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TOTflE MEMBERS TO BE LOCATED ON SNIG'S END.
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$O THE FUSTIAN JACKETS, THE BLISTERED HANDS, AND UNSHOSN CHINS.
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My Friends , As I wish the Northern Star newspaper . to he a faithful record of my life , and as , by a moderate calculation , my own writings alone in that paper would constitute nearlyone hundred volumes , of three hundred pages to a volume , I do not wish its pages to be disgraced or defiled by one enigmatical or suspicious sentence .
I established that paper as the mirror in which Labour should see its interests reflected j and I resolved upon perpetuating it as Labour ' s legend . I have cast my eye over the several changes wrought throughout the world—all promising benefit to the labouring classes , if they would but fight the battle of one oppressor against another ; and I bave found , in every instance—America amongst t he most recent , extensive , and disastrous example of the fact—that political power alone , jf unaccompanied with social rights , becomes as much an article of traffic as any other commodity ; and , seeing this manifest in this country , I have demoted the best years of my life to its destruction ; and , until this week , ' .
have never been asked for an explanation of a single line I have written in furtherance of this my darling project : and having not only admitted the great principle of popular control , but having invited popular scrutiny , believing in the truth of the maxim , that the peop le are seldom wrong , and never very long wrong ; and , believing that they would entertain for me as great a contempt if I surrendered capriciously to error , as they would if 1 refused to confess error when wrong , I shall now adopt that course mosfcdigniiied-tcnnyself , most creditable to them , and most beneficial to- their cause—naraely , the justification of what I have written , with its manly and unequivocal explanation .
From this introduction , you will learn that my letter , hi last week ' s Star , has been objected to upon some points ; and yesterday morning Mr Child and Mr Donovan , two members of the Convention , waited upon me here , at Snig ' s End , ! a _ d for more than tws hours we discussed the points of difference of opinion as to that letter , and it is but justice to those ' missionaries to say , that a more discreet selection could not have been made . And I will now place before yon every point of objection urged by them , and which 1 believe I explained to their entire satisfaction .
I shall take the objections one after the other , and dispose of them . And , firstly though a very trifling one , comes the following testimony as to the character of Sir George Grey . Here it is printed precisely as it was in the Northern Star . — - I always speak of communities not of individuals , aH _ In justice to Sir George 6 rey , the Secretary of State for tha Home Department , I unhesitatingly assert , that no ijTing man would more regret a single act of unnecessary crnelty . than wo __ Sir 0 . Grey . A more tender-hearted man breathes not ; Vut , S 3 I have often staled . HEN T 7 I _ L COHHIT ACTS AS A BODY . WHICH THE BASEST AMOKG THEM WOULD BLUSH TO ACKNOWLEDGE AS AX INDIVIDUAL .
Now ; any man who reads that passage will come to the following conclusion—that a government of angels under an evil system , are as great enemies to liberty as a government of devils could be , and not only the object of that passage , but the only construction that could be put upon it , is , that individual good character is of no value , when it must be surrendered to the wiU of others ; and I gave them this further instance : I said , look at Sir William Sonierville , without exception one of the very best landlords and'best masters in Ireland , and yet leok at his Tenant Right Bill , and see how all his individual excellencies are lost amid governmental corruption . Now the missionaries merelv mentioned this
passage incidentally , and I think a moment s reflection proved to them that it was intended as a blow , and was . a blow at the system ; but you will expect me to gauge my writings by some rule and standard , and you will bear in mind that I have told you a thousand times over , that I would not give you a fig for a Chartist Parliament elected by Universal Suffrage for SEVEN YEARS ; and for this simple reason , because the tenure of office uncontrolled for such a period , would turn angels into devils , and my just estimate of Sir George Grey ' s personalcharacter is a strictly analagous case .
The next point at issue was contained in the three following paragraphs , and which must be taken in connexion with the concluding paragraph of my letter . Here are the three paragraphs . Hear me , then , and if you are valiant be discreet . The Kational Assembly proposes to violate the law , as the law only permits an assemblage of forty nine persons ta sit as a Convention ; and if that assembly meet , it will not only strengthen our opponents , but will deter tbe thousands—yea , millions—who are row preparing to join us from entering : into onr ranks . I bore , and without a murmur , the indiscretion and the folly of some members of the late Convention , and my reward was the payment of . £ 150 towards their expenses , and insults , contumely , and reproach in the House of Commons for every act of indiscretion .
Will yon just imagine men getting up at public meetings , in London , and announcing that they were prepared for battle ! You ' remember how Parson Stevens was prepared . How Peter Bnssey was prepared ; and you know what has become of these valiant heroes . ! Now suppose that I had placed the representatives of the working classes in the trammels of the law , without warning them of the fact , what amount of odium would I have been subjected to as the admitted legal adviser of the
leaders of our movement . I think I hear some one exclaiming— ' ' You must trample upon the law , ' but that is quite another question ; my duty is to instruct you in the law , and if advantage were taken of your position , and if the law punished you , although your intention might have been to trample upon it , yet , such is the caprice of public opinion , if the law triumphed , you would THEN hold : me respensible , and justly reproach me for not having defined the law .
I will now take the concluding parasraph of my letter , and show you the bearing of the whole subject ; it runs thus—In conclusion , then , what I have to implore of you , is to postpone vonr National Assembly , whose enthusiasm _ av be op . rated upon by spies , until you see the effect of this ntw combination of disappointed hope , when arrayed ngamst " an intolerant liberty-slaying government . You trtio have followed me so long , and whom I hare served so faithfully , will aot , I am convinced , for the gratification of any passion , refuse obedience to my advice , and should its following fail , then command . . - Now injustice to Mr Child and Mr Donovan , I must explain to you critically , and with , oat colouring , how they argued this point . They said that the conclusion drawn from the last
paragraph was , that I was opposed to the meeting of the National Assembly , presuming that I was aware that that body was to consist of more than forty-nine members , and that I should have warned the Convention of its iJlegallity before . In answer to this , I assured them , upon my word and honour , that I was not aware that the National Assembly was to consist of more than forty-nine members , until it was too late to apprise them ; and for this reason , that during the time that that question
was being debated , I was engaged day and night in the House of Commons opposing the Whig Treason Act . I told them that they must have been aware of the law , firstly—because all previous Conventions consisted of furty-uine members ; because , although most anxious for his admission , I opposed Mr McCarthy ' s taking a seat on the first day of our sitting , because it would , constitute the Convention an illegal body , —that I had told them that I could not present their petitioniu favour of Frost , "Williams , and Jones , if it were
signed by more than forty-nine members ; and I further told them , that Mr Hume had called the attention of the Government to the National Convention , and thafc * as long as that Convention was a legal body , I should be able to defy Mr Hume and the Government , but that the moment I lost that standing , then I was powerless . Theee explanations appeared t . satisfy . the
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missionaries that 1 had pointed out a distinction between the Convention and the National Assembly , whereas they had presumed that I was opposed to both the fact being that I am in favour of the Convention—the name by which we have always called our gatherings—as I am in favour of preserving the name of the Charter ; and you will find that one of the above paragraphs refers to the Convention , while the concluding paragraph refers to the National Assembly , and my
reasons for , at all events , POSTPONING the meeting of that body , and those reasons I shall presently give you . I must also state that , in answer to Child and Donovan , as to my knowledge that * the National Assembly was to consist of one hundred , that the first in timation I had was from Mr M'Grath , who told me that London was to elect eight delegates , and to which I replied— " Then what proportion will the rest of the country have , if it is only'to elect forty-one ? " and he then told me that 100 was to be the number .
Now , it will be borne in mind , that the Star is only published once a week , and that I could not , on the i 5 th , have published anything that I was not aware of on the 13 th ; and you must be aware that , during the previous days of that week , I was in a state of perpetual excitement , sitting in the House of Commons , day and night , when my bed would have been the fit place for me . . I now come to the two latter paragraphs of the above three ; and if the whole three are taken in connexion , you will find from the latter that my censure applies not at all to ths Convention , nor to words spoken in the Convention , but to speeches made by delegates at public meetings .
The same rule that I . have laid down for my own conduct , I am justified in applying to the conduct of others . 1 have said that I would be a dastard and ^ a hypocrite , if I were capable of using language out of the House , that I was afraid to use in the House ; and that my boast was that my language in the House was bolder than my language out of the House , andjl hold the man " m utter contempt , who was capable of holding one language in the Convention and another language out of the Conveation ; and what will you say to a delegate of that Convention , after having elicited ( he boundless cheers of an excited audience by an exciting speech , saying to another delegate of that Convention , on their way home , ' DID
YOU HEAR THE D D FOOLS , HOW THEY CHEERED ME >' ¦ Now this to me is most sickening and revolting . Then , as to the expense of the Convention ; for the legitimate purposes of the people , they are welcome to my all , as I told them ; but I confess that I was nettled and stung , when I heard that a professional GENTLEMAN from Edinburgh , would not return to his constituents until he got £ i of my money ; Hand Mr M'Grath when he informed me of it , did so with feelings of disgust .
Now , working men , having so far ingenuously and faithfully explained those points in my letter , and before I touch upon the question of the Nation , I will make a few running commen taries . In 1839 I made battle against the poor gentlemen in that Convention for seven long months , and as soon as our exchequer was exhausted , they took advantage of some violent speeches , delivered at a meeting at the Crown
and Anchor , Mr Sankey in the chair , to send in their resignation , and to abandon our movement , and many of them afterwards took refuge in corporations and other situations . Douglas , Salt , Hadley , Pearce , "Whittle , the Cobbetts , Dr Fletcher , and all that class except Dr M'Doual , were ready for battle when they received six guineas a week , but were the first to run away from the smoke ; while Tom Attwood , their leader on the presentation of the National Petition , contended that ONE
POUND NOTES WAS THE CHARTER . In announcing the late Convention to you , I asked you to elect none but those who would leave their work to perform yours , and who would return to their work when it was done . I have lived long enough to see and taste of the bitter fruits of the representation of the people by POOR GENTLEMEN , who are too proud to work , and too poor to live without labour . Who that does not remember my prediction as to the result of the ulterior measures proposed in the Convention of' 39 , and which struck a blow at Chartism that it did not recover till ' 42 , and of which I bore the lion ' s share for the folly of others 1
Had the Convention of ' 39 deliberated upon tke labour question , and had Attwood and the poor gentlemen remained true to their faith , the Charter would have become the law of the land , because the Convention might have propounded social results from free representation , which would have been worth living for and worth dying for ; but when the middle-clas 3 _ men left us , they were the first to hound the middleelass jurors upon as ; women were deprived of the . protectors of their families , and hence , until the social p rinciple enunciated in the Land Plan was proclaimed , not a wife who loved her children , and had an interest in the little freedom that her husband enjoyed , would allow that husband to attend a Chartist
meeting , while now I find that a majority of women constitute my audience . Itoid you in ' 39 that your rulers did not dread the threat of physical force ; andthat if praying with red night caps , was more likely , to carry the Charter , it would be more dreaded than " the cannon ' s roar , and would be made a penal crime by act of Parliament ; and if you will take the trouble of once more reading the concluding paragraph in my last letter , you will see that I ask you to postpone the National Assembly , until we have tested the virtue of the middle classes as to their proposed union , because they constitute the jury class , and the electoral body . '
Chartists , you must not , however , mistake me upon this question of fraternisation ; if we trust them they must confide in us ; an d however in our assaults upon the monstrosities of the present system we may aid them , yet I am determined , at the risk of life itself , to keep the noble army of Chartists as a distinct and separate body , acting as an auxiliary force upon al questions in which the majority concur , but still keeping
THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER AND NO SURRENDER ! upon our banners , and for this simple reason ; because if we abandon the Charter to day , every promised extension of the Suffrage would be buried in the same tomb upon the
morrow . Now , mark my predictions of Free Trade unaccompanied by popular representation . They cannot be denied . They are written a thousand times . I told you that the operatives would be the first to suffer ; next the shopkeepers and the trades ; that the manufacturers would find that they had CAUGHT A TARTAR ; that merchants and bankers would go ; that crowded bastiles and increased Poor Jates would be the farmer ' s share ; that he would next go ; then the Church ; then the landlords ; and last the system . I depicted what the state of Ireland would belaud I declared that Free Trade without the Charter meant revolution , and nothing less . §§\ ow , ifjou canDot jdeny that every one of
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my predictions , as to the Convention of' 39 , < ind the result of Free Trade in its progress has gone ; and if you cannot deny that my health , my time , my fortune , and my thoughts , have been one and all devoted to the cause of freedom , I have a right to demand your confidence , and offer you my counsel . Child and Donovan appeared to agree that forty-nine should be selected by ballot , from the number returned to tha National Assembly '; and a more wise and protective course could not be taken , as it would give the eause
of Labour a security in the wisdom of its friends ; and that Convention should deliberate calmly upon the whole labour question , as it affects all classes of society ; and preserving" to the letter the . principles of the CHARTER , it should , propound the social principle of individuality of possession and co-operation , of labour ; every freeman a National Guardsman , armed by the Government , placed in his own sentry-box in the centre of his own labour field , surrounded by his own family , and ready to die in defence of his own
rights-Chartists , you cannot be impressed with my feelings . I ^ feel that if you are not prudent , cautious , and braye , not-the middle * classes , but their leaders will juggle you . Have you forgotten my letter upon the Prussian revolution , when the reforming despot exchanged the Prussian plume for tbe peacock ' s tail of Germany ? Did I not tell you that he would gull the working men who gained the revolution
by continuous excitement , until he had so augmented his' physical forces as to enable him to set the victors at defiance ? Well , he has established . a national guard of shopkeepers and traders , for the purpose , as he states , of . resisting the demands of the working classes , while he has invaded the dominions of the Sing of Denmark , the only monarch in Europe who concede ' da free constitution to his people without violence or even threat .
. Chartists , a matter of paramount importance to us is the character of the Parliamentary Leader of this new middle class move ; and I confess to you candidly , and especially , since his'invitation to the Government to put down the Convention , and from his letter to the Leeds Times , that I have neither faith nor confidence in Mr Hume . He is a rank political economist , and is one of the Fitzwilliam school , who believes tribulation and woe is the lot of the poor here below . I would have much more confidence in the leadership of Richard Cobden , and so would the working classes . However ,
come of it what may , there is this certain result from the present poverty , that the trades are now with us to a man—that ninettenths of the shopkeepers , who are jurors , are with usthat the wife ofevery working man in England is with us—that the young blood of England is flocking around ' us , while the rotten trunk of corruption only relies for its preservation upon the last'blow , the hulk , and the dungeon . Now , my friends , when we have such an augmentation of force , shall we surrender the proud and vantage ground which we have held against such fearful odds '
Let the Convention meet—and , in plain and simple language , convince the working classes that -the Church property belongs to the flock and not to the shepherds , and that that alone would locate one million of families in a free castle , surrounded by four acres of ground , and give to each £ 50 in capital , thus taking five millions of people from the artificial labour market , thereby establishing the standard of wages in that market , by the united interest of the employer and the employed , instead of by a pauper competitive reserve .
Let the manufacturers understand that they would constitute a surer , a better , a safer , and a richer colony than they can find in China or India . Let the landlords understand that they will require less poor-rates . Let the shopkeepers understand that they will be better customers . Let the trades understand that they will be better employers . Let the artificial labourers understand that they will be better producers . Let the parsons understand that they will be better Christians ; the lawyers , that they will be worse customers . The government , that they will be better tax-payers . The Queen , that they will be better subjects ; and themselves , that they will be freemen ,
The rent of those four million acres , the ouefifteenth part of the land of the country , would supply a revenue larger than any government could require ; and under those provisions I would undertake to set every man in England to profitable work ; and herein , Chartists , consists the superiority of our movement over any other that the world ever heard of . « 1 wouldn't give you a straw for any political change if we were not prepared with our social reform ; and upon the acquisition of this political change and social reform , I have fixed my every thought , and for the accomplishment I would risk my life agafnst fearful odds .
Remember Napoleon ' s character of Murat ; he said , "MARSHAL , YOU ARE A WOMAN IN THE CABINET , BUT A LION IN THE FIELD . " I now turn to the last point of consideration , namely , my comment upon the Nation . Now is there a Chartist who reads the Northern Star who has forgotten Mr Duffa . v ' a letter . -and my answer to it , within ¦ these two months , wherein he charged the Chartists with violence , and the folly
and injustice of running upon the Banks , and having cited a few rare instances of good landlords and aristocrats in Ireland , he showed that it was folly ia the people to attempt to . gain anything without a union ' with those parties ? and is ; it not notorious as the sun at noonday that ; until spurred by the brave and magnanimous Mitchel—of whom I thinkbyday . and by . night-rrthat every- Irishman in England was giving up the Nation , and _ passing resolutions as strong condemnation ' against it' ?
Well then , was I not justified in my censure , and where is the man who has done mare , or who is prepared to do more , to form an alliance' between the English Chartists and the Irish Repealers .. than I have ? or where is the Irishman who would go further to rid his country of despotism ? Have I not told the English people a thousand times , that Jf I could prevent it they never should have their , liberty till Irishmen had theirs ? and I wish I was not provoked to write upon the subject of Ireland , as the very thought of her condition makes my blood boil and deprives me of reason ; but this II sav , that I would rather be found slain amongst the vanquished in the struggle for liberty , than he found living in the ranks of the conqueror . I must really hold my pen , for it swells so , that it reminds me of 1 don't know what .
Irishmen are not made of that selfish or ungenerous stuff that would tolerate years of abuse of me and my party , and then be over nice in censuring me for defending myself . In conclusion , I have only to add , that I regret that any misconstruction should have been put upon my letter of the 22 nd , assuring you , that in spite of Gagging Bills , of danger , persecution , or death , you will always find me foremost in the Chartist ranks , holding to my
motto" Onward and va cosqaer , Backward and we fall ' . ' THE PEOPLE'S CHAETEB , AND If 0 SURRENDER ] And if the sacrifice of life must be the offering to prove my devotion , I beg leave to assure you , that while the ginger-beer poppers have been faring very luxuriantly and sleeping comfortably , that 1 have been suffering pain , debility , and exhaustion , to which I have heretofore been a stranger ; and that
there may be uq mistake between us any longer , I am for a Convention of purely working men I am for that Convention consisting of forty-nine ; I am for calling it the Convention , rs we call the Charter the Charter ; I am for that Convention propounding a code of social laws , not forgetting our political rights ; and I am for waiting to see how far the combination of shopkeepers , trades , and Irish Repealers , led by their legitimate leaders , and how far liberals and free traders in the House
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of Commons vill go with the people ; but I am not for placing myself in the situation of being spurned ar ^^ Jed for withholrittg iny adyicft j \ And nowt ^ pj ^][; esteeaias , credttabj ^ jb ' lmjl ; . self , and '"• what ''' will ' ; be satisfafitoiy ^ io -the Chartist body , is thafe I s" regretWahy * taisconstruetion that-was ¦ jplacefi ^^ ^ -: je . ^ ii ] f ;^ f . 22 nd , and assuring you tfiaJfc tatajifl ^ t oaVe ever been , and ever will be , \ - ' : "' ¦; : Your sincere , your affectionate and '' deWteS Friend , and uncompromising arid uripur * chaseable Representative / . ¦ : ;; - FEARGUS ; d'CONkjR .
P . S . liiaye just received av % ' striking instance of popular-regard . By a letter from Halifax I learn that ray absence from the Ift'csfc . lUditi ^ taeeting , on Good Vn $ f , gave . great , diisa ^ 5 jfaQtioti .- "'' : ¦¦ On Wednesday I was itttBe'iHpuse of Commons from twelva- ' o ' cloct to sLti :: W Thursday I was engaged atthe Northern .-SfrAifc OjSjc ' e , till . twelve at night . Oh Friday morning ¦ I ; started for Manchester , torfulft ' art ' enl ^ e ^ fteh ' fc-of' two months * standing . Notf ,. jupp 6 > e . ; . 'thaf I | ' > liad , attended the meeting at , ( Jialtfa * , I shoulfobave-travelled allthe Thursday , njsht , which-1-am not just now prepared to do , norMlldoi . after ^ tne ^ Sut . door-meetinff I
shouldhav ^ gonetoj Manchfesteri where , according to originttfrarrangemsnt ^ . fea'f'pjfri y ' iVas % '' fake place at five o ' clock ,, and then I should have left Manchester at six o ' clock on . Saturday morning , as I did do , to be irt the House of . Commons at two o ' clock on that day . So much for popular consideration , and I think I have a right to say , ' Saveme from my friends . But it appears that the Secretary of the meeting did aot read my letter written some days before , stating the utter impossibility of my attending the West Riding Meeting and the Manchester Tea-party on the same day . . ' ' ' . ' . ¦ " ¦ ¦'
But , I have ne consolation to believe and know that you—the fustian jackets , the blistered hands , and unshorn ehins—would rather spare me for a day than lose me for ever , as I am your servant . P . O'C .
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My Fribnds , —I now steal a moment from the bustle of polities to give you some information as to \ our fate ; Tbe weather for the last three months has been one incesaant down-pour , which naturally ob _ structsd our operations here , but now the season has become more genial ; I shall commence pleating your potatoes and cabbages , and Bowing turnips , and other things next week , and I think when you « ee the paradise that I have prepared for you , job will say that ray time has not been mis-spentye ' Yen ia the excitement of politics ; and if you would ask t ^ o
or three of the drunken editors of the Dispatch to accompany you here , I think the sight would eves convert them . Had it not been for the rain , yon woald have been located here about the middle of May ; a pleasure , however , which you will have on tbe second Monday in June , when you will sec your crops growing , and your houses well aired ; but believe me that it was no joke , in the wettest season ever remembered , to draw brick * and stonga four miles for eighty-six houses , and making roads ; sand , five miles ; lime , two miles ; and timber nnd slate , seven miles ; however , by that time all will be doae , and yea will be happy . Faithfully yours , Feargus O'Connor .
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AGGREGATE MEETING OF THE TRADES OF LONDON . ADOPTION OF THE PEOPLE S CHARTER . AND "REPEAL . " On Wednesday evening , a meeting of the trades of the Metropolis-took place at the National Hall , High Holborn , to receive the report ofacommitteo of delegates appointed at a former meeting , to © out sider and report on tke destitute condition of the London trades , aa also to define the causes whioh have led . to that destitution , and to state the remedies considered necessary for its removal . ' The halljwas densely crowded . Shortly after eight o ' clock the ohair wa 3 taken by Mr E , Edwards , president of the delegates .
Tha Chairman briefly stated the object of the meeting , as above , and said that they were also met to exercise the constitutional right of petitioning the legislature . Tha conveners of this meeting loved the motto of ' Peace , law , and order , ' knowing that anything which' interrupted the natural flow of capital tended to throw workmen out of employment . Thia movement had originated in a conviction t hat deep and widespread distress exiated amoneat tho industrious population of Londsn . Out ef 200 , 000 workmon , one-third were wholly unemployed , another third had only casual employment , and the remainder were in work , but received , in many cases , greatly reduced wage 3 . ( Hear , hear . ) In the proviuoea things were still worae . Why wasthi 3 ?
Alen were willing to work ; they despised pauper aid ; but they were unavoidably idle . ( Hear . ) The oomtaittea had sought for the causes of this stataof things , and believed they had hit on some of the principal ones . First was the monopoly of land , which ought to belong to all ; the want of political power was another potent cause , for the denial of their rights to the working olaases wa « rno 3 fc detrimental to their interests . Another evil was the fixed , price of gold , while all other commodities fluctuated in value ; - Prison labour competed with many branches of industry : mats , and articles formed of tin , were actually sold from the prisons « at a less price than the materials cost the manufacturers ,
while the nation had to pay £ 40 per head per anuum for tke maintenance of prisoners . ( Hear , hear . ) The amount ef labour now dormant was so great as to be equivalent in value to a million sterling a day . Another serious grievance was the introduction of foreign manufactures at a lower nominal rate of duty . To remedy this evil the committee ' had suggested tho establishment ' of ' a labour ' protection boarJ , the members , elected by the working classes , to have seats in tho legislature , and the president to be a member of the cabinet' ( Hear , hear . ) As a workman , he was convinced Shat the ' workmen could obtain , all they desired by argument . and constitutional means alone . ...,
The Chairman then read the report . The following are the principal portions : — ' ¦ From all the infbriiiiition submitted to your committee it appears thaftbo number ef artisans and mechanics ( that is , persans working at trades ) , at present in London , amounts to at least 200 , 000 men . And from the statistics furnished by the delegates these 200 , 000 men may be said to . be situate as follows : —One-third em . ployed ; but many of them at wages whollj inadequate to obtain fur themselves and'families a sufficient supply of tho necessaries of Ufa . Tho next third ars alout half employed ; and vast numbers of this division ore euffiringfrom ^ reatpriTationa , and obliged to dispose of thoir el-jthes and furniture , in the hopo : of being able to avoid absolute pauporism . The remaining ihird are entirely out of werk , and have been so- for soverai months
past ; of this third it may be truly said , thnt whilst some are now living apau credit , after having diapered of thsir effects , thousands are obliged toaceept , as a last resource , tha hateful badge of unwilliug pauperism within the walls of union workhousea . Such , your comm . tteo say , is but a faint though decleire description of the actual state of tbe London trades ia March , 1848 . The onuses whioh have , step by step , originated tbie amount of misery are , in-the opinion of your committee —1 , The . usurpation and possession of land , which , being the gift of the Almighty , aa the means from which man was . to obtain subsistence , should alnajs be held in oaorod trust for the benefit of tho people at large . 2 . The usurpation of political power to make laws that govern tho masses , thus une&franchieing and politically degrading tha productive classes . 3 , The ficed price of gold aa the mediaoi of exohango . 4 . Competition with borne machinery , and the introduction of foreign mnnufceturas , combined with felon and rrorkhouso labour supposed
by publia and parochial funds , 5 . The monopolies and protection whioh government maintains and affords to allits employes in otate and church . 6 , The oruel and reoklesj neglect of the legislature not making tho required arrangements ; first , te usefully employ the destitute ; and secondly , to properly educate the ignorant . To commence tho inevitnblo ohango nosded in the ending system of affairs and thoir management ^ jour commutes reooinmsnd the following resolutions , as forming a foundation of prinoiple * whereon to construct , uithcr at once or ultimately , tho measures for tbe amelioration and better protection of the labouring classes : —1 , That as skill and labour ore admitted by all to be tbe prisasry agents in tho production of capital , it follows as a cansequanca that the compulsory idleness in wliich a large portion of tho industrious classao are kept is an unbearable evil to themselves ttlarulingto the peaceable and well-disposed , ruinous to the national roaourcos , and , if aot speedily remedied , mujt lend to
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crime end anarchy . 2 . That It Is a primary inty o ! the government to introduce measures that will immotiiatoly secure employment and ednoation for all who re-\ iMke them , with » guaranteed safflplency of the neceskavles end comforts of life to each . 3 . That , as great Britain and Ireland contain a superabundance of land knd other materials , & 9 well as skill and capital , to profitably employ and comfortably oupport several times tho Drseentnumbor of the population , tbe government should { nfrdd ' iiaS . ft bill establishing ao'f . supportlsg home colo . nlss , Yf hef oln tfee surplus labour of the country might be employed * and tho social condltioa of tho workers per . ttsnfliitly improved ; 4 . That for tho just protection of the rights of labour , a ' labour . protecting board' be os . tubliehed , tbe members of which shall be elected by the working classes , and , in virtue of their appointment , bo entitled each to a seat In the Honae of Commons—the
president being a member of the cabiset—as the ropre . sentdtires of Inboar and tha guardians of its rights . Ci That tbe trades of London should respectfully bnt firmly demand of the legislature to extend the elective franchise to every man of t ? 7 onty-pne years of age . of oound mind , and unoontamin&ted by crime , 6 , That taxation cherrta be equalised , by substltutlngfor all other tares , no matter their character , & graduated property tax . ' 7 . That u currency be Issued by the government , based on the credit of the nation , and equal to tho wealth offered for esohange . 8 . That a measure should bo passad to protect the labouring clatsca from tbe esistlsg onequal system of competition from foraiun msnufaoturerB and felon and workhouse labour , eaoh trade being called upon to determine what amount of work would constitute a fair daj'slabour , and the lav ? affixing upon that amount a fair remuneration .
In conclusion , your committee bavo to stato that , from all reports which have reached them , the trades of Lon . don are formed of men of peace , who wish to maintain order . Y ? t they cannot conceal the faot that there is , in the progress of every nation , a crisis which must either tend to the prosperity and happiness of tho people , or cause anarchy and decay , That Great Britain Is now approaching that crisis ; and , in order to produce theprosperlty wanted , political rights must be conceded , social degradation removed , tho organisation of labour firmly established , and , os far as possible , a fall meaaura of justice guaranteed to all .
. Mr A . Campbelii moved the adoption of a petition to the legislature , founded on the report . He expressed bis cunvJoUoH that the present was ' the beainainR of the end / and esid it behoYed every ene seriously to reflect on the present alarming aspect of affairs , which indicated misgovernment to a sad extent . It was . moBBtreus to talk of the : population pressing on the means of existence ; the country , cultivated asit might be with our present knowledge of agriculture , waa capable of sustaining 100 millions of inhabitants . Wfeat was warned vm a reorg&niflntion pf capital , labnw . and tfcill , so as to ensure full employment and sufficient w&gea to all . ( Hear , hear . ) Whatever the composition of the government—Whig , Tory , or Chartist—peace could not begmainJaineo without a reorganisation of our institutions . ( Cheers . )
Seeing the numbers who were piBin / j away , and fast approaching that point at which it became more painful to live than die . the greatest wonder to him was . that the people were 89 juiet . ( Cheers . ) He hoped they would continue quiet , but firm , that was the best and shortest way of gaining their end . ( A voice , ' The Charter . ' ) It was well for them to . consider wbat they most needed , and he thought this waa the right to live comfortably by their labour , and the power to educate , theirchi . ldren ., .. ( Cheers . ) The working millions sbuelit no interferepce with property ; let those who had wealth keep it ; but let the millions have the power of creating wealth for themselves . ( Hear . ) Tbe land , the birthright of tho people , ought to be the common property of all ; but they soucht not to take it by violence or frand .
Instifutions must be changed ; t , ho progress of the human mind demanded it : pnd nothing abort of a miracle could prevent that change . He exhorted the operatives to do away with all aristocratic feelings among themselves , whereby those who were the best paid were sometimes led to look slightingly on their less fortunate brethren . ( Hoar . ) Let them seek to elevate labour by union , firmness , and a high roora feeling , and to convince allclasses that without labour capital was valueless . If capitalists chose , let them leave the country , and take , their capital with them ; ttay could not take the Iandi nor the muscular arms of tho working classes . It was only by doing justice to these classes that her Majesty ' s , crewn and government could be maiatained in security . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr Holmes seconded tho adoption of the petition ,
and said the trades had ample power , if they chose to employ it , to work out their own amelioration . If properly united , they could paralyse the government whenever they thought proper , without any resort to force , which he , for one , would sooner em . p ' oy than go through such another winter as the la < t . Sooner than be reduced to the state of their brethren in Ireland , he thought it would be better to risk their lives against the sword . ( Loud cheers . ) Petitions like the one now proposed had already been adopted in Manchester and other towns : and surely government would not turn a doaf aar to tho general demand of a united people . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr Churchill then moved an amendment . He saifl , although there were trades , there was little difference between them and their brethren , sickin ?
their freedom from political thraldom . Mr Churohill here paid a hiijh tribute of respect to the working classes of England , for the support they had given to their continental brethren , and censured the press for its manifold misrepresentations-of ^ labour ; charged the Whig government with possesBing a desire to embroil thi 3 country in war , but it waa the duty of the people to say ¦ ' Stop , you are our servants no more . ' ( Great cheering ) Mr Churchill paid a tribute to the authors of the re port and defied the flonse of Commons to produce ono to equal it . ( Loud chears . ) The provisional government of France had already adopted several of their
suggestions . Government had hitherto set c ' . aas against class—acting upon themotta ' Divide and conquer . ' , ( Hear , hear . ) And he wished them to avoid this . Well , others had asked right " , not aa to end all and be aH , but eimply as a means to an end . He sincerely called on them to adopt the amendment he was about to propose . He then read the other fire points of the Charter in addition to tfce clause embracing Universal Suffrage , and added Repeal of the Union . The amendment was received with tremendous cheering . He concluded by stating that they would be a by word for ever and ever if they did not now obtain their rights . ( Cheering . )
Mr John Skhlton , ( shoemaker ) said , he seconded the amendment . It wenld not interfere with the subjeot matter of the petition , and would be an improvement on it . Trades , hitherto stood idle , and allowed their fellow men , to be starved outot existence . ( Loud cheers . ) It . was their duty to sympn . thise with their brethren in Ireland ; and not allow them to be thrust out of existence either by starvation or by . the law . ( Cheers . ) Mr M'SwBENY said a'few words in opposition to what . had fallen from Mr Skelton . . Mr Reynolds said , he could not agree to the amendment . If they took ia a similar petition to that taken in a fortnight since , they would hi treated in the same manner . They would all be willing at a proper time to aid them for the Charter . ( Loudcheera . ) Mr Vernon Baid , It had b 9 en asserted the Chartists wished to . create disunion . Now he declared
that . the object of every good Chartist was at the present moment to causa union and fraternisation amongst all classes of the industrious orders ( Great cheering . ) . He said if they adopted the amendment , puch a union ' would be cemented as even the Emperor of Russia could not put down , ( Loud cheers . ) Mr Mant 2 said a few words in favour of the amendment . Mr Essery , ( tailor ) , opposed the amendment . Mr A . Campbell said a few words in reply , and said the mover , seconder , and supporters of the amendment had agreed with them so far aa they went ; thus far they were all agreed—with the little addition to that ; ho would say their report had been discussed at a delegate meeting , and by them agreed to , they not being wishful to go into details .
The Chaibman then put the question , and the amendment was carried by a very large majority ( only a few hands being held up against it ) , amidst the most enthusiastic cheering , Mr Robjon , ( shoemaker ) , said they had done their duty , they submitted their report ; the meeting had been pleased to add the other pointB of the Charter , and as ono of a committee of trades , at the head of a body comprising sixty thousand men , he could declare eolemnlyttiere were not twelve of Uicjn but were in favour of the Charter . ( Great applause ) And further , ha would say that a t the present time , it was impossible to call a public mteeting of the trades fairly and openly , but the majority , a very large majority , would be found in favour of those principles they had embodied and carried in their amendment . ( Great cheering ;) Ic was ultimately resolved that the Committee of Metropolitan Trades , . should take measures fco present tha ' petition just adopted . '
, Mr Isaac Wilsom mored : — ' That steps bs taken for organising the metropolitan trades , in common with the other trades of the country , ia favour of tho principles contained ia their report . ' Seconded &nd carried unanimously , A vote ef thanks was then given by acclamation to Mr Edwards , tke chairman * Mho . in . acknowledge
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MARYLBBONB . — . On ¦ . &terf > jp ;»«»*|* sf ^ vl veetry took pleco at toa -Co \ jr ^ &saej ^ ^^ f& ^ pQw considering anaddretg , vrtilei } haa / . bW ^ i ^' w ^/ SJjp" ? presentation to the QaeBni ^ A ^ % iift ^ lf ^ * ? W tf 09 apprthmuBu dinturbaaescoai 9 $ u ^ V «^ th $ ¦ fl haptot . ata monstration . ¦¦ ¦ . * . , . ' ¦; > The Rit . Dr Spry , nfitlHg bfiea called , to tha chair , ' Mr Joseph said , in t&oabjoBOBofhiBfrised , Mr Joha WillUms , M . P ., who hafl been compelled to go int&
Wales , ho would more tho following ad < Jrea » 'to tntl Queen : — . 'Mny itpleaBeyour Majeflty , ' We , your Msj « 6 t >'» faithful subjects , the vestrymen of the parish of St Marylepone ; hnjs ' Wy Deg to offer to your Majesty the ossuranceD of . our loyal attachment to your Mojmty ' a person and oroVvir , and while fro venture to ex » press to yoor Majesty tlii > WfioW With tffelfih « 6 hftVG seen tbe ottempta Jat * ly wait , of thteiitiiiai il > bStdaiif In several pano of your mjettft < tonihi } dpai io attain . ' certain objects by m .. aug calculatedtoMjititt ) 'th $ p 6 io& , Mti security of the couai'ry afi < &g& , / yiiiolitfiniipUjSjfO .: ourselves to your Majeafcy , and to ^ aeh , , oth « p , . io do ml that lies in our power , each of n » Is our own station , to assist tho authorities under ybttr * MejfisJy ' fin ^ i ' oteetbig ' ths Ikes and property ef our felio . w ^ s'ijQ ect ^ , ;; afidlo .-, , maintaining tha dignity of yoW M 6 J 4 ^ S * Cc *^ J '« V ° t ?;) the ftuthotUy of tba laws , trusting toj ^ i Mftjistj . find .. . the wisdom of Parliament to recess assifcaV grievance
undor which any portion of ytrarMsjeitj ' fl sab ^ lotBiaoy be at present labouring . '' ' ¦ : ' ' , ¦¦ ¦ :: >• ; " ¦ ' v - J '; ; h ( . Mr Wt WiLinas , l ^ M ^ i f ^ Q ^ v ^ t / j ^ bSt .-: could not concur in the . lEftter ^^( . ' pf ^ tfYs apssStyi which tended to eipre »» a corifi j £ t 5 as ;{^ tt ) . ' iS ^ pvjra' ^ aea ? and in th » urgent Parllaraspt , 'Kim ' , ] 3 e mfMt , i ^^ 9 n ?¦ that he bad n > co&fldence wli 4 teT 6 ?; ia ! tlther ,-, ' iHftl& . < liof « d that he wm tolling the teath . whenhaflsaerted . lii ? ..: ! cenyictlon , that the country ab % jg £ ^| iaie ^ cat confidence either . -in ths , ^^ f ^ 4 isf ^^^ W : ^ . sik : & liement . ' . , * . j . ~ . . ¦ : Mr Stanford rose to order—be considered ths latter * statement of . Mr Williams perfectly ridiculous .
Mr WnuiMj contended that he w& 9 perfectly in ord « r « No man waa more desirous than ho was to give oxprei * sioa to his loyalty nnd attachment to the Sovereign , but no would not submit that such expression should be coupled with an implied confidence in the present Commons Eoudg of Parliament , or in the present government . He could not look forward with any hope that , by suck a Parliament , the grievances under which ths people of thia country laboured , aad of which they so justly com * plained , would be redressed . Having such a feeling , he would suggest that the last paragraph of tbe address should ha struck out .
Mr Sodkh felt disposed to support the views of tho boo . member , Mr Williams . He believed that it was admitted on oil haude , and even in that vestry , that the government bad not the confidence , of the people at large . He t > eggefl to Bay that the leeling whleh wsb exhibited on Monday wetk throughout the metropolis was no feeling in favour of the government ; Every one , although they were '« worn in es'special constables ^ was of opi . nton tbat . tho people were . ' suffering great evil from & bad government and bad legislation , -and that a great and sweeping remedy was immediately neoessary . Mr NlCHOtiAY moved . BJI «» n . n »*> i «» 4 i » nmt , 'tlia ' t tUOIBK pansgraptt , Trusting Jo your Majesty and the wisdom of Parliament to redress any real grievance * under which nny portion of your Majesty ' s subjeots may bo at present laboaring , ' should bo withdrawn , . . After aoma discussion , the question was pat , and ibo amendment decUred to be Io 3 t , and on . the original question being put ,
Mr W . Williams expressed his intention of moving another amendment . There was a portion of the oddreBS which spoke of ' attempts lately made , or threatened to bo made , in neveral parts ef h « r Majesty ' s dominions , calculated to disturb the pesos and security of the country at large . Now , he thought if tho ; went to the foot of the Throne with an address , oare should be taken that such an address contained nothing bnt that which was strictly true . Well , then , he ( ilr WilHatas ) be . lieved that there was no attempt in . any part of her Majesty's dominions to do what , this address insinuated .
If there was any alarm created in the public mind , it had been created by the government thsraBelvos and their emiEBarieo , to enable them to carry suoh a bill as that called the ( ragging Bill aad other coercive measures , to prevent the people from giving any public expression of their opinions and feelings as to the conduct of the govttnment . He belieTed there never had been any real ground of alarm , and he defied Mr Joseph , or anr one else , to prove thnt aucU was the case . He therefore thought that the words he had quoted should be struck oaf . Subioqucntly the amendment was withdrawn , and the proceedings terminated * -
DONOASTER , Satdbdat . —A meeting of liberal electors was htld hero Hst night , for tho purpose of taking part in a movement which has lately sprung up in the largo towns of the West Riding , the objects of which , are to express approval of the publio conduct of Mr Cobdan , and to adopt some efficient mode of uniting tho mid lie and working classes , for the procuring aa Extension of tbe Suffrage and other political privileges . The chair was tak » n by William Cliadwick , Esq , of Arksey ^ aear Dtncaster , anextensivelaadedpropiietor . Amsagst the resolutions adopted was the following : —
' That 'he meeting , being deeply impressed with the necessity Tor further reform , recommends tho forming of an associstioa , having in view ths union of the uiiddla and working classes , tha otj . ct of which should fas the Extanalon of the Suffrage and other important reform ' s . ' Ia moving this resolution , the speaker B&id the principles on which tbe middle and working classes hed now set their mind were those advocated in the People ' s Charter . ( Hear . ) A oommittoe was thon appointed , consistlngof electors and working men , to carry out the objects in view . REFORM MEETING IN EDINBURGn . —On Friday night last a public meeting was held iti the Waterloo Rooms , Edinburgh , iu favour of the enfranchisement of ths working classes , the reduction of the national expenditure , and equalisatisn cf taxation ; and in suppert of tho movoinent Jateiy sst in operation by MesGrs Hume , Cobden , and Bright , The meeting originated in a requi . sition signed by 220 electors .
On tbe motion of Convener Copelaxd , Professor Dick was called to the chair . The Rev Mr Uobsbtbon ( Independent ) moved the first rosolutlon , which was to the effect that tho people of this country wero a politically proscribed and au unjustly dogr&dod class , and that the time had now coino when partial representation snd class-Iegislutiou must cease , and that the representation , ef the people of this nation most be full , fair , and free . Mr Inhss , paper-ruler , proposed the saoond n solution , which referred to the hopelessness of getting a complete and fair representation of the people by un act of the preient House of Commons , under tbe direction und control of the existing Ministry ; and , therefore , that a moinorlal be presented to her Majesty to dismiss her present ministers , and to call to her councils such men as have gcqaired the confidence of the nation .
Mr John STEWAftT , papier . machie-maaufacLuror , prsposed tho tbird resolution , which regarded with feelings of hope the groat movement now organising under the leadership of Joseph Hume , Richard Cobden , John Bright , and : o \ h ' er Reformers of the House of CetniuonB , for the enfranchisement of the people , and the reduction of the natiounl expenditure ; and pledged the tr . ifitinjto strengthen their hands by every c « nstitational > means which could be made available to that great end , ( Cheers , ) ; . ¦ '• Mr Menzibs moved tlie fourth resolution , approving of the proposal for forming a People ' s League , to eifect a union of tho working and middlo classes , and to combiae all true Reformers in one united and peaceful movement . . The resolutions were all carried by acolfimation . as wfiB also a petition to Parliament in accordance , and the meeting quiotly separated .
STIRLING . —A requisition , 6 igned by about a hundred electors , was sent to the Provost of Stirling , to call b public meeting to petition for Complete Suffrage ; bnt tho request was declined . The requisiUoalsts then passed ilia following resolutions : — ' 1 . That being deeply impressed with a conviction of the evlia arising from class legislation , and tho suffering thereby inflicted upon our industrious feilow subjects , this me : ting emphatically affirms that a lnrgo majority of the paople of tbia country ore u » jast ) y excluded from that full , fair , and free exercisa of the elective iranchise to wliich they aro entitled by the groat principle of Christian equity , uad evtn also by the British
constitution ; for agreeabl y to Jud ge Blackstoao ' a Comraentarien — 'No subject of England can be constrained to pay any aid or taxes , even for the realm or the snpport of the government , but such as sro imposed by his own consent , or that of his representative in parliament . '—2 . That tbis meeting repudiates every other means to obtain the oomplete enfranchisement of . the people thnn those of a peaceful character . Any other than tfeose which appeal to the moral , religious , and intclleotnal sense of men , it unequivovaUy condemns . —3 . Tbat a petition , praying for tbe complete enfranchisement . of the male adult population of tho United Kingdom , bo drawn up , and signed by tho inhabitants of Stirling , and entrusted to J . B , Sinltb , Esq ., M . P .
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Sowbhbt Helm . —A district camp meeting will be hold to-morrow , hi this place , at two o ' clock in the afternoon , when Messrs Taylor , Rushton , Shacklefcan , and others , aro expected to address the meetisg . A district delegate meeting will be held at the Asisoia ' tion-rocnvSowerby Ilelrn , at eleven o ' clock in the forenoon , when each locality in tho diatriofc is re quested to send a delegate . All communications to be addressed to Joseph Riley , secretary , No . 6 , Bankstreet , Cross-SeW , Halifax . South London . — -A great meeting vtrs he'd near the Brirhlnyere' Arro-Vn Friday afternoon , when Messrs Wheeler and Basset !; were elected delegates to the Assembly . Plym -t cu . —Mr Moorcombe , of Deronport , has been eleoted delegate , BiaMiNGiuit , —Two delegates were elected bu . 5 we aw not iu . possession of their namea ,
Totfle Members To Be Located On Snig's End.
TOTflE MEMBERS TO BE LOCATED ON SNIG'S END .
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ins tke tribute of * * WtiMf $ HfM $ ? & of the trade delegate ?; M' ^ -iSfe ^ WSSS ? J eWon would be ior ^ fp ^^ S ties and its principles : Ms m ^ tM ^ -J ^ ^ ohcers . ) This most croiT ^ : aod e ^ ttBKetio meeting waa then dlesolyed . ;' --: * :: T ™^? 'Z' % S : ' . .. j
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TTfaea men fiatler , sigh , tad Itsfolsh , . Think tfcta fslse ; I found tkca to .
$O The Fustian Jackets, The Blistered Hands, And Unshosn Chins.
$ O THE FUSTIAN JACKETS , THE BLISTERED HANDS , AND UNSHOSN CHINS .
'Itr1tt" K T"'T I. ¦ -.', ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ..• • ¦« Middle Classp^Ii$£""- ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦; 1 . F ¦ . V , . M ≪«.»¦¦ V It ¦ *'. '. '' - ¦ -• ¦ '"
' iTr 1 TT " T "' T i . ¦ -. ' , ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ .. • ¦« MIDDLE CLASSp ^ ii $£ " " - ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦; 1 f ¦ . v , . m <« . »¦¦ v it ¦ *' ' . ' ' - ¦ - ¦ '"
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/ . - yifc ^ U ^? w ^^ ca ! . t ' ¦
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" S « ! l ^^ VOL- XI . No 549- LONDON , SATURDAY , APRIL ; 19718487 ^^^ Sg £ ^ ar .,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 29, 1848, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1468/page/1/
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