :-:- ^ oremairi ; V ,..- - V . J ^ - ' . ;' ' * Your . everfaithfurfriendahd countryman , ' = " Fear 6 us O'CoNNoitt
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- / K < ' # A u ^ ' z fd ^ ' s ^ , ( Ztt ^ tiU ^ J : # J-. T 3- KilMJl'Xit , XK : Ai ^/^¦ ' , ^"'^ . - - ' ' ' C ? / a ^ W ^ 4 c 2 ^*^ - ^\ p- ^ TiH . Ttf an '¦ ^ # / ^ /^¦ ' «¦ /^*^ ^; -
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Osborne ' s Hotel , Adelphi , Dec . U , 1847 . My Dear Mott , — Your letter , addressed to Minster , I did not receive till yesterday morning , and , in answer ^ I beg to say , that I should have thought it . an act of high treason against the electors and non-electors of Nottingham , and the whole people of this empire , if I had offered myself for the representation of Nottingham without such a qualification as would secure me and them against the possibility of being unseated
upon a petition ; and I now tell you , and I wish to communicate the fact as widely as possible , that there is not one single member in the British House of Commons , who can show a more legal , equitable , complete , and unexceptionable qualification than I can ; and , as I have ever thought that a public man should be straightforward in all his proceedings , it was my intention to have proceeded to Nottingham and to have laid my qualification before the people in public meeting ; assembled ; but the , perhaps necessary , caution of my legal advisers , alone prevented me from adopting
this course , upon the prudent grounds of not arming the enemy with a knowledge of my case . Four days before the petition was presented I had an intimation from a source upon which I could rely , that the vagabonds , whose slanders and objections to the Land Flan I had demolished , were endeavouring to get up this petition upon the supposition that I had qualified myself out of the property belonging to the Land Company . BUT I HAVE NOT DONE SO , as I have ever held that to be a sacred fund , from which , although i would not make a personal use of it , yfct I would
willingly and cheerfully have adopted the resolution of the Manchester men by qualifying Chartist candidates—thus making the distinction between individual convenience and public duty and principle : In conclusion , then , my dear Mott , I have only to give you the assurance of one of the ablest conveyancers ; and one of the most profound special pleaders at the bar , and my own assurance as a barrister , that , my qualification is as perfect , complete , and unexceptionable , as the qualification of man can be , and the ' only cause that I can assign for the petition , is the expense to which
such proceedings must inevitably Bubject me ; but , as I have burnt the candle , I will burn the inch , and fight villany to the death , until I establish in this empire an independent footing for labour , which shall defy all the assaults of the oppressor . The costs I have been put to within the last few months are utterly unknown , to those for whom I am struggling . Mr' Joshua Hobson ' s libel upon Mr W . J . O'Connell cost me ^ between 200 / . and 3001 . ; while , in the action that Mr Hobson brought against me , I have paid over 41 \ l—761 . to him and 335 Z . in costs . I put that trial off , in con .
sequence of the illness of a witness , in January last , and the costs of that one day were 101 / . 15 s . 6 d ., while the remaining costs , and Mr Hobson ' s 76 ? . amounted to 309 ? . 14 s . 6 d . Now , add to these amounts the sum of 718 / ., received by Mr Cleave , and acknowledged in the Star , on account of the Victims' and Defence Funds , and which Mr Cleave and Mr Hobson sit before the arbitrator and deny the receipt of one fraction of , and you willbe able
to make an estimate of the tax which villany , dishonesty , and rascality have imposed upon me . I do not refer to Mitchell ' s prosecution of me , in consequence of Ho bson's published libel , nor of Hill ' s published libel upon the Rev . Mr Anstey , which cost me nearly 400 / . ; nor to the action brought against the Times to gratify the pride of your townsmen , nor do 1 refer now to the numerous Government prosecutions to which I have been subjected upon the Melbourne principle of
"RUIN HIM WITH EXPENSES ;" I merely refer to the transactions of a few months . . I remain , Dear Mott , Your very faithful friend , Feargus O'Connor .
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' ' . '" ¦ ¦ - ¦'¦ - ¦ Z'V : '" ' : ' \\ j - «* Oanrtj inTmf conjuer , 1 Bi ckwird . andirefill . * I
*Ro The Old ;Guards.
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- : - ^ j ^^^~ : r- ~™™_ w . ^_ ^ - _ AND NATIONAL TRABES' JOHENAL .
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HjLXl . Np . 530- LONDON , SATURDAY , DECElBER 18 18 * 7 ' ' ^ ' > ™^^* k «* « ¦>• -- • • U » .- " ?* . »» Five Shilling , a » d Sixpence per Quarter ¦ - ;¦ ¦ ¦ . —;
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 18, 1847, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1449/page/1/
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