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their work , entitled , the ^ ILEN , i ^^ b dre * and twenty-five thoa . andcopi of their eold ) . , tA the ^ tensive sale »»" ^ , £ er , ons to as-Mediciurs have ta ««« f *«^^ ely imitate the title of amethrname of PBBai f aacu ^ The pobhcl 5 ^ - ^^ iS « s ^ » : $ ^• ¦ ' ^ SrSffichr& . twt , London . " TWESir-FIFTH EDITION . . EJ ^ - ^ d bjS ^ Ar * tomical Engraves on ^ « . . *»! xs * ua H * Mltont . Gaieraiire Ineapadtg , and ^ - ^ S Ssss iav- 'SM ge stamps .
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^ Sf ^ J SSS-JUSS ^ S ^^ foTc-utuz-i' - . . wizlcut atuwihii ! to ueude tli-. quv = > - tioa . there c-a" be no doubt that when the I > hysx ; u vouditiiinii impaired it demands the iirst atwium » stance , a person vir . lst suffering irum an acute stt a of Gout w . ulibs unable to appreciate the SfcDlmitxt lessons of philosophy , even th . ug h euuacwtea by tnw divine Plato , ilow much more welcome to the J ; ut'er " woud be a box cf Blair ' s Gout ami Rheumatic Pills , so eiicacioas iu eradicating tliis distressing malady .
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FRAMPTONS FILL OF HEALTH . THE manifold advantages to the heads of families frem the possession of a medicine of known efficacy , that may be resorted to with confidence , and used with success in cases of temporary sickness , occwing in families , more or less , everyday , are so obvious to all , that no question can be raised of its importance to every householder in the kingdom . From among numerous testimonials , tke following is respectfully submitted : — ' To Mr Thomas Pront , 229 , Strand , London . ' No . 5 , David-street , Regent-road , Manchester , March 12 , 1842 . ' Sir , —I have much satisfaction in communicating to you the result of my experience after repeated trials of " Fbahptok ' s Pill op IIeh / th ¦ , and I feel it but justice to various
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PERFECT FREEDOM FROM COUGH IN TEN MINUTES AFTER USE , Aad a rapid Cnrt of Asthma and Consumption , and a Disorders of the Breast and Lungs , is insured by DU LOCOCK'S PULMONIC WAFERS . CUBES IN NEWCASTLE . Read the following Testimonials from Mr Haw 6 on , 13 , Mosley-street , Newcastle : — Gentlemen , —I find an extraordinary demand for Dt Locock ' s Wafers , which is the best proof of their rea ) utility . I can speak of them with . confidence , as I have recommended them in many cases with astonishing sue cess . To asthmatle and consumptive patients , who ara generally nauseated with medicine , they are invaluable , not unly on account of the relief they afford , but from the plsasantness o : their taste , Tours , < tc , ( Signed ) J . ' A . Mawson . —Dec . 5 , 1 S « .
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Alabmisg Fiee at Bath . —This city was on Saturday afternoon tne scene of ens of the most alarming conflagrations that has occurred here for a great length of time ,- and , as the flames threatened at One timo to destroy a portion of the Great Western Railway tarminus , and placed in considerable peril the maguiBcent and costJy skew bridge upon which the nt i iff ay is carried from the Tiaduct across the Avon to its south-eastern side , and jwhich ig considered by scientific psrsons as one of the mest ingenious and beautiful specimens of bridge architecture ia the kjngdora , tho utmtrat fear and consternation prevailed . The co : fhgration had originated ia , and was still
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THE CURRENCY QUESTION . IlEFORM , NATIONAL BANKRUPTCY OR REVOLUTION . This question is emphatically the nation ' s question , and as one man , therefore , the nation ought to look to It . Oar peculiarly sad condition has resolved itself into a significant phrase , contained ia the words ' Condition of England Quietlon '—a question which , though pro . nonneed iatricste , seems , to my raiod , to admit of an easy solution , when the nature of our present monetary system is reflected upon— a system as absurd , unwise , and deluBive , as it is luinous , unjust , and uncalled for ;
and , unlosi It U placed upon a more honest , straightforward , consistent , ciesr , nnd intelligible basis , we must not only remain ia that lamentable condition , but be prepared to encounter increased and steadily increasing miseries , until the people , driven to despair and recUIesBness—a point to whlih they are rapidly tendingbreak forth into open rebellion , and roll the tide of revolution from one end of the country to the other . May heaTen avert such a fearful alternative ! A social convulsion , which might spread ruin and desolation for a long period of time over these inlands , is a end event to contemplate ; but it is too much to be feared that the blinded selBshness of the few is goading us on to that catastrophe .
When recently elected at Tamwerth , Sir Robert Peel expressed his anxiety to stay the progress of democracy , and yet he ia the great revolutionise of the age ! Ho has just deprived Louis Philippe of a throne , and may yet cause England to become a Republic . ' Out of this plant— ' misery' —the bill of 1819 / said Cobbetl , ' * ve Shall yet pluck liberty . England is tho centre of the commercial world . Whatever depresses her affects all nations and all lands , and consequently , in the miserable " condition of the sensitive Parisian population , the practical effects ef the terrible dis-SSterB thRt have been inflicted upon England duriBg the past twelve months may easily be traced—disasters aggravated to the last degree , and all but solely caused by the hideous enactment of 1813—an enactment which has pat its veto upon anything approaching to the absenco of uncalled for misiry from the human race .
Why is England , so redundant with resources of every , kind , not contented and happy ? ' Merrle England' no more ' , how does it happen that her children are being gradual y reduced to a state rapidly approaching to Bla . very ?—industrious and full of energy—the most en ter , prising and ingenious—the bravest and noblest of this world ' s sons and daughters are— -ob ! name it not in Tam worth , tell it not in the halls of Netherby—a nation of slaves ! Work—work—work !
Till toe brain begins to swim , Work—work—work ! Till the eyes are heavy and dim ! Work—work—work ! My labour never flags ; And what are its wages?—a bod of straw , A crust of bread—and rags ! How is it ? Let the bill of 1819 answer . Its sins are many—their same is legion , and its author has much to atone for .
• Oh Bob ! oh Bob ' . ye'll get ye ' r falrln ' , In h , they'll roast you like a herrin !' A day of retribution will surely come , and may even now be at hand , when the name ef this declslonleee , vacillating , monetary tiaker , with all hig farcical solemnities , will be justly despised by an injured nation , and banded down for execration to all posterity . His bill of 1519 will yet be known to the hard-working labearers of England as the disgraceful and villanous cause of that iniquity which has reduced them te misery , wretchedness , and crime—bb a bill which has handed ovfr to the drones ef society the products of our mother earth , to be squandered away in luxury and idleness , and , consequently , left the producer and his infant ones deprived not ODly of food and clothing , but almost of the very air of heaven—a prey to famine , disease , and death . Shall it longer bo borne ? Shall sush
an obscene system of corruption , by which alone it wac originated and is supported , be permitted to continue 5 S imcthing tells me—no ; and whispers that the day is at hand when the sons of Britain , rising in their might , will , and shall , and must be free—free to demand , and ready to claim their rights so long denied—wbea this unjust , wicked , and improvident measure will be swept into oblivion , and Britain be herself again—not the spectacle which sho now presents to the world of bloated wealth and equalid poverty , but a comparatively happy , united , and contented people—all the sons and daughter * of libGur sharing , according ta their dteerts , in the well-earned rewards of industry and toil , and not as bow , each one running the demoralising race of cheatery and vile competition with his neighbour—the natural consequence of that unjust distribution of wealth which the measure referred to has caused , countenanced , and sanctioned .
To the labouiersof England , then , this question of the currency is important beyond all others , its proper adjustment being essential to tbeir nearest interests—let then therefore understand that Peel ' s Bill of 1819 is the basis of that currency—at least that it is the basis upon which the currency of this country has been attempted to be placed since 1819 . It was enacted with tbo viow of restoring gold to its natural price—viz ., £ 3 17 b . lOjd . per oz , at which it was accordingly fixed , and at which consequently it is always obtainable . Nominally we had maintained a currency , payable at this standard price , up to the year 1797 , but owing to tire increase of the National Debt—then amounting to between three and four hundred millions—wa were
compelled openly to abandon it . Openly , I Bay , bceauae we had , from the moment that that debt was introduced , laid tho foundation of the ultimate disruption that was sure to occur between the two . The debt wag a departure from the laws of nature , and as it could only be supported by artificial means , a resort was had to paper money—kence from thogradaal increase of the debt and of paper money , it gradually becamo more and more difficult , while the prices of all commodities were being conquently artiBcially increased too , to keep gold alon » , and in circulation , at Us ancient price ; and after subjecting us to many difficulties , the unnatural straggle ended , as might have been anticipated , in tbo abandonment of the ancient standard , as above noticed , after which gold par . tleipated is the artificial rise of prices with aU other commodities .
Now what was there in our position in 1819 , let us inquire , to give even theBbadow of an appearance of justice to a return to the ancient standard ! When I say that the National Debt had increased to moro than eight hundred million ! , metbinka I gay enough to sendconvic . tion home to the mind of any reasonable man , that we were less able than ever to rotnrn to that standard , and that it cannot be otherwise than too apparent that the act of 1819 was passed in woeful ignorance of its vast im . portance , under the peculiar circumstances In which the country wns placed , as our subsequent history abundantly proves . The bill of 1819 , however , wot passed , but it was
passed in rain , at least , in one all important sense , since It has proved to be absolutely poperlesi fer any good , but omnipotent for securing periodically recurring evils , of the most ruinous nature , to almost theentire community . Tbo truth is the ancient standard hainot been restored ! Peel might as well have attempted to make tho shadow go back upon the dial , as attempt , with the present amount of our enormouB fictitious debt , and consequent swollen engagements of all klndi , t » forca back gold to its na . tural price . The thing was a palpablo impossibility—an absurdity beyond all other absurdities—and hence the difficulties that have surrounded na ever since tho insane
experiment commenced ; and yet to thiB system Peel is jojfully , irrevocably , and eternally wedded and devoted ! So says the late Dr Arnold , who was not incapable of judging' . ' The man has no religion , ' bo says Dr Arnold . 1 The God of his idolatry is the stnndard of Elizabeth ; the Church , Pcssylsm , Oatholici « n > , or any other 'ism , ' he cares not for , but on this point at least hi » Bllppery mind is to all appearance firmly fixed . He rejoices that gold is fixed at £ 3 17 s . lO ^ d . per ounce ; and at another moment , apparently with an air of triumph , asserts—what ! That the price of gold is not fixtd ! Passing strange—then surely the bill of 1819 is a dead letter ! For what , Is It necessary to reiterate , was the llll of 1 S 19 pnjsed , but to secure the pr ! ce of gold at £ 'J 17 i . 10 H . per ounce , and at which price it is accordingly , neither more nor legB , always obtainable ? Here
at the outBBt , is a dilemma ! It must be—it evidently is a quibble ( somewhat akin to that other stale prop of tho bill of 1819 , What is a pound ? ' What desperate attemptB to mystify a subject which with success unequalled , has been bo much mystified alroadyl Indeed mystery is its only prop ! Once tear the veil Blunder and this hideous enactment will stand forth In ail its ' naked deformity . Arguments to support it thore are none , and therefore none to confute ! If the price of gold is not fixed—andjPetl saj s it is not—then I repeat the bill of 1819 must of necessity bo a dead letter I f-jar ' however , that it is but too true that th « price of gold is fixod . It is fixed to secure , as I have aald above , periodically recurring evils of o natnre the most disastrous especially to the labouring portion of the community it ia therefore fixed for evil , and not for good ! When our
necessities revolt from this fiied price of gold , and ronder it & dead letter , as they periodically do , prosperity is triumphant—the peoploaro comparativel y contented and happy , and with an air of native independence while smoking their pipes , jocularl y renew tho inquiry of the witty drayman of 1814 : Taxes Jim , I BDy , vai ' s taxes !" Give the , p ^ ople of England a sufficient currency and plenty to do , which are synonjmoup , and what CRre they for tasee ? Dunsg such periods the bill of 1819 in a certain Btnee , i * null and void ( it only exists where It should not ) -the standard of value has been despised and neglected , aud were it not for that Btundard , which does good to no one save the drones , the prosperity would continuebat theit
, n unnecessaril y , though most unfortunately , still exists , to recall ub back to misery ! Everything , let ma toll you , in this country is artificial , with two important exceptions , which are gold and misery The fatal enactment respecting the one . causes the other ! Our National Debt is pre-eminent artificial Tmd the prices of all commodities , within our own country ' are nscewarii y so too-these artificial pri . os can only bo supported by an extended curreney-tlut extension in apita of the act of 1819 , wo are forced to arrive at , anu , when arrived at , the nation is prosperous , and the other nations with whom we trade are bo too ; but , o 4 such periods of prospsiity , we have revolted from , Bad fox <
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fetted our allegiance to the ^ fixid price gold , or , in othsr words , tho purchasing power of the currency . in gold as well ns bank notes , has become diminished , and wo consequently no sooner arrive at this condition ( and mark me this is where all the evil lies under this stupid system ) than the gold , naturally disliking that association with paper money , which has thus entailed upon It merely an artificial value , revolts from the depredation , and gradually disappears from our hands , being , by tho same natural action attracted to other lands , where its intrinsic value or purchasing power ia not pulled dewn , depreciated nor diminished by any artificial or fictitious arrangements , like onr National Debt-. ™ M « *» neither more nor lees than a National Delusion 1 And ( that gold being the basis , as well as tho regulator of the quantity of our circulation ) hence the periodical pomios , with which
no have been so often visited since the return to the ancien t standard was attempted , commencing immediately after the war was ended in 1815 , and which hava entailed upon us from time to time such immense losses— . panicB which ought to be deplored by all , and looked upon indeed as a sort of ellent confesBlen that there ia gomothing radically wrong in our whole syBtem . In my opinion that wrong is self-evident , and the remedy equally clear . The bill of 1819 is the roet of all the mischief , and its immediate abrogation therefore , and that alone * 1 b the remedy . Do away with it , and you will render our whole ByBtem , artificial in reality—that is , yon will make it the same aa it is now , with the all essential difference however , that gold alone will not be exempted from tha t artificiality , as the law of 1819 now . stupidly attempts to Hake it ; this abrogation therefore could do
bo harm—no injury whatever to existing interests , unless jon look upon periods of depression bb favourable to the moneyocracy , and they no doubt temporarily aro so—these they would consequently be deprived of , but who would regret it ? And , indeed , what right have they to the unholy gains attendant upon such mioery-creative periods to all else DeBldeB 1 The bill of 1819 , however , is desperately clung to , in fatal ignorance , I grant you , but still it is a creed , if you may so call it , to which many , sy , ' thousands , wbo imagine themselves interested in its preservation , have firmly and resolutely pinned their faith . Never could there be a greater mistake—a more fatal error , Tho fundholdere , especially , and beyond all others ( and yet I cannot say that altogether , since the value of all other proporty in the country ranges by the public funds ) are interested in the adoption of a policy
tho ' very reverse , viz ., that which I am now strenuously advocating . Repeal the bill of 1819 , and the National Debt ramalnB secure . Continue that aot , and we will continue to be drifted about until we split upon the rocki of revolution ! They ought to know that ;< nature disowns tho visionary basis up on which tho funding system is built , ' These are the words of Thomas Paine , one of the ablest and most renowned political economists of his age ; and though uttered moro than half a century ago , when the funding system had not reached half its present magnitude as far as numbers go , their truth and justice have become more apparent than ever . Sinee we have got into eur present deplorable state , bowerer , our best plan of action is to endeavour to get out ef it ie the best way we can , without plunging the whole nation into anarchy and rain—IneXtrlctiblo for years ,
Now , what I am oexIous to point out is simply thlrthat we would te a much more sensible people if we would at once abandon this needless system , and allow gold to Bod its prlco in onr markets , in the same manner as we now allow it to find its purchasing power—a power which , t . s I have endeavoured to show , must always remain greatly diminished bo long as we are com pelled to keep such large quantities of paper money in circulation—in short , the reduction of the debt alone will ever enable ub to reduco the latter , and consequently so long as that debt is not reduced , we cannot keep gold at Its ancient price . This ia clear and simple ; but it is not comprehended by tbe enlightened people of this empire . Mystification , conjuring up all sorts of terrors to these who imagine themselves interested , has done Ub work so well ! We have Bolemn and earnest entreaties from men of all parties , not to
meddle with tho sacred standard *—a thlag which I repeat , exists nowhere , save in their own Peel . misled imaginations , except for securing tbose evils which are equally deplored by all ' . —they tuke it for granted , however , that there is a standard—that the enrrency qufBtion whs settled In 1819—that all engagements entered into sinoe then , would constquently be unsettled by a change—and contented , therefore , in this blind belief , not only deprecatory attempt at change , but instantly , una vok—with a singular unanimity , denounce and stigmatise such attempts bb dishonest , fraudulent , wicked , and delusive !! How , in the name of all that is sacred , I demand to know , could a return to common sense on the part ef the BrUiBh nation , rob any portion of the community ? Repeal the ectof 1819—and what follows ? The uign of absurdity and error will ceaoo , and a cen sisten * , humane , straightforward , and intelligible—because a natural—cyatem will be restored !
In conclusion , let me tell the Political Economists to beware ! They loudly deny that any change is re quired , but the men of England laugh them to scorn . — No change required ! What an insult to common sense !! With Ireland before their eyes , and hundreds of thousands of the starving industrious at their own doorsthey shut their eyes , and recklessly assert that there Is no cause for complaint—no need for change ! And ouch words are addressed to tho men of England , who ore even willing to allow themselves to be degraded to a condition little better , if not worse , than that of slavery , if they can only secure bread to preserve them from starvation !!
If a change of any kind was needed in France , end a revolution was justifiable to accomplish it , os even our Gorrtjpt Press unanimously , though with a ourious grace , admit ; how much more , may it not be asked , is a sweeping change required here , where hunger by inches .-. that cunningly deviaod modo of 8 tarvatlon- » ifl tho or . der of the day ! The French accomplished a revolution in 1830 . —So did wo when the Reform Bill wbb carried : The FreDch found themselves grievously deoeived , and were resolved to make no mistake another time . How much more nave we been deceived 1 What have tbe Whigs , liberal in name but utterly tyrannical at heart , dqne for us ? Let us make no mistake this timo , ought to , be the earnest prayer of all !! There is no hppe for England , but through the Char , ter . I confess myself a convert to its doctrines , an 3 wishing all success to the hard working mm of England , who arp , in every respect , deserving of the suffrage ,
I beg to subscribe myself , Their fellow-lobourer and friend , A . Z ., junior
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A WORD OR TWO FROM A ' SPECIAL . ' TO THE EDITOE OF THE NORTHERN BTAR . Sie , —The ' specials' ( since tho seorats of the Black Book hare been ezposed , ) havo naturally enough become very much disgusted at having been so plausibly hooked in by government to support grois abuses and not their own property , or a just government . When their ' three months 'have expired , see if oao fourth will ro-ealistj Ne , no , they naturally enough B 9 y , wo will stick by our own bouse and properly with red hot pokers , if necessary , and not be obliged to shut up shop at all hours
and In all weathers , to parade the streets to support the Black List , and an over-luxurious arlstocraoy living ont of the pockets ot ' tbe poor and starving 5 And if wo do not turn out to do policeman ' s duty we are subject to a penalty of £ 20 ! Subject to h penalty of £ 20 because we will not support such an iniquitous church and aristocracy I John Bull , verily jou are a great fool to hara allowed things to go on thus so long . Tho Marquis of Worceiter , and other aristocrats , have lately been sworn in aa ' specials ; ' they tbink that after the 10 th of April ' specials' have served their timo tho aristocracy will have to take care of themselves . —very probable , I should
think . It is very certain that while there is such aa iniquitous Black List the country will ever bo poor and in trouble . It is not amongot tho aristocracy that there is the greatest wisdom , and it 1 b not tho aristooraoy who now work tho wheels of government and Improve ovary science , therefore tho aristocracy are not indispensably necessary . But there is no objection to an aristocracy , so long as thoy keep themselves , and have only their proper amount of power . But as long as there- Is one law for tho rich and another for tho poor , and as long as the poor are made to pay taxes to support the luxuries and many vices of tho aristocracy and their friends , so long will tbere bo poverty and discontent , and , of oourBe , rioting , Removo the cause , ( tbo Black List and unjait laws , ) and tho tffect ( discontent and rioting , ) will cease . Yotars , A 'Special *
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IRELAND'S WRONGS . TO THE IDITOtt OP THK NOHTHEBN STAB . SjB ) Oh , Ireland ! who can think upon thy wrongs without a bitter pang . Iu the face of the bright 8 Un , thy children pcrUh for lack of bread . See there a poor rcoiher passing through tbe streets of Tuatu ; her cries reed the air for two of her little ones fall—they lie upon tho bare ground in the hard troddtn street and immediately cxplro . Turn from the saddening scene , and your eyes iig bt upoB another equally distressing . Pour women carry upon a hurdle a boy , followed by its dig . conBolate mother . The corpse is wrapped in straw—the mother could prcdure no coffin , and thua they are bear Ing it to tho grave . You turn with sickening heart away , but only to behold a sight , if possible , still moro distressing . A wretchofl , emaciated labourer , nearly naked , foot sore with travelling , and nearly dead nlih hunger , enters a dwelling to solicit permission to remain
for tbe night . L ; nvo to tarry is © brained , and the charitable inmates off . T him food , He eats and retires to rest . Rest ! Tho Queen has her couch of down , so have thousands more of tho idle and prcfl gate , who never yet knew what « aa meant by toll ; but ho , the wearied child of labour , had betn searching for employ , ment in vain , fend slept for ssvoral nights underhedges , and but for tho kindneBB of these poor inmates , roust have done so this night . But they can afford him no bed ; he mutt lie on tho floor , with nothing savs the rags ho wears for a covering . At five in the morning lie tries to sally forth , but bis limbs rofuso to bear hlu ) , and death ends his miserable extotencu . You are next iri the vicinity of Skibborcea , where famine hath sJain it » thousands . There aro masses of military and police conveying the famine-stricken culprits to and from tho counbouso . You enter it , and ate tho prisoners tthea called on , ons by one , aro unublo to stand at the bar but are Ueldun bj a policeman ; whilst ou the beach .. a
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stmblanco of humanity proceeds to try the uofoT ' ° **" being before him . One is charged with having 6 vS > ien two weights ofpotatoes ; the jury consults for a « n <> me £ ' u -fter hearing the evidence ; gnll » j- Is pronounced by tD 6 foreman , and the heartless recorder proceeds to sentence ; a fearful phriek from the prisoner's wife thrills through every heart , for the felon is sentenced to seven years transportation . These ore no taU-s of flntion . See the Cosu Examinee , the Galwat Mebodet , the TU 4 M Heeald , an * tho Ma to Constitution , and where are the Englishman's joyB ? What amount of pleaiure is shared amongst the 15 , 000 persons on the poor ' s list , in Bradford ; or the 22 , 000 1 b Manchester ; or the thousands in Nottingham , or Leicester , The gruel diet of the parish poor in England is not r whit more nutritious than the heavy lumpers or Indian meal of Ireland . Ought this state of things to be borne , when by modorate exertion ten times more can be produced than the
population eanoonsume ? but the labourerB . ire aot permitted to liva , whilst the few who would fanoy themselves degraded if obliged to use the mechanism of tbe artisan , or the tool of the husbandman , are revelling in luxury , wrenched from the famished workman . Is not one man ' s life as dear to him as another ' s 9 Yet one of the bravest of men must bs banished—torn from his wife and children—his hair cropped , and wearing the garb of a felon , for asserting that the life of a poor man was equal to that of a rich man ; or will you allow your minds to be diverted to the pursuit of any olher object , however dear , till that brave man is restored to bis family 8 What is the £ 400 , whioh was said to have been collected , worth te the bereaved wife and children ? With what indignation would that noble-minded woman view tbe offer , when told that this turn was what a cation of eight millions had to giro Id return for her busband ' s services .
Englishmen , —you have a twofold reason for beBtimng yonrselves in behalf of the exiled patriot . Ireland's mieery is owing to English rule , and you can only prove your sympathy by your devotednees in brbalf of Irelahd ' * friend . The second reason is , your misery will equal that of Ireland in four years timo , if you struggle not to avert it . Nine-tenths of our population live by labour of one kind or another , but that labour is daily being displaced by new improvements ia machinery . I told you tho other day , through the Natienal Assembly , that here , in Blackburn , the shuttle had been made to increase In speed from 120 to 170 picks a minute within
tbe last three years , and that owing to this increased speed one-third more work could be porformed in tbe same time ; but within tbe last fortnight , a loom has been made to drive In one of out mills at the fate of 220 picks a minute . When railroads weie laid , and horses displaced by machinery , a ready road wao found of gotting rid of redundant horseflesh . There is only one road to get rid ef you , tbe working clasiee , and that is by stabbing you through the stomach , and the heartless wretches who govern will not hesitate to do this , as it Is necessary to preserve the present system for their awn sake . Richard Mab » j > en .
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ON THE ORIGIN AND NATURE OF RIGHTS AND WRONGS . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NOUTBIBH STAE , Sib , — Fervently desiring the most complete success in conquering your rights and liberty , let us reason together and « ee whether we know what they are . Though armB are very essential in remoring the agents of oppression , yet , without a true knowledge of the nature of rights and wrong ? , we can neither restore them thoroughly , nor shape measures so as to ultimately attain them , Think not that the settling of fundamental prln - ciples , in tho abitract , ia less important than the
exercir . o of the sword in thepracticalestabllshmentof liberty . Nor should wo heedlessly ceglect to consider any new position In political science , when the history of reform shown that every renlly new idea has always leavened tbe sentiments of mankind . Let , then , both the most theoretical and practical thinkm among us strain every thought , and , so far as the light of the age will admit , develops tbe thorough principle of our rights and wrongs . Tho many liberty-rising nations of Europe , establishing constitutional governments , demand the united Intellect of reformers in working out a true political science , The labouring millions , for ages , have been sufficiently sacrificed by the aristocracy to the God of Mammon for their future redemption .
If the people of Europe can advance no further than the establishment of representative governments , like those of the United States , by copying our servile imita . tlon of your King , LordB , and Commons , by s President , senate , and representatives , instead of establishing the right of each man to the soil , to arms and to sovereignty , so that he can employ himself , Instead of becoaaiDg a hireling , and , in proper person , partake in prescribing law nnd govern , ment by means cf township primary assemblies , tho working millions will still have to pas 3 through another eraef damnation . But if you cannot possibly carry out this thorough principle of a perfect right—if you cannot yet directly restore each man his natural share of tho soil—ifyouoannot yet dispense with sovereignty-mono , policing officers , as well as landlords , by the people acting
in proper person in township assemblies , by all means make it a part of the constitution that the right ef each one to a Bhare in the soil is inalienable , Bubject only to bo exchanged for eaoh other , < tc , and that the overplus of the present monopolisers of the soil shall be sold to the landless only in equal shares , ascertained by dividiag tbe whole of the good soil by the population ; that the whole male population shall be always armed as a standing army , and tho duty of those of the locality invaded , to repel the assailants while constantly reinforced and their places supplied from the neighbouring quarters ; and that there shall bo but one un-branched legislative assembly , with its speaker and secretaries , acting also as tho executive , with ft veto upon their enactment ? by their people ia the primary assemblies , and who also with universal suffrage , shall elect every officer .
But , oh , how can we hope that mankind will yet thoroughly attain their rlghtB , when tho knowledge ef thoir nature and origin is yet clouded by the dogmas of ages , and but partially developed by the reformers of tho age . Though the intimate and inseparable connexion of man ' s organs with eaoh other and the surrounding elements is most palpably the origin of his right to life , to sovereignty , to soil , and the Tihole product of his labour ; yet , behsld what a circle the human mind has been revolving in for three thousand years , as to the origin of rights , property , and government . In pagan Greeco , It seems , the sovereign power was supposed to proceed from sages and kings . The people assembled for advice around the philosophers in their gardens , and the orator statesmen in tho forum ,
and decided as a jury upon the laws and measures of government . But the Jewish literature arose , charged with a new but improved religion , but Which thickened the cloud of man ' s ignorance , as to tbe origin of right * , by inculcating the doctrine that God invested the allodial title to the earth and the sovereign power of government in Adam and his lineal descendants . Hence , all the kings of Christendom traced their genealogy , to Noah ' s three soni , and , for a round of ages , tho highest title to tho soil and to sovereignty was claimed by them , and that the rest of mankind held by various forms of tenure and vice-gerency . But ths ecclesiastical power ,
in the meantime , claimed , as the vice-gerents of heavcB , tho divine right to transmit the temporal titles and powers to kings , At this crisis , Locke , with the inductive philosophy of Bacon , showed tbe absurdity of supposing the origin of rights , of government , and properly , to havo originated in Adara , in kings , or popes . But , though he removed some rubbish , he only substituted the degma , that the origin of government was founded in a conventional oompact between tbe king , on tbe one part , promising protection , and the people , on the other , promising obedienco . Blaokgtone modo no advance by supposing that the people , finding a government hanging over them , givo their tacit consent ,
Then Rousseau , still retaining tho dogma of a ' social compact , ' supposed the contract to be made by tho whole bsdy of thepooplo , on tho ono part , and each individual on the other , leaving a king out of the bargain . This 'cut off another excrescence of the dogma ; but it is by bis declaration that the right to sovereignty is inalienable , and , therefore , can only be represented by itself , that he made the first advance in applying ono of the true principles of every right to that of sovereignty , but whic . V he did not generalise to the other rights . Nor did ho apply the other two princlpleswhich constitute a perfect right—that of equality nnd individuality—but predicated that tho sovereignty was one and indivisible , This dogma ( bat makes sovereignty an abstract unity in the majority of the people , denies it to the minority . But by assuming
that each man ' s right to sovereignty and every other right is rqual , individual and inalienable , no majority , with all tho powers of earth and heaven combined , can alienate that of the minority or oven a single individual . Thus he failed to apply even his correet principle of the inolienablenoss of sovereignty In the right way and to trace it to its proper ori gin . Instead of tracing rights to the lndiBBolublo connexion of man ' s organs and wants with the surrounding elements , he stopped at the compacts of intervening legislative bodies , who can only make e * p < ir ( e attempts at dtfining what tho laws of this connexion are . According to the doctrine that rights are equal , isolated and inalienable , the real compact is between each man ' s body and the surrounding world , so that though laws should be enacted by the majority of the people In person , yet they can be of no validity if contrary to the natural relations of mans ' s wants with
ihe external world , Rousseau , then , having predicated the dogma , that the right of sovereignty iB ono and indivisible , Babeuf , Fourier , and Owen havo generalised tho prlnciplo to the other rights of life , person , labour , and property , as also one , indivisible and common Tho two latter , under different modifications of the principle , ia the form of phalanxes and communities , urgo that capitalists should associate their capital and give permanent employment to the producer , not seeming to pcrceivo the damnable presumption of one portion
of sooiety giving the other employment , when all are entitled to an equal share of the soil , and should give themselves employment . What a poor advanco it is in tho Unowle 6 Re of a perfect right , to contend only tfcat a man has nri « htto employment , instead of to the whole profluot of hiB labour , and to his equal sharo of the Boil . StraDge that inon enn see that they havo a natural right tc labouv , without Boeing that they must also have a ' natural right to the mateiisls of labour tbe soil nnd appurtenant eltmenta . I find that the extreme refofmsenfiaventin the present 1 Btxugglo in rraatfi i goea bo farther Shaa that capital
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should be so organised as to give employment nni greater share of profits to the hireling . Alas , thoa pQa * ignorant drudge ! Oh that you could think as brave / ai you can fight ! How will you be diaappolotad ll coatinuing to labour upon tbe degrading principle 0 » hire and wages . How will you continue to be scourg M by poverty and famine , until you learn that tho 60 | l capital , and labour must be united in the same person ' In the form of eelf-employment equal , individual ani inalienable homesteads . Capital la merely the sarpl , of your labour , after supporting the non-producing cla 8 a In luxury , and yourselves with the smallest pittance . Bat were yon to reclaim your natural right to the eon ] tbe whole product of your labour would be yours , and there could be no suoh an evil as that of property accu . mulating property .
Yet can we wonder at the tlow advance of the masses in knowledge , when wo sec , as stated above , that the very few who cfia originate truth , only advance np each other by asserting ofton no more than the fractional part ol a principle , each time , while often accompanied with false positions , which are gene * rally caught up more rapidly than the true on es The CommuBistB of Franco are , no doubt , the most radical « f the revolutionists . They see farthest into the rights of labour ; but assuming the impracticable prinolple of communitlsin ; propsrty and other rights , instead ot individuallising them still more , I fear ' they will effect nolhlnp . I shall be pained io find that slsty
years diacussion will not establish what the sincere Re . publieans of' 92 struggled for , that of Universal Suffrage , and that of having the enaciraents of a single legislative body submitted to the people in their primary assenu bliea for their final deciaien . A sovereignty as well as every other right being inalienable , It must be txercijed by each man for himself in proper person . For officers will no more wield Use sovereignty for tho bentfit of constituents , than landlords will hold the soil for the profit of tenanta . This direct dincussion and voting upon the I » w its « lf , it the only principle ever yet attempted to lie established , that is ia accordance with the true exercise of any political right .
I take the position , that every right to be perfect must be equal , individual , and inalienable . They are equal because each man ' s organs , natural mmts and powers o ( production are equally connected ; they are individual , bicauso they aro Individually connected ; and they ara inalienable , because they are inseparably connected with , the surrounding earth and appurtenant Elements . Ac * cordlag to th ! o constitution of rights , no man ean bs made the property of another without committing ths greatest outrage upon humanity , The rljht to life being equal , all must equally defend themselves ; it being'indivi . dual , each must individually defend himself ; and it being inalienable , it cannot be alienated in the farm of capital punishment , aggressive war , or any wsy whatever , ex . oeptin self-defence anddefen » ive > ar . It is ' theduty , there *
fore , of every man to be always armed in self-defence , and become a part of the ntanding ^ rmy , without any pgrt becoming » hired soldiery and separate interest from tho rest of the citisens . With this improved fora of tho military it will be the duty of those of the looallty in . v » ded to repal the invaders in self-defence , while coa . tinually reinforwd ; thnp soon ending the warfare with . oat oreating a labour-taxing national debt . The right Of each man to sovereignty being equal , he cannot exercise It equally unless for himself ia preper person ; itbelngindlvidual . it must not be held as one and In . ( liveable In any collective bogy , party , majority , ellque , or king . For this takes it away from these who do not join the bety that has commuBitised it . The right of sovereignty , then , must be held as individual and conclu . slve , as well as property . It must not be held in common for the use of party , hut for the ubq of one ' s « elf .
And whBt is held properly for one ' s self will not bo detrimental to the interest of tho rcat of mankind . The right of each man to sovereignty beiDg inalienable , it cannot properly bs exercised by a substitute , deputy , of representative . Ne man or olasg can ever represent another , they can only represent themselves . It is the officers of every government who exercise tho sovoreign power , which is vested in them by tbe constitution and laws , while the people have no other power than that or selecting who shall wield thsir already alienated sovereignty . The boasted privilege ef Universal Suffrage Is nothing more than the universal participation of all in selecting from among the mono , polisera of their sevsreigHty . That censUtutfou , therefore , that provides that legislation shall be exercised b y what is called representatives instead of the people ia preper person , by that very provision alienates their sovereignty and other rightB ,
The right of cack man to the soil , and to the whole produot of labour , being equal , ha must bs entitled to aa equal share of the soil . As his right to them is also in . dividual , they should be held in an isolated state—it being impossible to enjoy perfectly the same identical thin jb , And as tbe right to the soil is inalienable , it should never be held in the form ef tenure by any portion of mankind from the rest . For that cIbbb which holds the soil of the country , monopolises also every other right , and redness all who have no property to mere goods and chattels , and to the most productive kind of pro * p . rty .
It seems that though all property , all rights , are mo . nopoiised by a clais of non-producers , yet even they may lose their equal share out of their nnjust accumn . Iations ; because rights have never yet been declared and established upon the triune principle of tbeir equality , individutlity and inalienableneu ; sided by an organisation into townships , where the proportionate number of farmers and mechanios , in proper person , on their homes steads , can produce an asse-rtment of the necessaries of . life , equitably exchange their surplus products , and legislate by township primary assemblies . Years in thorough reform , Lewis Masqukbiedb . WiliiamaburghjHear New York , May lOtb , 1848 .
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MUBDEK AND HlOIIWAT ROBBERT IN ArRSHIRE . — As two young men from Kilmarnock were out , it ia thought on a poaching excursion , early on the morning of Saturday , they found lying on a road , between the parishes of Dundoaald and Riccarton , tho body of a youth , who bore distinct traoes that hehad been foully murdered . The features of the ill-fated youth were covered with clotted blood , and his body wa 3 cold and stiff . A bundle , which bstonged to the deceased , ivas on the road near him ; but with the exception of his cap , which was gone , there was no evidence of external Bpoliation . The neighbouring iarmera and their servants were immediately informed of the ecourrjnee ; while , at the same time , information was forwarded to the authorities . Mr
Gross , procurator-fiacal , and Superintendent Penny , of the constabulary , were early on the spot . In tho course of their inquiries , it transpired that the young man who had thua come to so violent and untimely a death was James Young , seventeen years of age , Bonof John Young , farmer , in GatesiJe , near Riccarton . He was a farm servant to Mr Smith , in Fort , acres . He left his employer ' s residence on Friday , which was' term day' in Kilmarnock , and having received his half-year ' s fee , amounting to about £ 3 , he had purchased with this sum several artioies ef wearing apparel . He visited bis parents at Gate * side in the course of the afternoon , and after having spent a few houra with ( hem and other relations , he left ; his father ' s house about half-past ten o ' clock , on
his return to Fortacres , which could only have occupied him an hour ' s walk , and which he was destined never to reach . From the manner in which the body yraa found , it is conjectured that the murderer had either lain in wait or overtaken his viotim for the purpose of effecting a robbery ; and that he had felled him to the ground by a blow with a atone on the back part of the head . The youth , perhaps baying identified the robber , and given alarmthongh no one heard a cry in that neighbour * hood on the evening in question—the ruffisn , the more effeotually to accomplish his purpose , and to disconnect any chain of identity , accomplished the terrible crime by driving or forcing a large chisel into tho neck of the unfortunate youth , baneath the
left ear , dividing the carotid artery , and thereby causing instantaneous death . The murderer must then , unmolested , hsve robbed bis victim , taking awa > a silver watch , a few shillings of money—for , considering the purchases of the Jad , he could have had only a few shillings in his poofee& — and tha bonnflt which he wore . The chisel ' with which tha deed was committed was found about ten yards off in an adjoining pasture field . It had beenthrowa over by the murderer ; , and when- found , on Superintendent Penny ' s arrival , was still wet with blood . It is a large and deadl y-looking instrument , and does not seem to have been used for carpenters' purposes but chiefl y for occasional job 3 . Theaathoritira hava bBen assiduous in the performance of their dutiesDra
, Haldane , of Ayr , and Paxton , ef Kilmarnook , made a post mortemlexaminatiin of the bod y on Saturday ; and Mr Sheriff RobiBSon and Mr J . F . Murdock , procurator-tiscal , renewed their investigatioDa at Fortacres yesterday . From the vigilance of Superintendent Penny ' s force , we have no doubt that there will speedily be a clue by which the per * pertrator of the bloody deed will be brought to justice . Sinee the above was in type , we ( Air Obbervsr ) are happy to state that an Irishmao , against whom strong suspicions exist as being tho murderer , has been taken into custody , and securely lodged in
Ayr jail . It appears that the prisoner arrived in Beith in the course of Saturday ; and haying obtained the assistance of an acquaintance , who pawned a watch corresponding with tho one worn by ths murdered youth , receiving £ 1 for it , he took his departure by an afternoon train for Johnston ® . Ha however , went out at Lockwinncck , aad committed , it is reported , another depredation by breaking open a chest in one of the * oll . house 3 ia that district . The police afterwards got upon bi& trail , and succeeded in apprehending him in Paisley , frsm wheDC 9 he was brought , by the railway train , to the count ? prison .
The Cholera . —The cholera is . making sad haveO again in Russia . According to ths Brbunisohg NACHBicHiEn , there were ia one week 155 cases is Moscow , fifty-seven of which terminated fatally . 1 ha epidemic ia also raging ia Wladimir aad Teller * nigorod , and in the governmeat of Podolia . The guardians of the- poor of Sheffield have com * menced an interp . jtins experiment by taking ataao * mwal rent of tt . o Duke of Norfolk about sixty aores of waste lanA , oa which to employ tbe paupers , and thus avoid the unprofitable waste of labour and d 8 « gradatioaMtJiQ ^ Qaftjieap .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 10, 1848, page 2, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1474/page/2/
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