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OnwarS, tnd *e ees^ser Backward sad we f*U ! ?E PEOPLE'S CHARTER AKDKOsrjREEXDER! TO THE OLD GUARDS.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Old Guards , Asltellwa mmy sotd tkait ' b . ft tim&li&s now arrived vrhen we are entitled to the fruits of our thirteen years * labour , I call upon you to perform that duty which yenr own order , "the Fustian Jackets , the Blistered Hands , and Unshorn Chins , ' expect from your hands . It is impossible , as it would be criminal , that the labouring classes of England , the most oppressed of any country in the world , whether termedfcirilised or barbarous , should allow the present manifestation of their order through , out the world , to pass unnoticed or unimproved bv them .
I am aware that it is the custom of political leaders to rig the political market , by placing their views in novel aspects before the people ; but , having dragged the Chartist movement through thirteen years of scoff , scoro , purseprosecution , and persecution , and having stamped \ t indelibly with the approval of the majority—a large majority of those who live by their owh industry , and upon whom it alone can confer that boon—I am not going to abate one particle of its principles , to alter its name ,
or to relas my ardour in . its pursuit . And , if I were asked to morrow , whether I would rather risk my life against fearful odds for the attainment of that measure , or relinquish the demand , naming any other price , I would infinitely prefer the former alternative ; and there is one national question to which again I must call your fixed attention , because the writers in thejpublic Press are endeavouring to scare us from our pursuit of liberty , by the unhappy state of the working classes of France at the present moment .
But you , who are , every one of you , philosophers , must understand that a peat revolu « tion , produced without previous concert , must , in the first instance , he productive of hazard , vicissitudes , and , perhaps , calamity . But the questiontfor you is , whether or no it is not ¦ worth while to pass through the ordeal of temporary suffering to establish permanent liberty ? And , although young France may now suffer g ome infant troubles , yet think what France
trill be when the money , formerly lavished by 3 tyrant-supporting Monarch upon fortifications and royal placemen , and pensioners , and the aggrandisement , as it is called , of the mother country by the annexation of foreign states—think , I say , what the condition of France will be when those resources are applied to their legitimate objects , the developement of the national wealth , jind its just and equitable distribution amongst those by whose labour those resources have been cultivated .
£ < ow , Old Guards , as Uod does not shower down manna nw-a-days , never lose sight for a moment of the one , the great object , which the Charter seeks | to accomplish : —that every man ¦ who is willing to work , should have that of the most remunerative description provided for him , and that the application of his labour to those self-remunerating pursuits , will increase the ralne of labour in the artificial
market . As the question of Labour is , beyond controversy , the one which now hampers the Provisional Government of France , but which , backed by the good sense and cheering hope of the working classes , they will assuredly overcome , it is essentially necessary that you should keep the Labour question uppermest in your thoughts . f ^ In propounding the Land Plan , I told you that I could only show you the ripe plum over the garden waif , to make your teeth water for the full bearin g tree inside . I told y on that "what your confidence would allow me to effect sectionaily , the Charter would accomplish
nationally—without plunder or theft , but by the mere application of your own share of the national wealth—yours by national faith—to its legitimate purposes , namely , the location of the surplus labourers upon the land of their birth . fgAno , Old Guards , when change is demanded by the unwilling idler , and when change is refused by the willing idlers who fare sumptuously iipon the produce of other men ' s labour , it is right and proper that you and I , who have nursed the in fant to its present giant strength , in spite of tyranny , oppression , and persecution , that we should show and prove to the world how our proposed change will benefit those who demand it .
I am aware that the man who never sees a green field , and works throughout the year at artificial labour , will not at once comprehend the value of the Land Plan ; but let me Eolve its value for that class . Suppose there are 3 , 000 workmen in a district working at any one description of labour , and suppose the masters in that district onlyreqnire ; the labour of 2 , 000 , the surplus 1 . 000 hands must be kept out of the competitive market , by the subscriptions and donations of the 2 , 000 ' at work , and the 2 . 000 at work receive wages measured by the ability of the employer to fall back upon the
idle reserve ; whereas , if that reserve was taken oat of the competitive market , fand p laced uponjthe Land , the 2 , 000 remaining would receive infinitely more wages than the 3 , 000 , if all employed ; while they would be released from the burden of supporting the competitive reserve in idleness , and , still further , the 1000 of their brethren would then become customers for their produce instead of competitors for their labour . gNow , of all things bear this in mind , that our movement is a Labour movement , originated in the first instance by " the fustian
jackets , the blistered hands , and unshorn chins ;' ' and further bear in mind , that I would not give you a fig for the Charter to-morrow if we were not prepared with a safe and solid social system , as a substitute for that artificial one which we propose to destroy ; and to tell you the candid truth , I am glad that you did not succeed in securing thePeople ' s Charter , until you were prepared with this undeniable social system . And I draw a strong argument in favour of mv position from the present state
of Prussia , where King Frederick-William is bamboozling his enthusiastic and rejoicing dupes with moonshine , while he is cunningly , but surely , laying the foundation of a more extensive despotism than that which has been destroyed . This peacock , dressed in German p lumes , will avail himself of the present opportunity for establishing a larger army , and a'more " expensive army than ever he had before ; he will charm his slaves with the pride of extended territory , and when his machinery is complete , they will learn their
disappointm . ,, Old Guards , a thousand times have 1 tola you that it would be arrogance , presump tion , and dictation upon my part , where I to map out for you what the People ' s Charter would accomp lish , while you all understand that its leading features would be , that its representatives would enact laws sanctioned by the majoritv instead of the minority , and that the effect of" those laws would be , so to cultivate the national resources as to make the rich richer , and the poor rich . You will see by . my notice of motion which I gave on Monday Jriffht , that I have not blinked the question , but that 1 have placed it upon its leg itimate and broadest basis , and it will be for you to dtekre whether or no I do justica to this
national subject . Old Guard ? , you . have never flinched . 1 have now a right to demand not only your cooperation but your protection . The assembly of which you ' are the creators meets on Tuesday next , - ' they are your representatives and the exuoncntsof your will -, and as our movement was for the Charter , and is for the Charter aid tlie Land , 1 now call upon you to protect me—to protect your representativesand to protect our cause , against the folly , the ignorance , or entli : i ~ i .- ; sm by which it may be damaged . I call upon you ffrom every town in England , in Scotland , and in ; Wales , , to
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address your representatives Jin the Convention , and respectfully to tell them , '' that our demand Is for the People ' s Charter unmutilated and whole ; and to tell them , that ' we have never attempted to mix up any other question with this great movement , but that we have protected it at great risk and expense , against the juggling of those who , like the showman at Conciliation Hall , present a new puppet to their gaping audience when thejold one has lost its charm .
Old-Guards , I administer this caution , because various attempts are being made to overrun our movement by one of a more fashionable description , and in proof of which I give you the following anonymous letter , which is but a sample of many I receive . Here it is : — 27 th March , 18 * 3 . Sib , —I take leaTe to Inform you that an important section of educated men , comprising tho leading liberals oj Maiylebone , haTefor the last six Wednesday and Satur . day nights , aehated the relative ralue of the British monarchy and a Republic ! Oat of some two hundred sensible men , two only were found on a division voting for the BritiBh monarchy ! The body I allude to , is the Fortlanfl-Btreet Political Club of Cogltators , and the two monarchists were and are Chartists ! -
Is it true , Sir , that monarchy with all its rices , under eren Use most perfect system , is aa indispensable element of gorernment with your political sect 1 The people of London are , in forty-eightsuch clubs , at present discussing sneh organic points as that ! may it not be wiser in you and others , trusted by the mass of the people , to permit a fair settling down of publio opinion on the necessity for bold changes , than to peril your influence oHCi again in thwarting the middle classes of England ? I hsre the honour , Sir , to be yeur obedient eerrant , A Londok Republican . To Feareus O'Connor , Esq ., H . P .
From the above , you will learn that only two were Chartists—that the other one hundred and ninety-eight were middle-class philosop hers ; and , perhaps , you will be astonished when I tell you that , of the forty-eight clubs mentioned , many of them are for an Education Suffrage , and Triennial Parliaments , and a many more for a Remission of Taxation , but especially of the Window-tax . And I publish this letter for the purpose . of reminding you that the very same trick was attempted to be practised by Dr Bowring and his class in 1839 , when he declared that the Charter did not go far enough for him , as he would enfranchise women . Again , the Sturge Conference said they would give us all the principles , but only required us to dispense with the name .
Well , having undergone a fall share of taunt and insolence upon this subject , and while many may presume that a more moderate demand would give me additional weight , and a more respectable position in the House of Commons , I tell you that I would not present your petition under any other name , or if one particle of its principles were abated ; and , in the event of the prayer of that petition being denied , it will then become the duty of your representatives to decide the next step that shall be taken , and it will become your duty implicitly to obey your own representative ? .
Old Guards ! one of my principal reasons for appealing to you is , to protect our cause against the folly , or even the commendable enthusiasm of volunteers and recruits . I find from a report in yesterday ' s Morning Chronicle , that a Mr Vernon has been declariag , in Johnstreet , in favour of a Republic , and suggesting the intention of employing' some ardent sp irits to turn our procession on the 10 th of April into confusion and disorder . How , far be it from me to resort to the old and disgraceful
trick of designating every man who may be led away by enthusiasm , as a spy . I do no such thing , and I impute to Mr Vernon and other enthusiasts no greater crime than that of indiscretion , an indiscretion which would arrest our cause at the very point from which success may be anticipated , and therefore I rely with confidence and assurance that every man who follows the National "Will that day to the House of Commons will be a policeman , and will not allow either folly , indiscretion , or treachery to mar our cause .
I have received several letters warning me of the danger of joining in that procession ; but this is my answer to one and all : ' That I would much rather be taken a corpse from amidst that procession , than dishonour myself , disgrace my country , and desert you , by remaining away /' Old Guards 1 the charges against me by the enemy have been numerous , but cowardice has never been one of them j and , so help me God , if I had myjehoice , whether I would meet six bullies , at twelve paces , with pistols , one after the other , or see our cause damaged by
folly , I . would prefer the former alternative ; and as to Republic or Monarchy , lefc the power behind the throne be greater than the throne itself , let labour elect its own representatives annually and pay them honourably , and I dont care whether you put the Pope , the Devil , or the Pretender upon the throne . Let the people be the base and the superstructure , and I care not three straws by what figurehead it is surmounted . But shall we , Old Guards , be driven to the humiliating position
of abandoning our thirteen years' movement , and adopting the suggestion of a middle class , and an anonymous writer , and especially when I tell you that the veritable middle class—that is the shopkeepers , and the agents between producers and consumers—would be as great benefitters from the change as the working classes themselves . However , I am not prepared to constitute the middle class , or any other class , the organs of our movement , as you may depend upon it , that once surrender to them they would very soon be lost
to you . As a matter of course yeu will look with breathless anxiety to the reception of the National Will in the House of Commons ; and , if I am not mistaken , there will be » both a very different debate and division upon it than ever there has been before , and always bear in mind that one of our objects is to test the newHouae upon this great principle , and that many professing advocates may rejoice at being able to call attention to the disorderly conduct of the mob , as they call the people , as a justification for their own apostacy . However , there is one thing , of which you may rest assured , and it is this : that no disturbance will be created
by any but our own party , as it would not jnst now be the wish or the interest , nor would it serve the purpese of the Government to produce a riot ; while if we should be attacked , while marching peaceably and constitutionally with our petition , as we did in 1843 , when the Tories were in power , the men of Aberdeen , of Dundee , of Stirling , Dunfermline , and Edinburgh ; of Paisley , Ayr , Kilmarnock , and Glasgow ; ofDumfries , Carlisle , and Newcastle ; ofH ° U , York , and Leeds ; of Halifax , Bradford , and Huddersfield ; of Devvsbury , Keighley , and Barnsley ; of Manchester , Bolton , and Preston : of Ashton , Duckinfield , Hy de ,
and Staleybridge ; of Chorley , Heywood , and Middleton ; of , Lancaster , Blackburn , and Burnley j of Liverpool , Wigan , and Warrington ; of Sheffield , and RotherLam ; of Birmingham , Stourbridge , and Kidderminster ; of Bromsgrove , Dudley , and Walsall ; of Bikton , Nottingham , Derby , and Leicester ; of Northampton ; of Bath , Bristol , and Exeter ; of Totness , Plymouth , and Penzance ; of Newton Abbott , and Torquay ; of MerthyrTydvil , Monmouth , and Newport ; and all . the vast tributary streams where tke social mind flows into the political reservoir at this side of the channel ; and Dublin , with all the to wns of
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Leinster ; Cork , with all the towns ofMunster ; Galway , and all the towns of Connaught ; Belfast and all the towns of Ulster , would receive the intelligence as the declaration of war against what is called the legitimate rights of the subject . Old Guards , herein lies our strength ; in the fact that every town in England ^ in Ireland , in Scotland , and in "W ales , is garrisoned with an inexhaustible love of our ' principlesbacked
, with a firm reselution to make them the fundamental basis of the Constitution ; and while we are thus working for the outposts—while I have pinaed my faith upon popular confidence and support , and based upon a life of unswerving devotion , what have we to fear in the citadel ? An attack upen us , while engaged in the discharge of a legitimate duty , would , as if by magicchange the demand for the Charter into something much more unpalatable .
Old Guards ! ask the youngsters who would now fain take the command of our movement , what they were doing when we were Jin prison ? Where they were when we were ? fighting in the Hall of Science at Manchester ; in the Town Hall of Sheffield ; in the Marketplace of Nottingham ? And when , in defiance of proclamation and magisterial orders , we held our meetings by day and by night , and when arrested by tyranny , and by the apathy of the now enthusiastic , ^ we have invariably started from that point where oppression stopped us .
Old Guards , what is life but liberty ? And where is the man living whose family has suffered so much tyranny and persecution as my family has suffered in endeavouring to -secure the liberties of the people ? And just think how the eldest of that famil y , now in his eightysixth year , and in the fiftieth year of his banishment for advocating the very principles that I now advocate—think of the reward that that veteran will have received for the persecution he has undergone , in being President of the first free Parliament that ever sat in France . Yes , Arthur O'Connor , the Irish rebel , will be the President of the Parliament
of regenerated France . But , lest you might think that I cite this fact from any desire to be equally rewarded for my services , I repeat what I have told you a thousand times , that , whilst struggling for your liberties , or when 1 have achieved your liberties , I will never accept of place , pension , or emolument ; and , if you had the Charter to-morrow , I would not accept of a seat in Parliament , nor of any office except that of unpaid Land Bailiff , for the cultivation of your allotments , the erection of
your houses , and the liberation of your families ; and if that land were locked up from you to-morrow , I would not give you one penny for the Charter , because , until Nature ' s market is open for all who choose to enter it , the working classes would , under the Charter , be as much at the mercy of the capitalists as ever , while my anticipation from the Charter is , by giving every man the full fruits of his own industry , to make willing idleness one of the greatest crimes : and the ' value that I attach to
your position now is that you are in a better condition than the people of any other country in the world to apply the labour of the country to remunerative purposes , and simply because you have had seven whole years * instruc tion upon the subject , besides the benefit of my eighteen years' previous preaching upon the subject , while during my incarceration in York Castle I commenced my writings upon it , and have continued them without intermission to the present time ; while after two years practical operations , I have come to the conclusion that the Land and the Charter are
worth living for , and worth dying for , to bequeath them as political and social benefits to generations yet unborn . Old Guards , read this over , and over again , to your comrades . It will make your old hearts jump with joy . Call every man a slave who has not signed the Petition ; call every man a coward who would not rather die a freeman than live a slave ; and call every man a traitor who , by folly or treachery , would mar the prospects now to be anticipated from our perseverance , our persecution , our suffering ,
and our torture for the last thirteen years . And , whatever is my fate , though I will not halt ia my legitimate course , nor be precipitated into unnecessary danger by the froth of ginger beer orators , yet I renew my pledge , not only to you , but to Ireland , that , if terror and persecution should come upon us , I will smile both out of countenance , and , if needed , will die , as 1 have lived , a true lover of liberty ; Your faithful friend and General , Feargus O'Connor .
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WHirnsGioir akd Cat . —The members of the abore
Land branch are requested to pay their arrears of general and local expenses . The paid-up members not attending to the same , will be excluded from the forthcoming ballot . Stju-tbbidge . —A great public meeting will take place on Saturday evening , the 1 st of April , on a large space of ground opposite the Abbey Inn , to adopt a memorial for the liberation of Frost , Williams , and Jones , and all political exiles , when delegates from eight different localities will be in attendance , and Mr Wilde , delegate to the Convention , will be in attendance to address the meeting . Chair to be taken at fire o ' clock precisely . Shobediich . —On Sunday evening nest , a discussion will take p lace at Ihe Green-gate , Hackney-rrad . Chair to be taken at seven o'clock . Subject : — ' The balance-sheet of the National Land Company . '
Aberoekn . —A general meeting of tbe members of the Aberdeen branch will be held in the Unien Hall , Blackfriars-street , on Monday , the 3 rd of April , at eight o'clock in the evening , —A general meeting of this branch , will be held in the abovenamed place upon tbe first Monday of every successive month , at eight o ' clock in the evening . The Dkoylsden Charitable Burial Society have sent £ 30 , to the National Land and Labour Bank , and hope all other societies will do the same . Manchester- —There will be a meeting of the ballotted members of Manchester , Ashton , Oldham , Stalybridge , and the surrounding district , at Mr Whittaker ' s , 93 , Great Ancoats-street , at ten o ' clock in the forenoon of Sunday , April 2 nd .
Shiket row . —A general meeting will be held at the house of Mr Thomas Watking , Mill Pit , near Shiney-row , on Monday , April 3 rd , at Beven o ' clock in the evening . —A subscription has been entered into here on behalf of Mr Thomas Daubledayi Subscriptions will bo received in aid of the above , by Mr Thomas Watkins , up to April 3 rd , when it will be transmitted to the proper auarter . By order of the committee , Richard Davidson , Thomas Wat kin , Joseph Blakey , Thomas Blakey , secretary . —The Natienal Petition lies for signature at the following places : —Mr Sweatham , publican . Broom-hill , Hafcton-lane ; Mr James Watson , Old Pensher ; Mr Thomas Watkins , Mill Pit ; Mr Thomas Blakey , Sbiney-row .
Easixgton-lase — A special meeting of all the members ot this branch , will be held at Mr John Hunter ' s , Brick-garth , on Saturday , April 1 st . An important public meeting will beheld in afield adjoining to Eaaington-lane , on April 8 th , to take into consideration the necessity of re-organising this very important district , in assisting to secure the rights asd liberties of all men . Men of Haswell , Hettons , Rvntons , and all the surrounding colliers , are earnestly requested to attend . Oldham . —On Sunday ( to-morrow ) , two lectures
will lie delivered in the Working Man's Hall . First lecture to commence at two o ' clock in the afternoon , by Mr S . Kydd , of Edinburgh , delegate for the Oldham district to the National- Convention . Subject : ''Jheriae and progress of Democracy . ' Second lecture to commence at fix o ' clock in the ever . JD ? , by Mr J . R . Cooper , ii Mnnchester . Subject : 'The political snd social influence of tbe Fiench Revolution . ' JN . B . —Persons holding petition sheets are particularly requested to bring them on Saturday evening , April 1 st , so that the whole may be sent by the delegate .
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but I merely propound the system that would lead to it . The Ministers of the peop le should be elected by the House of Commons . They should sit in the House and propound and advocate their measures : but neither , the ^ or : any official
receiving other wages than thesaiary or a representative , should vote upon any pestion . There should be n ^ i s ^ dj iigi arni y buta National Militia ; ever ^ mftf 8 j mi $ be . armed , and ., every . district , sfiOuld . $ aip lte arsenal i evsiy : man , from eighteen to thirty , should he willed fialf a day Jn every week ; and every man , from thirty to fifty , should he drilled half a day in every month ; and there should be an Electoral District inspection upon one day in
every year . Religion should be free . There should be no State Church establishment ; and no country should possess or hold dominion over any foreign country or any colony separated from the territory by prescribed or natural boundary , , Every three years I would have a Convocation of States , where the President of each Republic should meet in Convention , for the purpose of discussing international laws , of harmonising nations , and of reciprocally conferring mutual benefits the one upon the other , and I would have some one universal language which all people in all States should learn . Trade should he free as the air , The Land
ehould be subdivided to meet the wants of the people ; the wages of the artificiallabourer would be then regulated by the standard established in a free labour market ; the manacles should be struck off the limbs of every slave ; the liberty of the press , the liberty of speech , the freedom of opinion , and freedom of labour , should be proclaimed ; every nation should govern itself ; your fleets would be turned into carrying vessels , to convey the necessaries of one country , and to bring back the luxuries of another ; those who discharged their public duties faithfully , should be paid honourably ; gaols , and bastiles , and prisons , should be turned into schools , colleges , and hospitals ; trades should be taught without apprenticeship ; agriculture should be taught by practice ; education should be received in schools
and colleges upon the self-sustaining principle ; the arts and sciences would flourish ; tho country would be a Paradise ; society would be harmonised ; happiness , contentment , and plenty' would reign ; the throne of supremacy would be based upon popular affection ; the cottage would be a sentry-box ; manufactures would flourish ; trade would be prosperous ; commerce would thrive ; no National Debt should be contracted ; the medium of exchange should be simple ; plenty , comfort , and luxury would be within the reach of every industrioug man , and the willing idler should be whipped
as a criminal . No money bartering , no htock Exchange , no profitmongering , except upon honourable competition , and recognised speculation ; and then , if the tocsin sounded to arras , the freeman would fly to the cry of " My castle is in danger . " The voice of Knowledge would silence the cannon ' s roar ; bigotry and intolerance would flee the land ; all the best qualities of man would be nurtured into virtuous habits , instead of , as now , being thwarted into vices . Such is a system worth Jiving for , and worth dying for . Feargus O'Connor .
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IMMENSE CHARTIST MEETING AT NOTTINGHAM FOR THE ELECTION OP A DELEGATE TO THE CONVENTION . A numerously signed requisition of inhabitant householders having been presented to the mayor , requesting him to call a public meeting in the Guildhall , for the purpose of electing a delegate to the National Convention , the Mayor declined calling the meeting , but granted the use of the Hall - , the Requisitionists called the meeting for Monday evening last , March 27 th . At geven o'clock , long before the time of meeting , the hall was crowded in
every part , and aa immense concourse of people had assembled outside . Mr Bostock was unanimously called to the chair , when the meeting was adjourned to the square in front of the Hall , which was densely crowded . Mr George Julian Harney was elected delegate to the Convention , and a resolution passed , instructing the delegate to inform the Convention that this should he the last petition they , the Chartists of Nottingham , would adopt so long as class legislation should exist . A vote of thanks was unanimously passed to Messrs Mitchel , W . S . O'Brien , M . P ., and Meagher , for the bold stand they have made for the emancipation of their unfortunate fellow countrymen .
This was one of the largest out-door meetings ever held in Nottingham . The Town-hall could not contain oae-fourth of the people assembled .
( From the Times . ) " A very numerous meeting was held in the Townhall , and by adjournment in the street , at . Nottingham , on Monday evening last , to elect a delegate fo represent the Chartists in the forthcoming Convention , which is to assemble in London on Monday next . For half an hour previous to the time for the business of the evening to be commencs ;'—the hall being densely crowded—Mr Skerritt read reports appearing in the Times of that day of proceedings in Ireland , which excited feelings somewhat similar to those manifested in 1839 and 1842 , when attempts were made by the Chartists to disturb the public peace . On the adjournment taking place ,
soon after seven o'clock , speeches were made by Messrs Jonathan Barber , Roberts , Harrison , Souter , Skerritt , and Bostock , all working men , the last acting as chairman , containing sentiments of an in * flaramatory character , directed against the aristocracy , priesthood , and Royalty , and in favour of revolutionary and Republican principles . A brief extract or two from the addresses will serve as specimens of the doctrines promulgated . The first speaker , who was a leader amongst the Chartists in 1839 and 1842 , and was apprehended at that time and taken before the asthorities , said , ' The time had arrived when the world could do without Royalty ; and to get rid of kings and priests , whom their forefathers in their ignorance had deemed necessary to
be made governors . Royalty ought' not to cost this nation £ 360 , 000 a-year besides the salary of the Consort . It was more than probable danger would overtake them very soon ; he would not shrink from danger ; he did not in 1839 . 'Europe , ' said he , 'is panting for liberty ; shall England be behind the rest of the world ? ' ( Cries of ' No , no . ' ) Mr G . Harrison , another well-known Chanist agitator , said , ' it was his opinion , whoever should be elected , the Chartist delegate should be prepared to act ia case of the government refusing . the people ' s petition ; and he and the members of the Convention should not leave London till their object was accomplished . He wished the advice of Ernest Jones to be taken , and Lord John Russell to be impeached ; and he would have the Convention resolve itself into
a Parliament , and a struggle take place as to which of the two Parliaments should submit . The moment was assuredly coming when the bravery , the integrity , the courage , and fidelity of the new delegate would be put to the test , for their enemies were making preparation for the day of trial . He should not say what the Chartists were to do , but their empty pantries , bedless rooms , shoeless children , and empty houses , would dictate what they ought to do if . they intended to be free ; the man who had only one life , and feared to give it , was not worthy of living in the land . ' ( Applause . ) The motion was passed with acclamation that no more petitions
shall go to the House of Commons from Netting , ham except the one about to be presented in favour of the Charter , and that instructions to that effect be giYen to the ConveEtion . Seven candidates , namely , Messrs Skerritt , Harrison , M'Douall , J . Barber , Sweet , and Roberts were n ominated , and the show cf hands was decidedly in favour of George Julian Harney , of London , who was declared to be duly elected a member of the National Convention . After cheers for the Charter , the Irish Patriots , and Feargus O'Connor , and a vote of thanks to the Mayor for the use of t he hall ( on hearing this latter proposition a voice exclaimod , ' If will be ours ill a fortnight' ) , the meeting quietly dispersed .
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Baknslkt . —Ths inhabitants of Burnslay and its vicinity aro resjioclitilly informed , that ikejvLjs ^ ll bo a public c : \ nip sneeting on B / grebbnejiJ af ^ fev o'clock , on Sunday afternoon , to tap . 1 n BotdneTdgiE ^ s ^ j timi the propriety of adopting ajftkddti ^ tjIr ^ WM jS spirited , taleuted , and patriotic lea *) J ! ftoT :. ' tki }!^ i 48 h ^' i' ? i Q people , against whom the bustf ^ V . , . ewV 41 e ~ V £ ?¦ * Whig goYirnment of Ireland have ^ eBrjqienqdiiiife : ' ; ¦ " f vf MCtUiOD . ( Tj T \ ih ) - ¦ ' - ¦ ' - " - ¦ f ^ tS ^ m ^^) I . ^ 45 ^
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? O THE IMPERIAL CHARTISTS . Brother Chartists and Fellow Labourers , The time has arrived when the mmd of this country—which I have mainl y created—and its union—which I have been instrumental in o rganising—will demand , at my hands , its proper direction . Prolixity and repetition are justifiable at this eventful period , because , the system that I have propounded must be accepted as a whole , and the means of its accomplishment is the material point for your consideration . Let me ^ once more repeat , then , what that system is , and what are the means for its accomplishment .
The system is based upon social happiness , arising from individuality of possession , and co-operation ot labour , protected by the possession of political power . The means of accomplishing tbe system were—the creation of a sop&d mind , the organisation of public opinion , ^ an d the proper direction of the public will . ! r I have not only shown you wherein the Working Classes have been despoiled of every single social advantage procured by political influences , but I have further shown you , that even the People ' s Charter would have been comparatively valueless if accomplished when
the Reform Bill passed ; and for this simple reason , because the mind of the country , inflated s with the joy of an ideal triumph , without previous concert as to the application of the victory to national instead of class purposes , would have been juggled out of its share of the triumph . It is now different , however , for in consequence of my thirteen years' incessant training the mind of this country , the sound mind , the mind of the industrial classes , sharpened by calamity , and warned by past disappointments and defeats , is now in a situation to extract from any change its own fair proportions of the victory .
And here let me digress for a moment , to answer the ribald nonsense of the Press , when it holds up the unsettled state of France , in its new "birth unto righteousness , " as a terror and hobgoblin to affright you with the horrors of change . You must understand , as I have explained to you a thousand times , that the drawbacks , the obstacles to immediate benefit to the French people , arising from their glorious revolution , are consequent upon the terror
of the system under which they . lived , and the oppression of the tyrant under whose treacherous ' reign public opinionjcould be but whispered , and that public mind , as it gwere , could only be created by what the law calls conspiracy . The impossibility of the Provisional Government of France at once realising all the hopes ^ entertained from a change of system , is chargeable upon the terror of the system that they have destroyed .
France is driven to the alternative of creating amind , to mould new events to national purposes by a kind of ready reckoner , and hence the necessity of postponing the Election of Delegates to represent the new system ; while in England , if the Charter was proclaimed on Monday , on Tuesdaythe materials for carrying out a new system would be ready for useju ^ rance , if allowed the use of speech , wouuFShave hurled the money-grubbing Autocrat from his stool many yiars ago ; but-if-those changes , wMch sound opinion is ever sure to accomplish , had taken place
progressively , after the enthronement of the monster in 1830 , the Monarch of the People might have still reigned as the Executive head of the nation . '; the blood of the people would have been spared , and the power behind the throne being greater than the throne itself , would at any given moment have been able to displace the monarch without injuring the constitution . It was Louis Philippe , then , who not only created the Revolution in France , but ife was he who , led to the organisation of ardent spirits throughout the world ;
and to his intrigues—to his tyranny and op pression , all fallen monarchs owe their fate . He was the headsman of the league of Kings against the league of People ; to his cunning , to his avarice , and to his treachery , the league of monarch s looked for the protection of their thrones . And here allowme again to remind you of what I have oftentimes stated , namely , that the present movement is a league of the Democracy of each class against the aristocracy of its order , and that the convulsion would end in a league of people against the league of kings . £
Well , the very , the identical same causes which have led to a change of system by a revolution in France , are now existing in Ireland . The mind of the Irish people has been fed on moonshine . The brain of Ireland has been turned into a kaleidescope , in which the juggler exhibited its varied beauties . Trafficking politicians and political pedlars have held the Irish mind in base and servile subjection , in order that they might eke a livelihood out of the servile prostitution they had created . And now the ardent and enthusiastic young spirit that . cannot brook [ delay , consequent upon the creation of a ^ new mind , is precisely in the
same situation as the mind of France , debased and brutified by its juggler . ^ It is different , however , with the English mind ; for , again 1 repeat , without fear of contradiction , that notwithstanding the glorious feats and heroic devotion by which tyranny has been struck down throug hout Europe , that yet England is the only country in Europe which , upon the achievement of political freedom , is prepared , on the moment , to establish its secure social system , which will place every man at once in the situation of living in happiness , contentment , and peace upon the fruits of his own industry .
Now , my ( friends , in the midst of passing commotion , I am neither going to lose my head nor my courage , nor am I going to allow the system , upon which I hope to base your happiness , to be destroyed either b y the terror of the oppressor , or the folly of the advocate . I mean to hold my position with courage and resolution . I mean to secure happiness for your families , protectedj > y the law , without trenching upon the legitimate rights of others , or to die , if need be , in the attempt ; but no folly nor imprudence shall mar your prospects nor my hope .
This preface to the constitution which I shall now take the liberty of suggesting to the Provisional Government of France , I have written principally for the purpose of convincing you and the French people , that neither should be disappointed or intimidated by the fact , of much time and deep deliberation being necessary to produce order out of that chaos which tyranny has established in France , in one shape or other , for the last fifty-six years ; and further , let me again impress this fact emphatically upon your minds that the
revolution of 1848 was marked by extreme humanity , generosity , and clemency , because effected by the people themselves—while the revolution of 1793 was marked , by deedsthe most sanguinary , atrocious , and cruel , in consequence of the English minister ( Pitt ) employing your money to create that sanguinary state ot things which would affright the world at the very thought of popular rule ; and that in the present slate of English poverty , '? the minister relies upon the prostitution of the Press to create that terror and alarmjgin 1843 , which English
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money , English spies , and English ruffianism , created in 1793 .
FORM OF GOVERNMENT . REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM . Every man , of twenty * one years of age , of sane mind , and untainted with crime , to have a | vote . The kingdom to be divided into not more than four hundred electoral districts ; each district to elect one representative . Two representatives , returned by the same district , may even , with the protection of the ballot , cause an injurious coalition , while the election of one would represent the majority of the people . Voting to" be bj ballot . Elections to be annual . The representatives ; to sit by day , No canvass of any kind to be allowed previous to an election . The elections to be taken in
one day in places sufficiently convenient for the voters to go to vote , and return , in two hours . The candidates to send their written intention , oi offering themselves for election to the electoral district returning officer , ten clear days , at the least , before the day of nomination , and no candidate to address the electors , except on the day of nomination , and any proved canvass of the electors to disqualify a candidate from offering himself . That all candidates must have attained the age of twentyfive years , which shall be their only qualification . That the members shall be paid for their services .
This , in our language , I will call the House of Commons , consisting of members of not less than twenty-five years of age , and elected by a majority of the voters in each district . The next branch or' the Legislature is the Upper House , which I will call the HOUSE OF ELDERS , or the Senate , ir" you please . The Senate to consist of not more than one hundred and fifty members , and , in the first instance , to be elected by the House of Commons by delegation from their constituents , who , at the election for representatives to the House of
Commons , should also vote in the first instance for Senators . The one hundred and fifty having the greatest number of votes to constitute that assembly . Every Senator to have attained his thirtieth year , and that to be his only qualification . One-third of the Senators—those who have the lowest number of votes—to retire each year , thus adding new blood to the Senate , no Senator being allowed . to sit for more than three years , and the third being elected annually—the retiring Senators to be eligible to reelection .
THE EXECUTIVE . The Executive to consist of a council of five-All persons of thirty yearsof age to be eligible-The Executive Council to be elected by the whole people . The President of the Council to be elected for life , subject to removal by the people . The Councillor having the greatest number of votes to be the President . The Vice-President to be elected for seven years , but removableby the people for cause . The Vice-President , in case of the death of the President , to hold the office of President until the nextj meeting of the Commons , when the members , bv delegation from their constituents , shall elect a President . The other three Councillors to be elected for three years , but removable by
the people for cause . Those three members of the Executive Council to be eligible to be re-elected , and their election to be made by the House of Commons , by delegation from tbe voters . The appointment of judges and all officers of State to be left to the Executive Council , with responsibility to the people , and removable by the House of Commons . The magistrates to be appointed by the people in their several districts within the electoral districts , and , at the same time that ] the election for representatives takes place , and due notice of the intention to oppose the election of any magistrate , or to propose substitutes , must be made in writing to the district officer fourteen days , at least , before the election .
LOCAL GOVERNMENT . Each Electoral District to appoint twelve Justices of the Peace who shall constitute a local board for the due performance of all local business , thus destroying that system of centralisation which has grown up in this and other countries , and leaving the assessment and levying of local taxation as well as the enforcement of education , of instruction , trade , and labour regulations , to be legislated upon by this local board of twelve magistrates . And one half of this tribunal , added to six persons annually appointed , to constitute the legal tribunal before which offenders charged with the following offences should be summarily tried : —Theft , willing idleness , drunkenness , and riotous conduct or fraud .
Now , such is a brief outline of my notion of a constitution ; and there are two points which require some explanation , —the one isthe appointment of the President for life , — and the other is—the conferring upon the Executive Council the power of appointing judges and State officers . My reason for appointing the President of the Executive Council for life is twofold . Firstly . To avoid those sad demoralising and injurious contests which now lead to faction fights and popular disorder in America , where the President is elected for four years—two
years of wJiich are wasted in canvass , which leads to the formation of factions and pai-ties merely bound together by some ignorant cry or foolish predilection . while the subsequent two years are spent in faction fi g hts and party squabbles between the partisans of the successful and unsuccessful candidates , and thus do we find every day in the year devoted to these useless purposes . And , in my con . science , I believe that this injudicious method of electing an American President will in the end lead to a National Debt—a standing army - ~ a moneyocracy—an oligarchy and classlegislation . I would , therefore , make the
President free by electing him for life , but removable on cause ; thus unfettering him from all party obligations and fears , and allowing him to develope his mind , his talent , find his feelings , unshackled by any paity consideration , while the ambition of the Vice-President and Councillors to nil his place upon fair opportunity , would lead to honourable emulation and ambition in the discharge of their duties , while his tenancy for life would secure him against their intrigues , and cause perfect harmony to reign , as a shrewd people would never tolerate those party squabbles or allow them to affect the deliberations of their Executive Council .
The other point which you may suppose to require some explanation , is the appointment of Judges and State officers by the Executive Council . The very same reason operates upon my mind in this respect which induces me to oppose the present system of electing the American President , The appointment of those officers by the Council may be looked upon as patronage , but it is more safe , as both the officers , and the party appointing them , are responsible to the people , and removable by the people , than if the people themselves were eeduced into party squabbles upon subjects on [ which they uoiild not possibly be as good or competent judgris as those to whom I submit the choice .
Such is my notion of a perfect Constitution —of course , and capable of improvement in the varied details of perfect local government—
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Onwars, Tnd *E Ees^Ser Backward Sad We F*U ! ?E People's Charter Akdkosrjreexder! To The Old Guards.
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VOL- XL No 545 . LONDON SATURDAY APRIL 1 ifUR pbice fbvepence or ^ UVl \ iy V / iN , On . lt / D > Lfn . ± . ai Lull i , 104 t 0 . y ghjlliugs and Sixpence per Quarter
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 1, 1848, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1464/page/1/
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