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Sawtrf, tsi we eeigMr! SKfcvtrduiira&U! 1KB PZ0PL51 CHARTHR 4.KD KO 5URSEHDSS
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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TO THE OLD GUARDS . Friends , Comrades , Brothers , Last week I felt invigorated and strong , because I was unjustly persecuted . This ? reek I feel oppressed and overcome by your kindness , yoss" confidence , your protection , and love . I "firaited for your response to my accusers , because , though conscious of ray own innocence , I was nervous and excited until your judgment should have affirmed my convictions . How truly I have said that the people are seldom ¦ wrong , and never very long wrong ; and henceforth , what sustenance , comfort , and support the virtuous and honest must , though afflicted , derive from the tribunal of public justice .
Old Guards , mine has been no ordinary career , and my task has been one of no ordinary difficulty—nay , of no ordinary peril—as he who undertakes to dethrone licentiousness , and establish the supremacy of industry , will be beset by the malice of the strong , and the art of the cunning , who are ever at the command of the privileged and wealthy . I look , with no small amount of interest , to the day when I shall see you assembled around me , proclaiming Labour ' s victory , and the downfall of tyranny : when we shall talk over our many battles , fought in the cause of Freedom , and laugh to scorn the puny efforts ef the tvrant .
It is not my intention to rub old sores , er * o fret those which are yet green ; but if my character is of value—as you seem to think it—it would have been destroyed had I submitted to the despotism and domination of those whose object was mydestructien ; and now , that your courage and confidence have sustained me through a struggle , which no pablic man has ever had to contend aaainst , and emboldened by your reiterated confidence , I shall again venture to map out the policy by which our movement should be governed .
Old Guards , when I opened my commission st Stockport , in 1835 , 1 told you that my duty was to marshal the public mind for the day of auction , when Russell and Peel would bid for it , according to the value that courage , union , and resolution would stamp upon it ; and I told you that 1 would knoek down that Public Will to the bidder who would offer Annual Parliaments , Universal Suffrage , Vote by Ballot , Equal Electoral Districts , No Property Qualification , and Payment of Members ; and , having been party to several agitations in Ireland , and being acquainted with the constitution and feeling of the House of Commons , I
warned you that , as we approached the goal of victory , the middle classes—accustomed to use the people for their own purposes—would baulk us of our triumph if we were not watchful and resolute . In the outset of every movement they are seductive , caressing , and kind ; but whea the strength of the people is unconditionally surrendered , they are tyrannical , oppressive , and harsh . For , believe me , that if economists were to write 10 , 000 volumes , the whole would never erase from my mind the fact , that so long as Capital legislates for Labour , so long will the Labourer be the slave of the capitalists .
Old Guards , cast a glance at the odium I have encountered from the commencement of the Free Trade agitation , for propounding these doctrines , and let it confirm you in the belief , that if I were now weakened by the withdrawal of your confideuce , I should be again sacrificed to middle class tyranny . In what has the failure of Free Trade altered the propensities , the desires , and the anticipations of the party ? Had it succeeded to their utmost expectations , as far as regards their own profits , would your poverty and disappointment ever have induced them to fraternise with you for an extension of your rights , or for the remission o £ vouv burthens ? On the contrary , has not class after class been shifting the hnrdens of taxation from their own shoulders
to yours , until the dried pap has failed to give sustenance to the luxurious idle ? and is it not a notorious fact , that the law of primogeniture , with all the ether anomalies that are part and parcel of the feudal system , annually increases the burdens of the poor ? Well , jf yon read the debates in the National Assembly , you will discover that the maxim propounded by Mr Lawrence Hey worth , at the Sturge Conference at Birmingham , was to have been the rule of action . " It is not so much a name , " Baid that gentleman , " as your leaders , that we want to get rid of ; " and some of the Scotch delf gates , who were of the Complete Suffrage party at that Conference , acting upon precisely the same principle , said— " We want to get rid of Feargus O'Connor . "
Old Guards , can any man deny the increased strength and vigour that the Chartist movement has acquired since the glorious 10 th of April—the day when we marched through the armed battalions of the enemy , and held our meeting in defiance of an unconstitutional proclamation ? And as it has been my aim and object to circulate those principles by all and every means , the terror created by osr resolution that day , and the respect created by our courage , our prudence , and forbearance , has
set all men , of all classes , inquiring about the Charter ; and those who laughed at our presumption and ignorance , now admit that the consummation ' of our victory is but a question of time ; and yon may rely upon it , that J at least am not prepared to adopt the eld maxim of " Live horse , and you'll get grass . " I have never thrown away any opportunity of strengthening our position , and much less am I prepared to parly with assassins when I see the life ' s blood sucked from the pallid cheek of the innocent babe ! when I see woman a slave , and
man a shadow ! This move in the Assembly was one upon tie part of of the middle class , which my posi tion in the House of Commons , as your repretatire , prevents them from making openly ; and had ymi not come to the rescue , and had confidence in me been destroyed or weakened , yon would have been juggled , as you have been aforetime , by the shadow of Reform , and the fascinations of Free Trade .
Old Guards , " come weal , come woe , " it is my resolution , and my fixsd determination , to keep our banner straight , and our flag unfurled and unsullied , and to preserve the noble army of ChartistsasadUlnct and separate battalion , neither turning to the right hand nor to the left , but marching onward till labour is fully and fairly represented in the House of
Commons . Old Guards , some of your representatives in the Assembly disdain to consider the question of Labour ; that is to be the secondary cousideration . But I tell you that it ever has been , and ever ehall be , my primary consideration . It is my thought by day and my dream by night . And now mark me , and mark me well , when I call your attention to the present position of parties in France . Labour , oppressed by despotism , made its revolution ,
and gained its triumph ; but the question of Labour never having been discussed , it has for ten long weeks been the vexed question—the all absorbing question—the one and only question with the Provisional Government and the National Assembly ; and they are now as far from its adjustment as they were upon the first day of the revolution . And wh y ? Because their theories are all based upon the artificial principle , and the farther we stray from nature ' s laws the deeper we get into the labvrinth of confusion .
6 id Guards , had I been deposed , and had Labour risen in arms and gained its revolution , the first men who would have fallen a sacrifice to popular fury and disappointment would have been those who were instrumental in destroying the old system , without beifig prepared ' with anew system as a substitute . After a revolution , whether it be obtained by moral or physical means , there must be a com manding head , aad before a revolution there
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must be the universal adoption of a new system : —one so self-recommending and easy of practice as that tie satisfied majority , who glory not in idleness , shall be capable , and at once , of overawing ihe idle , the refactery , and lascivious , who would rather live on disorder than earn their bread by labour . Old Guards , I now invite you to call the attention of the people to the Labour question ; to debate the subject at your meetings , and without much loss of time , to elect such a
representation of the National Will and improved mind , as will defy oppression , and command respect . And although not now belonging to the Legislative body , the Executive of your choice shall have my hearty co-operation and support ; you must supply them with funds . And I contend now , ag I ever contended , that the more extensive we make local representation the better , and the more vigorous wefmake the movement ; as the several localiUaa ^ kre the best judges of character , efficiency ^ and fitness ; and the less those lecturers are brought into collision with the Executive the better for the cause , and the better for the Executive . This course prevents
the possibility of jealousy arising from the disappointment of rivals , or the dismissal of inefficient parties . I am now speaking from long experience , and I have found it to be invariably the case , that in any disagreement between the locality , the lecturer , and the Executive , if the Executive refuses to dismiss the lecturer , the locality re fuses its contribution ; if the Executive dismiss , the lecturer becomes its enemy—therefore j I say , pay your Executive honourably , and not stintbgly ; appoint your own lecturers , enable your Executive to print and circulate tracts , and when an Assembly is called , be prepared to support your delegates .
Old Guards , as to the appointment of a new Executive , I assure you that it has been a question long meoted by me as to the propriety of the Land Directors resigning their trust ; and , from the dissatisfaction very generally manifested , it is a subject that vre have thought over , and talked over , and , had the last Convention been convened in the ordinary course of lufmess , the Land Directors would have resumed ; but , after the Frencl Revolution , we thought it would have the sem blance of cowardice if we abandoned our post in the hour of danger . I have always thought that the safe guidance of the Chartist movement required the undivided attention of the Executive Council :
but , from the lingering state of Chartism until the establishment of the Land Company , and taking into account their empty Exchequer , I think he will be 8 bold man who will venture to charge them with any dereliction of duty—in fact , the position of the late Executive—every hour of my time otherwise employed—Mr Doyle always absent—and Mr Wheeler attending to his farm—rendered it impossible for that body to devote proper attention to the Chartist cause : —just as I held it inconsistent with Mr Harney ' s duties as editor of the " Northern Star , " to devote his time to the National Assembly , and just as I should hold it inconsistent to continue Mr Jones , as
Mr Harney ' s assistant , now that his whole time must be devoted to the cause of Chartism . It is impossible for any man to devote Tuesday , " Wednesday , Thursday , and till twelve o ' clock on Friday , t » the business of a newspaper , and to do justice to those by whom he is paid . Apart from this consideration , 1 would hold it to be very impolitic that any officer , whose duties are ( if a perambulatory nature , should be tied by the leg .
Old Guards , 1 have now discharged a duty which 1 owe to myself , as far as I am personally concerned , and now I shall discharge another , which I owe you as a journalist . A charge has been made against the " Star" for not publishing a more lengthy report of the proceedings of the Convention and the Assembly . On the first day that the Convention sat , so anxious was I to have a verbatim report of the proceedings , that I asked Mr Reynolds to recommend me to the best reporter in the gallery . He did so ; and I agreed with that gentleman to give me full reports—besides having my own reporter always in attendance ; but so hostile are the whole of that class to the
' Northern Star , ' ' that , when too late , I learned that this gentleman had not sent a word to the office . I then requested Mr M'Gowan , the printer , to engage a special reporter for the " Star , " and he did so ; and thus I answer the charge of indifference as to reporting . Old Guards , the " Star" has now been nearly eleven years in existence , and hear my
boast . It is—that I have never interfered with editor or reporter , unless I found just cause for expostulation or dismissal—that , though the Northern Star has sometimes conspired against me , it has never conspired against any one else ; and now I will prove to you . from past events , beyond the power of refutation , that the main object of some of the Assembl y was to destroy the " Northern Star . "
Old Guards , when did you ever before hear of the proprietor of a newspaper rejecting advertisements , and returning the money , in order to make room for denunciation and censure of himself , as I have done ? Old Guards , judge of the future from the past . The first dissension in our ranks was created by the " Champion , " the " Charter , " and the " Birmingham Journal , " trying to make parties against the " Northern Star . " Subsequently , when the first Executive was elected , Mr Philp—who was one of the Executive—made ateur , not to establish Chartism .
but to establish the " Western Vindicator , ' in opposition to the " Northern Star , " and which paper completely divided us in the West of England . Then came the Convention of ' 43 , when the " Statesman" was purchased to oppose the " Star " then came the " Southern Star , " and then the host of Scotch papersthe " True Scotsman , " the " Dundee Chro nicle , " the " Perth Chroniele , '' and num !> erle .-s others , all of which the reviled " Star' has seen out of existence , and all of which , in turn , attempted to pander to the middle classes for support .
Now can this be denied or contradicted ? And to prove that I have always stood by thr Executive of your choice , can it be denied that I dismissed Mr Hill for having traduced the characters of Dr M'Douall and the then Executive?—and , while speaking of Dr M'Douall , allow me to do him thafc justice which he deserves at my hands . I understand that he conceives the term " poor gentleman " to apply to him , but I beg leave to assure him that it was neither intended to apply , nor is it at all applicable to him , inasmuch as there is a difference between him who is too idle to work .
and the man who has generously abandoned a class with whom he might bare been popular , and given up a profession from which he might have amassed wealth , to devote his erjertfies and his talent to the popular cause . And I further beg to assure him , that there is not one man in the movement for whom I have a greater affection and regard . As a young man he wa « placed in trying circumstances , and lie has had his full share of persecution , which he has borne like a man ; and , although he and lbave differed , he never , during his absence from tlie ranks , spoke a word or wrote a word calculated te damage the cause , and , therefore , 1 hailed
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his return amongst us with pride and satisfaction . Old Guards , it is a maxim with our enemies to magnify the virtues and suppress the vices of their party ; but it has , hitherto , been the practice in our ranks to suppress- the virtues and fabricate the vices of our party . Old Guards , change of circumstances never alter my resolution . Some feel p roud and vain when they gain admittance to the House of
Commons , and they immediately become surrounded by Conventionalism , to which weakness compels them to surrender ; they are fascinated by ministerial and lordly invi tations and soon forget the power to which they owe their position ; but I as fondly clasp the bliss tered hand of the honest operative when I require no favour from him , as others condescendingly do in return for his vote at an election .
Old Guards , 1 have abandoned family con nexion and friends ; I have . given up'th ' e luxuries of society and the profits of profession ; 1 have surrendered the amusements of the ball room , the race course , and the chasethat I may make myself more serviceable to the cause of labour ; Hive frugally , honestly , and abstemiously , that my character may be valuable to the labouring classes from being unassailable by their enemies ; 1 have seen , 1 have read of , and heard of , the many revolutions that have taken place throughout the world , but in no change has Ipbour had its , share , and have sworn that from the next it sh all have the lion ' s share .
Old Guards , I am one of a persecuted family and an outlawed race . And I am impelled by generous motives , which new men cannot feel , in seeking retribution for that class , for fighting whose cause my family have been persecuted , banished , and dispersed . Old Guards , as the indictment against me was long , your love of justice and of English fairplay will tolerate somewhat of a lengthy defence ; and let me , therefore , remind you of mv ( ift-reueated maxim ,
" Moral power is the deliberative quality in each man ' s mind , which teaches , him how to reason , how to endure , and when , forbearanee becomes a crime ; and should ' that fail to achieve for him all the rights to which as a freeman he is entitled , and should physical forcejbe required—which God forebid—it will come to his aid like an electric shock ; but the man who marshals it destroys it by forewarning the enemy , and will be the first to desert it . "
Now such was my motto in the most boisterous times , when mouthing bullies filled the gaols to suffocation , and then deserted their colours and their cause . Did the French , did the Prussians , did the Milanese , shout " We'll fight ? '' Is it not an invitation to the enemy to prepare them for the coming event ? Old Guards , let me go through some of my campaigns . In 1822 , I stood alone by the Whitehoys , who fought two pitched battles for their liberties , in the county of Cork , and when all was over I was obliged to fly my country for thirteen months ; and go to that county ,
where I was born , and ask them " Whether FARGUS is to be relied upon ? " In 1831 , as Mr Gratran stated in the House of Con > raons , I charged a regiment of cavalry with a voter on my back , and was tramp ' ed upon by the cavalry . In 1832 . I had marshalled such a resistance to Titheg that the tyrants were obliged to persecute me . In 1834 , for seven long days and nights , I fought the battle of freedom at the Dungarvan Election , the soldiers defeuding me agaiust the policebreaking through their ranks single-handed . In 1834 , 1 conducted John O'Connell ' s
election at "ioughall , addressed the people in the presence of three regiments and 1 , 200 police , the drawn swords within four feet of my face , and the priests requesting me for God's sake to desist ; and about the close of the election , when the soldiers were placed as sentinels overthe doors of the voter , 1 riiBhed through a double file of fixed bayonets , smashed the back door , took the voter out at the front door upon my back , polled him , and gained the election . At the Rathcormac slaughter , I preached the funeral oration over the slain in the midst of three armed regiments , denouncing them as murderers . I have conducted more contested elections in Ireland than any living man , never
accepting my professional fees , nor my travelling expenses . Did I fly in Pre 9 ton in 1837 , when I stood in the middle of the street , in front o ! a troop of the 15 th Hussars , refusing to leave it until the Mayor ordered them into their qarters ? D . d I fly at Manchester , when attacked by 5 . 000 in the Hall of Science ? Did I fly in the Town Hall in Birmingham , when seized by nine Free Trade ruffians , hallooed on by 1 , ' oOD of their associates ? No , I jumped from their grasp over the Mayor ' s head , and made my speech . Did I fly in the Marketplace at Nottingham ? And , Old Guards , remember that I sought no triumph for myself in any one of the struggles , but I looked upon th * result as indicating the popular triumph .
Old Guards , I have been lour times engaged in duels , and have been fired at , but never showed the white feather ; and yet there are mouthing braggarts who talk of arms , of wars , and of bloodshed , that would sink into the earth before any of the scenes that I have gone through , and who would yet dare to call me coward . At Coventry , when the freemen thoxirht that I was interfering with their privileges by seeking to put down bribery , when I stood almost alone , and for the first time in a waggon , a hired bully broke through the meeting , and struck a poor man in the face ; in an instant I was out of the waggon , returned the comp liment with interest—dragged Him through the meeting , and gave him up to the
police . Now these are some of the dangers I have encountered on behalf of our cause , not to sneak of walking alone through the memorable tea party at the Crown and Anchor , amid the jeers and hisses of 450 Complete Suffrage delegates , assembled from all parts of the country ; and on the memorable 10 th of Ap ril , did I not take the post of danger when the ( . hartist army was passing through the enemies ranks ? Believe me , that the man who is tie most ready to fight , is the most cautious in talking about it , and that the m ; m who talks most about it has the least stomach for it .
Old Guards , when you lay your heads upon your pillows ask yourselves these questions— - ' Where would O'Connor go , what would he do , or what would become of him if he turned the prayers of the poor into the curses of the disappointed ? la there one act of hislife , and we have watched him for sixteen years both in and out of Parliament , which merits our censure , our condemnation , and reproof ? Dal ever man of his class , or of any class , defy tyranny and brave oppression as he has done r When have the poor called that he has not anthat he
swered ? When has the oppressor struck has not returned the blow ? Where i " . « ' fortune that he has amassed out of mir confidence ? Where is the blot in his character that makes us , his friends , his comrades , and hlfl brothers blush ? Where is the man who so feels the agony of the infant , the suffering of the moJier , crtiie poverty of the father ? Where is he who would so cheerfully rush into battle against so fearful odds , to see industry requited , tyranny demolished , and virtue in tbe ascendant ?" Old Guards , I swear by Heaven , there ia not
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ft man amongst you who would ratlier fchare his last crust—nay , give it all to the hungry child , the famishing mother , or starving-man , than . ; l : w 0 uld . Nothing but your love , —your confidence and affection , has charms for me ; and ten thousand times would I rather perish than accept of bauble titles , wealth , or gaudy honours , as the price of my desertion of that cause ^ vhic h is dearer to me than life itself , arid rendered doubly dear by the shield of your protection thrown over me this week , and the maddening enthusiasm that I witnessed at Leicester on Monday . It is very easy to lead me , but . very difficult to drive me . I now know my position , and that position I will maintain and uphold as long as I possess your confidence , your affection , and esteem .
Everything I have of power , of constitution , of position , ' and talents , I hold in trust for you , and , X think . 1 may turn with pride to the coilrse I have pursued in 1833 , ' 34 , and ' 35 , and ' 47 and ' 48 , in the House of Commons , and during the whole period out of the House of Commons . In my previous parliamentary career , when 1 was independent of your support , l took a part in every English Labour question , thus proving to you that I have ever acted upon stern principle , and not upon expediency . Upon the ballot—upon the
Dorchester Labourers—upon the persecution of the True Sun newspaper—upon the damnable Poor-law Act—I stood by you when I was an Irish member ; and now that I am an Eng lish member , I will stand by Ireland and Repeal—by John Mitchel , for whom my heart bleeds , and who is foully oppressed—and by England , the Charter , and the Land ; and 1 will never relax my exertions until 1 see the Land Plan national , and the standard of wages in the artificial market established by its value in the free labour market , and the Charter made the law of the land .
Old Guards , cement the Union that is how forming . You have strength which you little know of ; it was manifest in the fact of the wolves in the Assembly ; being unable to change the name of our movement . I will make that strength irresistible . Let nothing divide it . Let nothing disunite us . — ' United we etand , divided we fall . " Our disunion' is the only title upon which tyrants can much longer establish their right to rule .
Old Guards—my bploved Old Guards —you have given me new life , new vigour , and new courage . I am well again . Your confidence and approval is the medicine that I want . My heart bursts with joy when I think that 1 have not laboured in vain , or spent my life unprofitable . Old Guards , by the God of Justice and of Battles . 1 will stand by you till the last . 1 have nurtured many vipers > n my bosom , who would have Btung me but for you . I'll cast them all off and breathe again . And now
let me implore all , that disunion may cease , and that Chartism may be itself again . I harbour malice against no man . Let us forgive and forget ; shake hands , and be friends—and in Jess than a month , from this date , I promise you that the flood of Chartist mind will compel the middle classes to fraternise with us for the animal , name and all . I am , and till death will remain , Your fond , your faithful , your affectionate , and unpurchasable leader , Feaugus O'Connor .
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tell you that the vice © f a people is the power of the tyrant . The question is now in your hands—deal with it as you think proper , and then , neither the country Chartists , nor the National Assembly , would complain of not being ' represented . Such an organ would make us respected by the good , and feared by the bad ; and while preparing the locations for my land children , I could , after my day ' labour , write with a freshness and a vigour that 1 cannot possess amid the smoke of your towns . Give me that , and I den't care how soon it kills the Star . Your faithful friend , Feargus O'Connor . _ — —*«^—
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MQNDAY . Mat 8 . ¦; ..,. , son 32 OP-i > oSi > 8 . — KBtATiot »» mis £ «> & £ *«» Stanley brought under eontlderatlon tbe correspondence relative to tbe late Spanish ditputo , laid on tbe tnblo of the heuso , with the view of obtaining explanations of the contradictions wfeloh that corri-sponder . ee gave to tbe declarations mads by tbe Lord Presid-. nt of the Council on Friday night last . While the Lord Pro . nldent bad then alleged tbat the letter written by Lord Palmeriton to Sir H . Bulner was a private instruction fer Sir H . Bulwer ' g private guidance , and not intended to be communicated to the Spanish Minister , tbe despatches laid before parliament fhowed that not only bad St H . Bulwer satisfactorily followed his instrucione , bat that on two diittnct ocoasions Lord Palmerfiton had
written to him conveying to bitn the entire approval of her Majesty ' s government for tbe communication he bod made to Ue Duo de Sotomajor . It was rigbt that ( be country should know whether Sir H . Balm-r ' * conduct had been indiscreet and indefensible , as declared by tbe Lord President , or whether , according to the despatches of Lord Palmerstoa , It was deserving 01 the entire approbation of the government . Lord Stanley strongly con - demned tbe undignified and unworthy way in which Lord Pulmerston closed this correspond ) nee— ' generously ' df claricg that the British government was not st nil offended at tbe result which they had drawn on theraoqItgb—that they entirely approved of tbe kicking that had been inflicted on them .
The Marquis of Lancdovnb admitted that , juigiog of tbe circumstances in England , he bad expressed bis regret that Sir H . Bulwer had written the note he bad ( m * m& « & to the Duo da Sotomajor . But after the unswer returned by the Spanish Minister , it was neoon-• ary unless the recall of Sir H . Balner wat determined -m , to give to him an assurance that the government had approved of his cenduot ; il thas were not done , it would be giving the Duo de Sotomayor a triumph . A spirit of amity had been re-established between our Minister at Madrid and tbe Spanish government ; Sir H . Bulwer ' s recall was not demanded , and it was better to let tbe matter rest .
Tho Earl of Abei been agreed that it would have been unjuit to have abandonrd Sir B . Bulwer , who had acted iicoordln ; to the letter of bis inttruottoni ! . The explanation juot given by the Lord President was not borae out by the facts , because tbe approbation communicated hy Lord Prilmtrjton to Sir H . Bulwer was sent before tb « noble lord could have heard of the Dae de Sxtomayor ' s answer . Tbe noble earl Indignantly remarked upon tbo ignominious Insult provoked by tbe Foreign Secretary , and for the first time endnred by a BrlltBh government . Lord Bbodgham deprecated anj farther discussion of the matter , setting that ft friendly understanding had boen re-oBtiblished between Mr Bulwer and the Spanish authorities—a fact which was to him a matter of great satisfaction .
Tbe Marquis of Ci > am » ic » bdb obferved that , in his opinion , thu only error committed by Mr Bulwur consisted in his havinp sent almost in ( zlcntoto tbe Spanish government th « commnnication , which wa » only inti-nded for hia owa guidance . Such an error was not sufficiently grave to justify ihh < r bis censure or rocall . Tho subject then dropped , Tbe Encumbered Bstateo ( Ireland ) Biltpassad tferoagh committee , and was amended . Their lordthips then adjourned . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —The same tulject vra » mooted in this house , Mr Urqoiust inquired if it were true , os reported to have been stated by tbe Marquis of Linsdowne , tbat Sir II . B'jlwor ' o condact bad been disapproved of by the government f Lord PAiHEBirop replied tbat the papers laid on tbe table showed that Sir B . Bulwcr ' o conduct had been ap . proved of .
Mr 0 . BiNKEs inquired if it were true , at int ' -mcted hy Lord Lansdofvee , that the Spanish rorrespondtnee had boen Bent to a Frenub newspaper by tbe Duo de 8 oto . mnyor , or somo of his colleagues ; alto how it happened cbat the correspondence just laid on the table had been tont to n London raoruinic paper twenty-four hours before it was In th " bonds of members ? Lord P&mE&ftT < M « said , ( hat be bad no distinct proof 'hat the Spanish correspondence htd been cent to La Puisse by any member of the Spanish government , thoujfh that published correspondence bore internal evidence ot having come from Madrid . With re » pi-ct to tbe second question , it was the custcmaiy courreny of the Kovernmmtla tbie country to send to the principal journals papers Utd before Parliament ,
Poblic Health Bill . — Lord 3 . Russell , in moving that tho orders of the d » y be sow read , avallnd himself of tbe opportunity to state , that in the clause < f the Public Health Bill which cons-ituted the » np » intending board , tbe governmrnt intended to Introduce an important alteration . Instead of n paid commission , propesod that the Chief Commistiooer of Woods and Forest should bo the president of the board , aad tbut there should only be two others , and those unpaid commi ° slom > rs . Mr Spooned admitted that this was a great improve , mt-nt in the bill , but regretted that Lord J . Rum-U had
loft the obnoxious principle of it untouched , The centralisation principle v > ae left in full force ; and to tbat principle he bad the nrost decided er j xtlon . Tbe Board of Health would still retain its control over the rights of tunns ; and be protested agalntttbe interference of go . vernwent in tbe locol administration of our corporate AHri municipal borooghd . Seme measure ef sanitary reform was unquestionably necessary ; and he hoptd that he should not bo considered as objecting to all sanitar \ reform , because he objected to tbis bill . The clause x . ppolnting the luperlnttnding board ebould be postponed until every other detail of the bill was settled . He recommended Ministers to refer the bill to a committeg
upstairs . Mr Slamit rrgretted tbat those gentlemen who op posed this bill bad not read tbe rtpjrts apon which It was fonnded . He then enKrcd Into a statement of some lougttt to tho < v that Mr H . Drunrnond had commuted aeviral grave mistake * in the prMto which be had giv < n of it on fi fjrmtr evening . Your drainage nenrciulii be factual , until you bad a good supp l y of water ; and In many of the large tonns » uch a supply of . water was absolutely denied to tho poor at present . Tbiabili , which ho defended with great ability , would give them that supply of wati r for the first time , and was , therefore , deetrvlBR of support . He nas convinced that if tha bouse consented to go into commiitro , It nould bt * able to render this bill an emole&t instrument for
improving tbe condition of hundreds of thousands of our / jllow men . Mr C . PsABSON objected to tbU bill , became it placed ¦ ho time-honoured institutions of thU country , like ricketty children , In the go-cart of govcrr . niKnt eupeiin-: endenc « . It was an extraordinary circumstance tbat 3 c ulaed , Ireland , the metropolitan boroujh * , * ad the city of London , were exempt fn m it ) regulations ; and ho suspected thftt they were exempted now to be sacrificed hereaftfr , when lnolatt d . He analjscd the reports ot the Health of Town * Association , and deduced from his analysis tbio copclurion—that a greater mass oi misrcprrstntatlons bsd n ver before been huddled into 'he same numbtr of pages . Though not in favour of this bill , be wan in iav ox of s measure for effecting treat sunl'aiy improvements .
L ird Asblxt was anxious to impress apon the home 'he absolute and indispensable neoessit ; of milking a commencement in some measure of legislation for thi > relief of the working ciaiBea from tboao grievances which ore < aod heavily upon tocm . As a proof that tbe Is bourers of England had this moaaure greatly at heart , ' ¦ e stated tbat the othrr day , when the trades delegates met , at a time of great excitement In that metropolis , the first point on which the ; addressed bits nut th ? t ' ato in wbicli thtir famllufl were left by want of i&nltory reform . He gave gorernm nt credit for the boldness vita which ie had faoed tbo difficulties ot thdr case ; but he also told ministers tbat tbtir measure was bus .
e » ptl ' , lo of Improvemt-nr . He , therefor ? , implored tba now to let ix jo into pommjtipe jo obtain \ U * l Improve roent . He was surprised to hear it said , that tbe law , ai it now stood ; was sufficient to put an end to rxisiii g uuhancee . He denied the assertion ; but , admitting it to b <> correct , it was a most tedious and espensive pro . ct 89 , wbich no poor man . or uRgregnte maun of poor raon , could put in eteouticn . Betides , t' o law onirht Eot only to bs capable ef removing abuies , but * nmild , &I 90 , be capable of instituting improvemtnti . He instated that far moro than half tfce intoxication wblcb ditgraced our larg * toonr , snd led « o mueb crime , arose from the wretched condition oftbo tenements in wbicb tho labouring classes were obliged t « live .
Mr Mphtk did not Intend 40 oppose tbe notion fcr going into committee , because he hop « d that such iwprovementB as wouia r « . nd » r If useful to society would
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then WSJSKfo "Tbe 7 rfnclp l «« focBtralb » s . lion mtds th * bill In iaa » y ti * VectiB ttr ' j ' 6 b } tttiowti » tnimare . MrSiOAaTt-oncorred in the view taken of thU bill byMrD « nicj , ' The principle of ccmrelisatJoa watch pfrradcHt «*?> t < rt ^ tnt to rnln itm aoj other moa * sure . It--iM « M-UWe ipn « w > ry town . in tbo kingdom to nsjert Bs . tMf ' : MlJ nmrted , tbat their inhabitant * wera inespable of wirryinj *« ajat « ra of , « anitarj reform tot © . wpaflpa / wftfoiijjto » operJatepd « ice ot n ee * t& Hii&e ; isCEiOttSon ^ ' ^ ' ' . ¦ - ; . - ¦ ' ¦ _ '¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦! % &yMtai ! 'tit ( h * r'ilhetti * ten tbe house resolved itself into commifttre upon the" bill , « nd the remainder of the sitting wa * « t > i > . ot in diBOUteln ? the clauses . Tbe iieu « e adjourned nt tine o ' clock . i TUESDAY , Mai 3 . ¦ : HOUSE OF LORDS . — Phovidint ; Asbociatxo »» Fbacd PusvEtfTioN Bill , —This bill , intended for th » prelection of th * O . id Fellont' , the Foresters' , and similar cotiieties , wa > , on the motion of Lord BecumoaJ , tend a stoond time . HOUSE OF COMMONS , HOUSE OF COMMONS , ^
Lord 0 . Bestinck wished to a « k the noble Ion ! at tha head of tbepoverLinent a " question , of the .. greatest importance 8 . 1 connected with the free trade principles o £ which the n ^ lile lord was one oftLestiiunchwt advocates . He need not remind the house of the royiil command which had gone forth to tho ladies of England , in consequence of the pri'Rotit depreciation of trade and inanufucturt 8 , tn appear at the npproachin ..- drawing-rooms and royal assemblies in no attire—( greattaughter )—except the products of British iiidUftrj . Tlie question ho luid to ask the noble lord was , whether that rnyal command had been dictated by the impulses of her Majesty ' s own heart , beating for the di > tre « 8 of the people in Spital fields , ia liCi-cster , in Nottingham , and elsewhere , \ yr whether It hnd been i ' . sued at tiie suggestion of her Mnjr . tty ' s re-« pOH 8 iblo adviFer- ? Had It come to her Majostj a knowledge that , within the first three months of tho present year , French nilk goods , to the valuo of £ i <) 0 , 0 M , and which , if manufactured in this country , trouM give em . ployment to 31 , 00 weavers , had been imported into the port of London alone ! Had her Majesty uearj th *^ , during the aame period , lac * to the vulue of £ '« 'V >' ,: i > , an& needlework to the value of £ t » , Qi ) O more ,, sufficient to . einpjoy . i . Oflfl needlewomen ; and 7 , W > pairs oi boots aud « Tibe § , sufficient to employ ¦ I ? , flO ( ' Cordwaijiers ( 6 , MO of whom were « t thin moment out of emplojaient iu London ) h ; id aNo been imported ! ( Hear , bear . ) He naked whether the rnyal command was the remit of hor Maestj ' s having I'uen made ncqunintrd with all tiaeso matteis , or whether it wan that the noble lord at tho head of the government had determined that tho free doctrines were to be putpsidu with dismay , and no longer to be tolerated or uii-ouroKed by Englnhmen or E »< glishwffmen \ 11 * aaicvii bis noble friend "hethur this command
war to be taken us an indication tbat her M .-ijwty ' s ministers were about to abandon a policy which had brought the trade and manufactures of this country to beggary and ruin f Lord Jon » Hdbssll said the cemmund ia juosii- 'vi had been issued through tbo Lord Chiimberlain , as had baen frequently tbe cuse under former sovereigns . It waf merely intended as an a't of kindness , for the benefit of persons engoged in the manufacture of articles of dress . Although he believed that them might be particular classes of persons in tbis country ydio Buffered iBConvenience by the introduction of foreign gooeV , yet , inasmuah as their introduction stimulated tbe production of other goods , which were exported in return , he should be the last pen-on to advise her Mnjetty to return to the old sy 6 tem , very much doubting even were lie thus to Act contrary to bis convictions , such advice would be so acceptable to lier Majesty as noble lords and some gentlemen on tho opposite benches sc-emp ! to thick .
Mr Bright luul been under the impression thr . t the Lord Chamberlain wse a political officer , and thai whatever ho did wag the act of tlie Queen ' s roaponsibli ; ajviscrs . Ho did not attach much importance to orders respecting dress , but he very much regretted that anything ehouid lnvo been done to delude tho working classes into the belief tbat the ; could ba served by driving awoj { he products of other countries , ( Hear , bear . ) H * fenred it would be looked upon abrond ns an net of reta > liation for the expulsion of English workmen irocn Franca . ( Hear , hear . ) As to the great quantity of French allks imported during the present year , it should be recollected that , in consequence of recent political events , tbat stock .
was very much depreciated , and , consequently , a { jrgat quantity had been brought over by speculators . Now , it was useless to bo pretending tn do a kindness to tho weavers of Sp talflelds by « course which nsust involve others in lots and injury . ( Hear ) He wus for ilie fulleBt freedom to enable nil these perpons to better thomseives by any kind of traffic they chose . On the other Lund , he had no objection to a number of noble , titled , but hoc very wise womi n , forming an association among themselves against French silks , but he protested against the government doing anything calculated to create- an illwill beitre .-n this country asd i . ther nations , and to foster feeling *) atnonx the working classes which must ond in disappointment .
A conversation followed , in which the Protectionists and Free-traders as uiual amused the house by denouncing each others nostruias . Mr UncjdiAET moved aa address to tho Queen , condemnatory of tha ministerial policy toward ! Portugal * but was counted out hbortly after the commencement of his speech , and the house adjourned . WSDN 3 SDAY , May 10 . THE HOUSE OF COMMONS met at twelve o ' clock , and sat till four . The business wa * of a very uninterestinp character .
A discussion arose as to the proposed poetpouomuntof the bill , for disfranchising the corrupt electors of Horsham . In the course of the discussion Colonel Sibthorp said , there had been some talk of patronage , and he , for one , thou >; ht it'the house wished to getvid of tho ovils attendant upon patronage , it would at once sctto work and scour the Treasury bench . The house wae , per . haps , not aware tbat thivo was a sum otinom-y voted annually for secret services . He strongly suspected- that a good deal of money wns spent in returning ftlembc rs to the Treasury Bench . Ultima' ^ ly the go vernment succeeded in potipouirg UiBhill .
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— —nm- — . RESOLUTIONS ON THE GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF REPRESENTATION . BY EARL STANHOPE . I . That , for the purpose of preventing bribery and corruption at elections , oaths shall betaken , or declarations shall be made , by each candidate and by ea , ch elector , the former stating that he had not given and would not give , and the latter stalinc that
he had not received , and would not receive , any money , or anyariicie hav ' ng the value of money , directly or indirectly , with the view of iufluencing the election ; that a similar oath or declaration shall , at the commencement of every session , be taken , or made , by every member of the House of Commons ; and that every person taking any such oath , or making any such declaration , and being proved to have acted contrary thereto , shall , exclusive of other pains and penalties , be subjected to those of perjury ..
II . That , for the purpose of securing from any undue influence those electors who may consider themselues subject ( hereto , every elector may , if he thinks proper , vote by ballot . HI . That , for the purpose of avoiding those expensea which might otherwise prevent many fit antf proper persons from sitting irt parliament , the necessary expenses attending an election shall be paid by a rate to he levied on the electors ; and that every representative shall , during the session of Parliament , receive , if he fchall think fit , an allowance for his expenses .
IV . That , for the purpose of conducting with greater convenience the public service , and of allowing to the Crown the unrestrained exercise of its prerogative in the appointment cf its ministers , a certain number of persons holding official stations shall , by virtue thereof , have seats in the House of Commons . V . That , for the purpose of maintaining the due responsibility of the representatives , the duration of any parliament shall not exceed three years , and shall not be affected by a demise of the Crown . VI . That , for the purpose of establishing a full and fair representation of the people , all the rights , interests , qualifications , and franchises , which now exist with regard to elections in counties , ( owns , boroughs , and universities , shall be abolished .
VII . That , for the purpose of enabling each class ot thfi community to elect those representatives who may support its rights and promote its interests , there shall be representatives for each of the following classes , viz .: — 1 . The owners and occupiers of land . 2 . The manufacturers , and those w ho make any article for sale on their ovm account . 3 . The merchants , and those who traffic in sny article on their own account . 4 . Those who are employed in daily labour , whe » ther in agriculture , in manufacture , or in trad ; . 5 . Those who have professional employments , or who have rent-charges , annuities , or mortgages charged upon real or personal property , or who receive salaries or yearly wages .
VIII , That , for the purpose of giving to every citizen of the state his due share in the representation , every person of full age shall be entjil-d to vote in each of the above-mentioned classes to which he may belong , and in each district where he is either an owner or occupier of land , or a . manufacturer , or a merchant ; and when abrcnt , to vote by proxy . IX . That , for the purpose of allowing a ftfe and unrestricted choice at elections , every citizen of the state being of full age , being willing to take the requisite oaths , or to make the requisite delations , and not being a Peer oi parliament , shall be eligible as a representative in the House of Commons . Note . The preceding resolutions were , we believe , submitted by Lord Stanhope to Earl Grey's Government , in 1830 .
Iii Lord Stanhope ' s opinion , the House of Commons ought not to contain more than five hundred members . To each of the preceding classic , his Lordship would commit tho business of electing one hundred representatives .
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i Banbory . —A meeting of the Chartists and memhers of the Land Company will take ntac&attho Star Iun . Hiet-street , on Monday , thel& ' . hof May . Chair to bo takee nt half-past levcn o ' clock . ••> MtNCHBMiKR— Th « moijtulY rrcetin ? of the Manchester branch of tlie National Land Company will bo held in tbe Peop ^ 'u InBtitutr , en Sunday morning-, Miiy lith . Chair to be taken at nise e ' clecb .
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THE " DEMOCRAT ? DAILY NEWSPAPER . To chb Chartists , Having received numerous applications from different parts of the country , as to the propriety of est&blishinjr a daily newspaper , for the support of the Democratic cause , and having , from my first introduction into public life , felt the necessity of sutih an organ , seeing that the Press of the factions is sternly opposed to us , and knowing the absolute and indispensa
ble necessity of conveying intelligence while it is fresh and feverish , and before excitement shall have passed away , and well understanding the value of being able to answer the false hoods and fabrications of the morning journal before the sun 6 hall have set , and knowing the vitality that the " Evening Star" newspaper gave to the cause , while under my manasjehife ' ht , I am willing to accept the proposition nia ' de from several parts of the countrynamely , to undertake the management of such an organ , upon the following canditions : —
That the necessary amount shall be raised ; in shares of one shilling each . That no individual shall hold more than one hundred shares . That I shall have the entire control of the paper . That the ablest accountant shall be kept . That he shall furnish a half-yearly balance sheet of the accounts . That every hundred shares shall be carried to the credit of some one person appointed by the other ninety-nine . That the accounts of the hundred should be opened with him , as it would be impossible to keep a separate account for every shilling subscriber . And ,
/ That the profits should be divided every half-year between the subscribers . ; I have now got the weekly artillery and the monthly reserve of the Chartist lorce . Give me this rifle brigade , and I will promise you to silence a Jew of the batteries of the enemy . Lean . * gry soon make the necessary arrangements for my staff . I can devote part of my night in the country to writing articles upon
general subjects , and I will take care to be surrounded by men who will strike the iron of faction while it is hot , and administer the antidote before the poison has worked . My serviced , as ever , shall be gratuitous and unpaid fur , and even unthnnked ; but I promise you that such a power would make Chartism in a month , what Us present power could not make it in twelve .
We know the value of a lie which remains uncontradicted for six days , and we know the value of its immediate correction . The people , at their meals , weuld ask for the Democrat as their desert .. It shall he as well conducted as any paper in Europe—it is what 1 have always panted for—what I have always asked for —and when you see what the freshness ot lies can do for the enemy , will you not be convinced of what the freshness of truth can do for tbe cau&e ? Tho Times has turned Whig , and the Chfonicle has turned Tory , but the Democrat lall never turn its coat—its princip les shall
be"THE CHARTER AND NO SURRENDER . " " The Cnsrte and the Free-i » wr-fiei < i for every man who chooses to enjuy ' . them "— " The KightBof Labour and the means of achieving them . " Up , then , Chartists . The man who ia not willing to give a shilling , is not fit to be a freeman . The man who will not lend one to Li * poor brother , who is not able to supply it , is only fit lor a slave . Smash your porter pots and tobacco-pipes—you can break the government by abstinence , and they would more drerd the resolution to be sober than the thunder of your defiance . If I had a hundred thousand teetotalers around me , I'd carry the Charter without a blow being struck , for I
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VOL- XI . No 55 L LONDON , SATURDAY ^ MAY 13 , 1848 . ^ J ^ £ S 5 ^*
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 13, 1848, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1470/page/1/
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