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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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THE SOSG OF FREEDOM , jjsrk ! b ° m the «>« ' 1 ob * &t & * South , To Preedoiu ' s rallying roar ; VTbose password fiUs from mouth to mouth , iad riBgs from shore to 6 hor »» Too long , toft long , With enSering etrccjr , Unhallowed honis they bore' Sow Freedom cri ?« , ¦ Wi th sparkling eyes , Lit men be slaves no more ! No more ! : L ; t men be slaves no more !
Prince hnrledber tyrant from the throne , With one resistless strokekai frighteu'd despots vainly groan , To view the broken yoke . As princes fiy , Their native ' s sky , i To f etk Britannia ' s shore—The nations rise , With aery eyes , And Trill b ! slaves no more I Ho more I And will be Elaves no more I
Shall Ekglakd tamely stand and gee Young F * EED » a * 3 glittering lights , >" or raise the watchword—Libzbtt , Oar CHARTER and our RIGHTS \ No ! they shall Eee We will fca free , For Falsehood ' s reiga ii o ' er ; With heart and hand , In strength we stand . And will be elaves no morel No more ! And will bs slaves no more ! Who would not die in suck a
cause—The cawe of Trnth and Eight ! Though long oppressed by tyrant law * , We'll gird ourselves for fight . Who would be EtiU , Wbea every hill Re-echoes Freedom ' s roar ? And every Tale , Sejeats the tale' We will be slaves no more ! 'JNo more J ' We will be slates no more i '
Who can withstand s nation's might . Impassioned , pare , and Btreng ; When once they see , by Freedom ' s light , They have Been Elave 3 too long * Unites , ' tseD , Brsre Englishmen , Your strife will soon be o'er—And natiensbless . Tour bright succeig , AnSMEXbe ELAYES ' no nors I Komore ! And HEX be SLAVES no more ! Osre or tss Peopie ,
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tg ~ Revolutions and counter-revolutions , Repnblicaa revolts and rojal flights , insurrections and proscriptions , mcutes , demonstrations and triumphs of public order (!) ' hare of late sooceupied our attention , and bd much monopolised our column * , that we have allowed this department of the Stas to fall into neglect . In the clearing off arrears of publications received for review , we must of necessity give but a brief notice of each . Wijen cnce agiin we have made all straight we shall return to our former plan of giving lengthy reriews of all publications really valuable ; a plan which , we believe , gave great satisfaction to the readers of the Stak in other days .
IRELAND . L—Tenant Riehi . A Letter addressed to Lord Viscount Crtstle ' reagh , M . P . I . —Repeal or Revolution . A letter addressed to the Rkht lion . Lord John Russell , M . P . By Joes DrsHOEs Laxg , D . D . . A .. M . London : E . Wilson , Royal Exchange . 2 , This' Letter' appears lo have been printed for private eir .-nlation . Called forth by Sir Whxiam Scu-rtjlle ' s Landlord and Tenant Bill , this Letter be b-en written to explain—1 st . what' tenant-right realkig . ' and 2 nd . suggest a scheme of law to the legisiatme , calculated in the belief of The Antrim iBd Down Tenant-Rieht Association' to give . satisfaction to Ireland . This pamphlet affords ns the opportunity of briefly explaining to oor readers the finning ot 1 TENANT EIGHT .
The lark ' s vct- j mc-stiv held at such moderate rents , « encoura .-td the tenants' exertions , and SECnred them & rca-oLaol- support for tfeeir families ; to that when wy Unanr desir »< 3 tn dispose of hi ? occupancy , be was & ! s 5 js enabled to sell his ' good-will , ' or interest , ' or ' fensnt-right , ' for a sum fir exceeding his actual erpsndirare upon the premiss . If tbe kndlord , at the Ujiirukn tiahase . or where tfcere was no lease , deilrtito dUpoMess a tenant , he always granted ptroiseioa to fell to another , or become , himself , the F ^ chsstr , ef the ceueI price of teB&at-right , in the feric ; , Cudxr suf-h arrangements , tbe jcterefts sf teaant-fiT . 3 : rE have con ? o to be as much recognised as actual pro-W ' j as ifudmple interest cf tbe Ja-floras — selling , ^ Kwdiiiz :, i cirt rnotanccs and localities , either with or
* i ' -W . : ejt = f a ; a rstevarvit . g from £ 10 , to £ SO an acre . s Jtosp :, t .- ij jj- isthis pririlfpc been recognised as a ^ tt , ' 6 a : Uk . i rtqiired ftr public works usually briEgS 11 ferp : u < . t ( , tbf occupying tenant * , as to the owner la {« - ¦ , re * . fuTcursia bcrronin ? mon » y to effect 1 m-P ^ artmentc , or Bt , 8 n ma yng their WilU , are unU onaly . n-. b ! : d ; o sot , on the Jaitb of the mere tenant-^¦ Ifi ' , 6 = if-. i : yy j ^ jfl ^ jjj . preinisss directly from the ^ s ^ u . i iiovrcver he state d , that the abore de-Kn oedts . ^^ ; Domniforai throaghoat UMer . eithsr ^ regards - ; .- v . ] ue of tenant right or the regulations ^ ec , . ti tDj 0 } ment : —
i . ^ E 0 ! a - - 'statss . in consiquence of tbe liberality of the " ^ lor . ^ , ; fce tezant . righti * irorrh £ 30 an acre ; whilst , ™ ^ "f , it Fiiik ^ dor . n to £ lO- £ 20-or eTen £ 5 .-0 = - ^ t :, ., ) Bj ; rsjn i , het £ nBnt { s permitted to aellhU t : t 0 tte behest Bad belt bidder , without any reenT '" ' < : lh < rast ( . iiiceor person ; whilst on o'her ' . t = hnditrd fixes the maximum price , and also ^ U i , _ j , j Sa .,- efie ( j wi : ij , { je parcfcaScr . ; j \ siia'i next qnote the letter-writer ' s Echeme of •** toiegaii 59
^ . t ekant-moux' tor the whom or ieelajtd . , j ) rfi . w ; profo ? - , that tenants , if dispoiseised by their fo / j ] , ' !" s 11 receire fair and fall compensation R v Ult > -tauSttd improremen'f , preTiotuly made , tihti '' pa ! ch 5 ged by themseWe * . inheiiud from their " HT « i cr crrgtsd bi their own labour and expenditure
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with ? ? Sf' " tidEli alwiil *»* luch ^ Pro « m « t 8 « e « l wile " " ° Perty' ^ ' ^ P ^ MwUy tolnotease Se # tod ,-. Tb * t o aUcsBes , when a tenans is compiled bj his landlord to ruroxAa . hu occapano , by the de . ^ m ° a " f rbita ' tent > he Bhou ' d « iQ aflaitioa to compensation for itapn-rements , receive , as consequenthi dama . .. nm eqnival . at to siz or Uven years of th 9 beneficial interest which - e would ha » 6 h&d In the property from which he has bat a removed , had he been . IS ? « ? afaIr rent - No deaand rf « nt ^ the landlord to b 9 considered aorhitant which would not exceed the eum hid upoa U > Boll , as a fair rent , by Arb . twors , or a Jury , accoi -fag to the principle laid down m Sir W . Somerville ' g Bill , or in the 23 rd Sachon of the Land Clauses Consolidation Act
Perhaps , to elucidate this second proposal , we ought to quote at some length further romthis psm-Pfl'at , but press of matter forbids . Ther , iaanobserration oa the repeal of the Corn-lawg , t page 13 , « m « e . ! P t ies * , view of that question , enforced times witkoufc number in the column * , of thi . cramal . The writerofthe 'Letter iwfets that Ireland annot compete against the Berf-grown corn of Russia , and lanrf ? 7 efc 1 De abnndacoa ° f America and o' ^ er iands . Taat , consequently , the market price of aU produce is doomed to fj ' one-third ; 5 S , an , tarmers will be unable to pay rent . Good leases and an eqmcablg law for securing Tenant Compenga" , ? ? tnerefore , more than ever nacessary to atimulaie improved cultivation
Occasionally the authsr of this Letter exhibits a manly tone when treating of the money-rights of the tarmer , but we are sorry to add that no . slave of an Eastern satrap could more devotedly expres 3 his sense of the ' right-divine' of his tyrant , than does the author of this Letter his acknowledgment of the robber-nght of tfce Aristocracy to usurp the po 33 esion of the soil .
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what tnlght gupport maay times their number ; whils numbers vainly ask leave to work through the loagest day or night for the smallest portion of that superfluity oa which life can be sustained . And , their ideas being no longer limited , ea fn less enlightened times , ts the narrow sphere of the workshop or tbe field ; "having learnt to think , and even to reason , as well as to feel , they begin to question themselves , to inquire one of an-Other . Why ihis ehould be ;—whether it be Really b . matter of necessity ! And , if not , how bo glaringly unjust a itate of things may be corrected f Mr S crops thus demolishes THE UE OP OVER PJPUUMON . To talk then aa some have dose , of the growth of population outrunning the posBible Increase of the available means for human sustentation and enjayment 1 b stark treason to civilisation .
Can it be supposed taat civilised man is individually lets capable of providing for his wants by utilising tbe powers of Nature than the untaught savage ? Or are his wants and cesires more limited as he advances in civilisation ? Or is he lets willing to Cxert himself for their satisfaction ? But if not—If the contrary is undeniably the fact—If the resources of Nature are inexhaustible , and tbnt Han ' s willingness and capacity to employ them for the gratifi-¦ ation of his desires , and his desires themselves , are all multiplied by the acqul » it [ oa of knowledge , then must no the capacity of millions be in the eame proportion increased by the game means ? And where then iB the limit t > the possible advanca of the specieB in both individua and general well-being ?
Faulty nstitutionB may cramp and fetter the Industrial energi . 3 of a people , or lock up the soil and ether natural reson cob © f a country , by unwise restrictions or monopolies , thu « creating an artificial penury and priva . tion . But white (* s at present is the fact ) not above one-kunfiredih pavtof the cultivable surface of the globe is yet cultivated , am the greattr part of that is tilled only in a rada an § un ^ eientifio manner , go aa not ta return one-fourth of the ptoduce which might be obtained by application of tbe best t $ ricultural processes up to this time dlicaverod—so lotu is it impoasible that the human race , as a whole , or a ^ y portion of It , not oppressed bj some external force , ind having the wisdom to appJy Jts powers in a fit manner to the de » irea end , can fail in obtaining with ease for > U Us members an abundant supply of the chief objects ticceeaary to pbysic » lcomfort ^ and a large surplus besides to be exch angjd at willfor other gratifying objects or serv ees with their fellow-inen .
Nothing but the mismanagement of their social insli . tutions , can now In any cMHeei community prevent the iacreaseof the general wealth , beyond any probab- ' eincreaie of Us numbers , concurrently with the progressire tdvasce of useful knowledge . Mr Schope repudiates the extreme views both oi the 'Laissez-faire' and the Protectionist' schools , and maiataiDB that the 'juste milieu'ia the only true and safe , course . Mr Scbopb lays down the following ' axioms' as constituting the
FRIJIART EIGHTS OF INDUSTRY . 1 . —The free use of the natural reiourcts of tha earth 2 . —The sppreprlatlon and free disposal by tha industrious of what they have produced . Very good . From thesa premises we should proceed to argue—1 st , for the resumption of the soil by the entire people ; and 2 nd , the abolition of mastership by the union of capital with labonr . Not bo , however , doea Mr Scrope argue , He announces great principles bnt he immediately afterwards sacrifices tkem to expediency . He accepts the present system , bo incompatible with the rights he proclaims , and demands
merely certain palliatives which , though not valueless , wonld be found powerless to cope with tea gigantic evils he bo forcibly describes . His remedies are the removal of artificial barriers to trade in Kind ; a liberal system of land tenure ; a reduotion of the national expenses and revision ef taxation ; more freedom to the credit-currency of the country ; elementary instruction provided for all _ ; the organising ef some regular system of colonisation ; a well administered public provision for tha destitute poor of the three kingdoms ; mutual assurance institutions for the working classes ; and , lastly , the suppression of the fatal influence of Irish pauperism , by opening up the
rich remittees Of the SOU ot ireiana to me muiug industry of its inhabitants . To effect this de 3 irable consummation asregardslreland , Mr Scbope contends for a series ef measures similar in spirit t 9 those he advocates for England . This pamphlet deserves a mcra extended notice , for tha author gives expression to views on certain subjects to which we cannot ! ub ? ctib 3 , bnt which the claims up . n our columns prevents ua combating . In spite of this , we have no hesitation in recommending this pamphlet to our friends , as the work of a generous hearted man , who may at least claim the merit ef good intention ? . There is no doubt that his plans would , if carried out , ameliorate the present condition of many thousands , bat , we repeat , such plans would fail to grapple with tbe causes ot present evils , and , therefore wtuld be inadequate to ensure the triumph of the principles on which he has based his plea for his suffering fellow men .
5 . —This is a tract , issued gome time ago by a committee of shopkeaperB and tradesmen , was addressed to the ( trading classes of Manchester , ia support of a combination of' all classes' for the attainment of the people ' s rights . The cemmittee advocate the ' six points' and tbo arguments advanced do muoh credit to their ability and patriotism . We are sorry that , like the deaf addor , the majority of the Mancheiter shopkeepers refused to listen to the voice of the enlightened minority . Of that refusal there was more than sufficient proof in the brutal suppreesioa of the intended public meeting of the working classes ot Manchester on the 12 th of June ; for had not the c authorities' been supported by the bulk of the middle clas 3 they would not have dared to have carried out the infamous orders addressed to them from the Home ofSce . But
' ( Vait a little longer . ' Blacker ruin than they have yet known , ia in store for the Manchester bourgeoisie , when they will be well punished for refusing to listen to the appeals contained in this tract ; and be driven , in spite of themselves , into a more revolutionary attitude than has ever yet been assumed by the Chartists . --fla-
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PERIODICALS . Taifi Edinburgh Magazine . June . Edinburgh Sutherland and Knox . London : Simpkin , and Marshall . ' Taxes on Knowledge and the Newspaper Press , ' is the title of a very sensible article against the penny blood-mark—that disgrace to the Press of Britain . We concur with the Editor of fait ' s Magazine , that the mainstay of this vile tax is the monopolising spirit of the principal journals in London and the conntry . In fact , but for the London daily papers the penny robbery would never have existed . The writer of this notice is one of the band who by enthu'iastic labour and personal sufferings—both in and out of prison—beat down thefourpenny taz , and so signal was the defeat of the government , that the tax would have been utterly abolished , had not tbe infamous daily journals , anxious to preserve their monopoly conspired to induce the Whigs to fix the penny plunder , for the purpose of preventing the birth of rival journafs .
The Editor of Tait ' e Magazine demands the tepeal of the penny tax , with the understanding that papers sent thronght the post be subjected to a penny postage . He farther demands the total abolition of the ; advertieement £ duty . We suggest , in addition , the total repeal of all tbe provisions of the infamous Whig PresB-gagglng Bill , passed on the occasion of the reduction of the fourpenny tax to one penny . We ajreewith Tailtk&t 'The red penny stamp on tbe cornerofnewspapersisa badge of slavery—a barn
cade to knowledge , a 9 the window-tax is a barricade to health and light-and the country cannot be free where both exist . ' We agree too , with Tait , that the emancipation of the press , must ; mainly spring from tue will and union of journalists to be free ; and although we are well aware that the repeal of the penny blood-mark would bring into the field a host ol Chartist rivals to the Northern Star , we nevertheless hereby declare our readiness to join in any movement , calculated to release the press from its present bondage . _ __ . _ , _ ,.. number of Tait
There i ? an excellent story in this entitled 'Tie Chapter of Accidents , ' from the Uermanof HmsBloa TrscnoRRB . The other prose articles do not call for notice . Ab regards the poetry , ene of Tail ' s ' chartered libertines , ' Ebenezeb Elliot , i-uta in a 'A Pteafor Lamartine ; ' bat why tie twaddling trash is thus named we are very sure no man can tel ) , not even the crazy author , who , gOOfl jack ! thinks himself a poet ! Batter ba ' akuten and cry mew' than such a poet . Of a very ditterent stamp is Joseph Gostick ' s dramatic sketch ep . - titled 'The Rerolt of the . viiners , ' which does indeed contain poetry . We had intended to have given an extract or c » o , but want of space forbids ; pernaps we may do s ° Bext w ** k The Voice of the Artisan . London : W . Strange , Pateruo . iter-roiv .
Thia publication , which professes to ba ' the organ Of Iaatruowen Societiee , and Mechanic * I « 5 tl ^{ 8 ' , is oonducted by the People ' s Instruction Society . Birmingham . Unlike Mr Poulett Scrope , we bate the juste milieu' and detest' moderat , on '» poWwj-This publication , politically considered , is , thereiora , not to our taste , because not ' up to the mark , in other respects The Voice of the Arlizan is very creditable to its conductors . , „ . Writtenand conducted by workine men , lflC vow of the Artisan , notwithstanding its deficiencies , must command our good wishes ; we , therefore , will wian it a little more spirit , and an extensive Circle or readers and supporters ,
# g- Pamphlets on Chabmsm , REPUBLICANISM , and Ths Lihd , will be noticed in our next number .
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The imperfection of the English language is exhibited when we state the faot that a black berry is red when it is grten .
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TO THE PEOPLE ; The persecution—Fwssell and the Spy-reporters—Pttea and Peelers—Blustering Ferocity , ex-M . P ., and the working men of Bingley—Ihe Law versus the Consiiiution-The constitutional right of the people to have and know the use of arms . Caution to the People-Respectable ruffianismthe Press-gang— The Republican Constitution . Friends , Countrymen , and Brothers , A great number of our unfortunate brethren at present under arrest in York Castle and other prisons , have been dragged from their homes , and deprived o / their personal liberty for the ' crime' of possessing and attempting to learn the use of defensive weapons . The papers have teemed with accounts of the arrests of men , whose only offence appears to have been that of exercising the vaunted Constitutional right" of Englishmen — the right to
possess arms . Amongst those marked for the vengeance of the enemies of Chartism , poor Fossell appears to be singled out for special persecution . You have his own declaration , that the charge brought against him of having recommended private assassination is completely false ; and for my put , I would much rather take his xvord than I would the oath of the characterless vagabond who gave evidence against him . The penny-a-liners' know , that to have a chance of their ' flismy' being accepted , they must make their reports sufficiently spicy . ' If they
report a fire , they describe the ' ravages' of 'thedevouring element in the most gloiving terms . If an accidpnr , they as industriously elaborate the particulars of the « appalling catastrophe . ' If a murder , they so red-ochre the horror * of ( be foul deed as'to out-Greenacre Grkenacre . ^ Of course , by the same rule , when—spy-like—they * take notes ef a' seditious speech , ' they never hesitate at a lying invention , to make their report the more ' striking . ' I , therefore , suspect that the assassination-charge brought against Fuss ell was a bit of ' spice' inserted by the 'liner , ' to make his 'flimsy the more attractive .
To make Fussell ' s case still blacker , a story has been told of a terrible pike found at bis home , and forwarded to the police ' authorities' by a broker . This ttory is very probably another lying invention , ' but if true , what then ? With as much reason Mr Tvssell's jmbrella or toasting fork might have , been sent to Scotland-yard . A man has as good a right to possess' a pike , as he has to possess a toastingfork or an umbrella . The ' Constitution' authorises every man to have and to hold arms , and does not exclude pikes from the category of defensive weapons .
The account which has appeared in the Star oi the stretching of magisterial authority at Bingley , must have excited the disgust of every honest man . Busfeild Ferrand ' s conduct ig the more disgusting , seeing that he has always professed to be ' the poor man's friend . ' There is no Ban in England who has done more to' excite discontent' than PeR . rand has done . His speeehes in and out of Parliament on Free Trade , the New Poor Law , and Ten Hours Bill , are remembered by every one for their ' violence . ' He is now as violent in act " , as he was formerly in words . Then he advocated the cause of the poor , noio he damns himself to everlasting fame —in his own locality , as the poor man's oppressor . How is this ? Is it that having been discarded by the Tories , he has turned Whig , and hopes to win
niTA t * ¦* ¦ b * ( I * # V J % m * * S # >• ^ V * I ^ V *** 4 I a L > ¦ I y —^ — — i H ^ !*•« w ^ a u a ^ •"" Mir in the eves of Lord John Russell , by persecuting the men whose alliance he ' eourted not long ago ? Whatever may be his motive , his conduct has been most harsh , cruel , and despotic towards the working men of Bingley . According to the newspaper reports lie headed a military force , with fixed bayonets , for the purpose of dragging unarmed , peaceable men from their work , to fling them into the companionship of thieves . He broke into houses , and one man he tore from his bed in his shirt , telling him 'to come along / or a damned thief !'
He handcuffed his victims , and loaded them with chains , and these poor unarmed , fettered men ~ chained lUse wild beasts , he caused to be escorted to gaol , by his ruffianly gamekeepers with loaded guns . Lastly , when he had collected his victims within the walls of York Castle , he lectured them in the most insulting language , upon his resolution to vindicate ' the majesty of the law' and uphold the constitution ; ' although , as I shall presently show , if 'lavs ' and'justice'had the same meaning in this country , he would be made to change places with his victims , and be himself punished for violating the 'Constitution . '
In the course of his address to hi 6 helpless victims , Mr Ferrand alluded to * the wicked advice of base and designing men ; ' and their' exciting language' and ' treasonable trash . ' Spoke of eome one as' a scoundrel , ' of certain persons as ' despicable cowards , ' and of others as' so many scalded rats ;' reminded the poor fellows beforejhim , that they had been ' marched in chains to the raflvvay station ; ' and , after chuckling over the coming of the judge to administer the laws ' with that power and authority ' the prisoners ( he said ) had * turned int © ridieule , ' cantingly said— ' But I i : ave no wish to harrow up your feelings ! ' He added that he had a . great number of the Bingley working men ' marked down ;' ¦ and in the first ' confusion' that might take place ^ he would have them all into York Castle . I understand that he has since made good his threats by further arrests .
Mr OAstnirER—for whom I entertain sentiments of sincere respect—has often praised this Mr Blustering Ferocity , as his' eon' and ' disciple . ' I should like to know Mr Oastler ' s opinion of his disciple ' s recent doings . Mr 0 a 6 tler may remember the speeches delivered not very long ago by B . F ., in which he proclaimed himself the cbampion of the poor . I could quote from many of those orations , but I will content myself with om . Ou Monday , the 30 th of November , 1846 , Mr Ferramd attended a public meeting at Leeds , along with M : Oastler , in support of the Ten Hours Bill , when tbe then member for Knaresborough delivered himself of the following sentiments . —
When ha looked at his owu neighbourhood , and thonght how happy it used to b > j , and how miserable it now was ; whea he beard the peer people narrate how their clock and other furniiuro had been Bold to pay rent , and not a bed left whereon to Ho , his blood boiled inbisvelna , ( L . 'ud cheers . ) * * * When ho went to parliament ho told his constituents that , every intemt , except that of labour , wac over-represented in the fibiwe of Commons . He hnd enid , Unit if he got a sent nitliiu tboBO wall ' , his feeble volco and humbler talents should fight tho battle of the poor—( caeora ) -.. ao long as he had a Boat there be would continue to redeem that plodga . ( CheerB . ) . # * * IIo might bu ' violent . ' Hu would tell them another thing 1 ; lie would be violent until redress fas granted to the working into . ( Prolonged ohears . )
Mr Fekrand will not pretend that the obtainment of the Ten Hours Dill has put an end to the exactions of those robbers of society who plunder the poor even to their bedding . Only eighteen mouths ago , Mr Ferrand ' s blood boiled in his veins at witnessing the sufferings of the poor of Bingley , Keighley , and the surrounding country . Will Mr Ferrand pretend that the condition of his neighbours is at all improved ? If not , his blood should still boil for— not as it now seems to do , against—the poor . If Labour was not represented when be was returned to Parliament , neither is it represented at this time ; and if Labour ' s non-representation was then a grievance , it is not the less a
grievance now . Perhaps , being no longer a member of Parliament , he considers himself released from his pledge to ' fight the battle of the poor . ' But 1 would remind him that ' redress' has not yet been granted to the working men . The Ten Hours Bill is but a paltry instalment of ' redress ; ' therefore , according to bis own pledge , Mr Ferrand is bound to continue his' violent' championship of the rights of Labour . Forgetting his pledge he is , on the contrary , exhibiting himself as the ' violent enemy of Labour ' s rights , and the ' violent' p ersecutor of labouring men . He once prided himself ou enjoj ing the blessings of the poor . In the speech L have
quoted' from , he said— ' The blessing of one poor man upon his head was far better for him than the blessings of a thousand of the rich . ' What will Mr Feruand say if the blessings of the poor are nowturned to cursings ? Thinks he that those families whom he has robbed of a father or a son , under the pretence that the victims were ' rioters , ' or ' seditionists ' -thinks he that those bereaved families will bless him . ' Thinks he that the mothers and the wives of the victims remember him in their prayers ? If they do , he may depend upon it they do not for his happiness .
pray Mr Ferrand may excuse himself on the ground that , in dragging the Bingley workiug men from the mills , he but' vindicated' the law , which had been violated by ' rioters . But there would have been nothing in the shape of ( riot , had he not previ-
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ously arrested two young men on a charge of ' drilling and training , ' and held them to ' excessive bail ;' which , as a magistrate he ought to know is a gross violation of the Constitution ^ and a crime against the subject expressly forbidden by both Magna Charta and the Bill of Rights . Mr Ferrand may plead that in arresting the men charged with having been guilty of' training and drilling' he but executed the law . But , had he been a 'just judge , ' no such law would he have executed—he would sooner have
resigned his commission as a justice of the peace . A righteous magistrate would not execute an unrighteous law ; he would leave the judgment seat rather than outrage justice in the name of law . Now , any Act or Acts of Parliament against training and drilling :, are both unjust and unconstitutional . Unjust , because enacted for the purpose of preventing the poor doing that which the rich may do with impunity . The playing at soldiers , in the shape of Yeomanry Cavalry , and the levying of ' S-pecials , ' are instances of what the aristocracy and shopocracy may do , and that , too , with the sanction of the Government . It is not the doing of" a thing , but the party that does it , which constitutes the thing done a virtue or a vice , an act of merit or a crime , iu this country . As Shakespeaiie has said ;—
Through tatter'd clothes email vicos do appear ; Robea and fur gowns hide all . Plate sin with gold , And the Btrong lance of jasttce hurtlees breaks ; Arm it in rnge , a . pigmy ' s straw doth pierce it !' I have said that Acts of Parliament , lo prevent the people learning the-art of self-defence , are unconstitutional ; they are so , because ' the Constitution' guarantees to all the right to possess arms , and , of course , the right to learn the ase of arms . Now , if there be such a thing as ' the British Constitution , ' it is clear that any Acts of Parliament , which are opposed to the Constitution , ought not to have the force of laws ; and submission to them can only be excused on the ground that the people are not strong enough to vindicate the Constitution ,
by breaking the unconstitutional Act of Parliament . Tbe laws , or pretended laws , under wbich the intended procession on the 10 th of April , and the pub-He meeting on the 12 th of June , were forbidden and prevented by brute force , ought to have been rasisted as violations of ' the Constitution , ' which guarantees to the people the unlimited rig ht 0 / petition , remonstrance , and public meeting . And the Parliament-made law or laws , under which honest industrious men have been dragced tp gaol for possessing arms , and endeavouring to learn the art of self-defence , are equally unworthy of respect on the part of the people . In proof of the constitutional rijjbt of the people to possess arms , I quote the following authorities : —
By the 13 th of Edward the 1 st , we are told that ' Constables were elected , who were bound to inspect the arms of foe people , twice a year , and present defaulters . By a previous statute of Winchester , every man , between fifteen and sixty years of age , was commanded ' to have in his house harness to keep the peace . ' By the 13 th of Henry the Fourth , 'Justices , sheriffs , and under-sherifFs , were empowered to call for the assistance of all knights , gentlemen , yeomen , labourers , servants , and apprentices , who were all bound by the Statute of Winchester to have harness or armour . '
By the 33 rd of Henry the Eighth , every man was bound to possess himself with such arms as were then in use ; and , if a labourer came to a master without arms , ie was bound to find them , and slop the cost of them out of his ivages . Fortescue says— ' It is the duty of all men to have arms . ' Bracton says— It is the right and duty of all freemen to have arms of defence and peace . ' ¦ . . . . t ,. _ i :. _ Qaeen Elizabeth , in au auureus to u « romament , said— ' You that be lieutenants and gentlemen of command in your counties , I request you to take care that the people be well armed , and in readiness upon all occasions . '
Blackstone , after defining tyranny to be ' every wanton and causeless restraint of the will of the subject , whether practised by a monarch , a nobility , or a popular assembly ; goes on to say that the subjects of England , wheH attacked in their rights , 1 entitled , in the first place , to the regular administration and free course of justice in the courts of law ; next , to the right of petitioning the king , and Parliament , for redress of grievances ; and , astly , to the right of having and using arms for selfpreservation and defence . ' De Lolme says— ' That to attack the lowest among the people , ' is to attack the whole people .
1 have somewhere read , that in the time of the glorious revolution' the Whigs caused a man , named Anberton , to be hanged for denying the right 0 / resistance ! And the Tory Lord Eldon , when Attorney-General , at the trial of Hardy , Horne Took , and others , said , that * the King of England ought to die , and he trusted trpat he would die , if be attempted to alter the constitution as it Vhen existed , and which ire had sworn to uphold and defend . ' I trust that Mr Ferrand will reap a
little instruction from these ' authorities . ' Should he deem the above not sufficient , I recommend him to study certain elaborate letters on that subject written by his friend , Mr Oastlsr , and published ia the Northern Star , if 1 remember right , in the year 1838 . He will , in those letters , -find the right of having arms , and the right of resistance , fully discussed , and iucontrovertibly proved . MrC-ASTLEK has a favourite phrase about ' walking in the light of the Constitution ; ' freni that li g ht Mr Blustering Ferocity appears to have very far strayed .
I hope , too , that on tfae forthcoming trials of the Bingley and other prisoners , the counsel for the defence will have both the knowledge and courage to defend the right of the people to arm , and know the use of arms . I will conclude this subject by quoting from Locke and Sidney for the instruction of the jury class : — Locke says : —That ' whenever the legislators endeavour to reduce the people to slavery under arbitrary power , they put themselves in a state of war with the people , who are thereupon absolved from any further obedience , and are left to the common refuge which God hath provided foralj
men against force and violence . Whensoever , therefore , the legislature shall , either by ambition , fear , folly , or corruption , endeavour to grasp to themselves , or put into the hands . of another , an absolute power over the lives , liberties , and estates of the people , by this breach of trust they forfeit the power that the people had put into their hands for quite contrary ends , and it devolves to the people , who have a right to resume their original liberty , and by the establishment of a new legislative ( such as they shall think fit ) provide for their own safety and security , which is the end for which they are iu society . '
Algernon Sidney , in warning Charles of his dangerous course of conduct , said , ' the people of England k . iow how topresene their liberty , or to vindicate the violation of it ; and the more patient they have beeji , the more inflexible will they be when they resolve to be so no longer . Those who are so foolish as to put them upon such courses , do to their cost find that there is a difference between ions and asses ; and he is a fool who knows not that swords were given to men that none might be slaves but such as know not how to use them V
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leave his gun and ball cartridges at home , and keep his arms safe and his mouth shut .
A great deal has been lately said and published , about ' Chartist disturbances , ' ' Chartist ruffianism , &c . &c . Last week London witnessed an exhibition of respectable runianism and histrionic hullabaloo , which threw far into tbe shade the disturbances laid to the account of ( lie Chartists . I allude to the disgusting and disgraceful ' riots at Drury-Jane Theatre , got up by the ' rabbkment' of the theatrical profession against a company of French actors who had taken that bouse for the performance of French dramas adapted from the writings of Alexandre Dumas . I pass by the particulars ; suffice it to say , that blackguards calling themselves '
professional genlleraen , ' engaged in a conspiracy to drive the French actors away , under the pretence of upholding ' native talent . ' The rioters , in proof of their native talent , groaned , hissed , hooted , yelled , stamped , blew whistle ? , and made every possible hideous noise , and finished off their performances by a display of their fistic abilities . The brutal Sunday Times devotes more than three columns of very small ciose print to an exulting account of these disgraceful doings . 'There was , ' says that paper , ' no cessation , no pause , nor lull in the tumult ; it camp like the roar of a fierce tempest upon the ear , amidst
which the actors displayed wonderful perseverance , moving their lips and gesticulating as though they were going through a dramatic performance—but not a word that they uttered was heard beyond the footlights . ' The same paper says , ' During the waits between the acts , a gentleman in the dressboxes , who rejoiced in a bald head and an extensive white waistcoat , made several insane attempts to address himself to speech , which were received with derisive cheers of Go it , Louis Blanc ! ' and inquiries as to what he would lay against Flatcatcher for the Leeer . '
This ruffianism was the act of ' the loyal middleclass , ' who , it appears , testified their hatred of the Republican Frenchmen by ' cries of God save the Queen !' These blackguards and fools seem to be oblivious of the fact that the Queen is the great encourager of' foreign talent . ' Why did they not take their cat-calls to the Italian Opera and drive away Jenny Lind and the other foreigners ? ' No ! that tho ' snobs' dared not do . The ' divinity that doth
hedge' a Queen being too much for their slavish souls . Again , most of our English actors are , doubtless , 'Free Traders ; ' they wear French hats , boots , gloves , &c . Why not , then , accept French actors with the other importations ? Our play-wrights are ready enough to import French plays , which they ' adapt to the English stage . If the Irish labourer may follow Irish pigs to Englaad , surely the French actor has as good a right to follow French plays ; otherwise what becomes of' Free Trade ?'
The Sunday Times affects to regard the driving away of the French actors aa a triumph for English morality 1 To praperly appreciate this cant , it is necessary that it should be known that that journal is the organ of the profligates of the gaming table , the race-course , and ' the ring ! ' I trust that the French people will do their English brethren the justice to distinguish between the British people and these blackguards of the Press and the stage . The Sunday newspapers are ; as usual , belching out their slander against the Chartists . The Bispatch is , of course , pre-eminent in ribaldry , brutality , and stupidity—so stupid this time as to contain nothing worthy of special notice , beyond the facts of its continued efforts to secure the convic
tion of Ernest Jones , and Messrs Fussell , Wil . liams , and Vernon ; and its beastly chucklings over the transportation of the patriot Mitchei .
I shall devote my next letter to a review of tbe /" VvcfUiitinn rirpnared for the French Republic by the Constitutional Committee , and presented to the National Assembly on Monday last . I may , for the present , remark that it is a much better scheme than I had expected , considering the composition of th « Committee ; although not equal to what 1 had imagined would have resulted from the g lonous victor * " of February . L'Ami du P euple .
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Royal Polytechnic " i ' ssiiTUTioN . — On Monday , Mr Bagga , the weH-kn . awn inventor of electro-printing , &e ., commenced a Beriesot lectures at this place , on the phenomena 0 '; thunderstorms and the cause ot lightning . As a lecturer , Mr Baggs possesaea the advantage of a we , 11 educated mind , with a p leasing and simple mann &t of delivery , bringing home hi subject to the m . oat unlearnc . 1 . The great novelty of Mr Bae ^ & ' e lecture was the production of an immense flash or spark of electricity , by mc-and 01 . » peculiarly an ^ nged battery of Leyden Java , censigting of thirtften placed horizontally . Tin ' s tiattery is intended to illustrate his thunder-cloud ; each jar is charged separately , and on the completion of the circuit , a spark or flash of electric fluid , at least
three feet in length , is obtained . The neise produced by tke discharge is immense , and , to nee the expreo sion of one of the audience , the fluid appears almost to ' splash' againafctbe bottom of the jars receiving it . ' In the course of the lecture , Mr Baggs entered upon the subject of atmospheric electricity , largely illustrating the causes of fallieg stars , the aurora , &q . , by appropriate experiments . In speaking of the uoiso of thunder , ho stated that the usual opinion that it was produced merely by the reverberations oi a primitive aound , waa wrong . The noise of thunder was caused by the rapid succession of a number of distinct ; discharges from each distinct cloud , battery , or jar ; aiad in this way the want of continuity and equality in the sound can easily be accounted for .
Beranobb's Contradiction of the Repost of nia Marriage . —The poet Beranger has contradicted the report of his marriage in the following characteristic epistle , which he has sent to the papers : < - ' Monsieur , —! Bee in jour paper that I have just married my servant , and that all the inhabitants of Faa ^ y came to my weddiDg . Now , this has surprised me more than all the false news with which your journal is enriched ; and were I alone spoke of in this article I would allew it to circulate freely , especially through Passy , whose inhabitants were li ' ti / e aware of having witnessed this marriage in extremis . But you must be aware , sir , that the lady whom you are pleased to call my servant , and whose name you withhold , as it adds to the interest of the fable , this lady
was the friend and companion of my early youth , a dear friend , to whom I am under the greatest obligation . More favoured than I in the accidents of birth and fortune , she was enabled to help mo through my poverty Vith pecuniary services ; and to continue , those services , although wo are both nearly Bixty years of age , she has consented to take care of my humble abode , in place of an old auat , whose infirmities have competed her to resign the office of housekeeper . Old friends as we are , we have never lost sight of each other , and we little thought that our united 116 years could not bave met together under the siime roof , without subjecting ourselves to the scandal of a newspaper scribe . And the old lady , all modest as she is , did not sur .
miae in taking up her abode with me , to establish an economy indispensable to both of us , that ehe would have been described as Ely servant , although this affront has not wounded either het domocratical feel ings or mine . Her name was unknown , save to one mutual friends , and the indigent and infirm on whom Bhe bestowed her alme . But your scandal has made it necessary that it should now be made known to the public . You will perhaps , therefore , insert tbifl letter , in order to neutralise the effect of an artiole which I regret not having seen before . As far as I am concerned , I do not complain of the spirit which dictated this article , but I teel bound to let yoar readera know that my old friend has too much good
sense ever to dream of becoming the wife of an old fool whose chief happineBshas been in writing songs , and laying his life open to the discretion of journalists . There are various other little anecdotes absut me and my humble abode wbich are equally fabulous—and , perhaps , I am in fault , fof . despite my love of seclusion , my desire to oblige compels me to receive isaBy visitors . As long as delicacy and good taste merely crossed my threshold , I did not feel bound to ologe my doerfi , but henceforth I shall be obliged to turn my key ,-and thus your spirituti scribe will be deprived of some of his occupation . Thank him , therefore , for me , sir , uid accept the assuranoeofmy perfect consideration . —Your humble servant , Berano . br . ' ' ...
This New MovBMBNT .-Mr Joseph Humes new reform movement exhibits but agalvanio existence . It is deveid of living , growing strength . Nor is 1 tbia surprising ; for the inspiration " impure at the foun 1 . tain . A man who deliberately offered to yo c . black is white , ' for the sake of party , asMrllumecnn Hirl in a snsnioious epocsor for a movement which w mitffihS is pretended , in utter hopelesraess of SSo we are P bcing wrought by p . ni * . It «« to a Sotio movement , just as the sky may tall ; Ut more likely it is the artful dodge of apolitical nek who has lost his undue importanco since the days of meaBuring-cast m » jorities have ceased — Gloucester Chronicle . Mr Cobdkn , on Friday night , in the House of Commons , said- * I will assumo that the eountry $ satisfied with the present state of free trade measurts . ' He may assume it , but let him ask the nau « starved population of the manufacturing di&tricw whether they are satisfied . — Halifax Guardian .
A drunken north countryman , returning from a fair , fell asleep by the roadside , where a pig foi no him , and began to lick his mouth . Sawn ^ reared opt ' wha's kiasin' me noo ? Ye see what it is to be * 6 W liket amang the lasses . '
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2 . —This' Glimpse of the Irish Future' is an ably written and plain spoken exposition ef the wrongs , and defence of the rights , of the psople of Ireland . Dr Lang ' s vindicatien of the necessity and justice oi ' Repeal' is unanswerable ; and no one can read thia pamphlet without feeling assured that if Repeal comes not Boon , Revolution will come . Dr Lang has infused something like novelty into the Repeal discussion , by recounting his own experiences of the blessings of self-government in eleven of the original United States of America , atd , on the other hand , the enormous evils of Imperial legislation in five of the English colonies , namely : New South Wales , Van Diemen ' s Land , Swan River , the Cape of Good Hope , Mid New Zealand . Dr Lang is a member of the Legislative Council of New Ssufch Wale 3 , and intimately acquainted with the condition and wants of the Australian colonies . He gives several striking—some positively ludicrous—illustrations of the presumptuous igsorance and fatal folly of Lord Johs Rcssbu ., Earl Geet , and the
Commissioners ot Land and Emigiation . ' It is very evident that the day ia not very fat distant when perseverance in the present system of Colonial governmenfc will force the colonists to imitate the Americans , and declare themselves independent of the aristooratio fools and plunderera who at present enrsa with their rule both England and her colonies . The Charter—not the Gagging Bill—and the consequent driving out of the aristocratic vermin from the offices of government , and the establishment of selfgovernment in the Colonies—making them federal states of the British empire—can alone guarantee the continued connexion oi those distant regionB with thia island .
Dr Lang truly gays of Ireland , that' the real question now ; is , not whether Repeal shall ba conceded , but whether the future national legislature of Ireland shall be a parliament or a congress—whether that island shall ba 3 kingdom under the imperial crown , or an independent and sovereign republic ' That one or the other will be speedily Been , Dr Lang has no doubt—aor hare we . We earnestly reeoEmend this pamphlet to all who haye not made up their minds on the Repeal question , and to all de 3 irou 3 of pushing on the good work . . t .. „;„ i . T- « lan ^ » OJ ran niBun w *•——•« -. « $ >
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REFORM . 1 . — The Revolution in France—a Warning to tlie Aristocracy and Ifiddlt Classes of England . London : E . Wilson , Royal Exchange . 2 —A Budget of Two Tawtt only . Locdon : E : WiJ . on . 3 . —The Coming Era , and the Men to figure in it . By Thchas Sttles . London : E . Wilson . i . —Tht Rights of Indv . rtry , or the Social Problem of the Day . By G . Pouleii 9 crope , M . P . London : J . Ridgwsy , Piccadilly . 5 . —Common Right , ike Bond of Union against Common Wrong .
1 . —The aristocracy , the established priesthood , and the lourgceisie , are properly exhibited in this pamphlet , a 3 the robbers aEd oppreesors of the working classes . Tfcs author proves the existing system to be , politically and socially , opposed to the laws of nature and the principles of eternal justice . He asks . ' Who will assert that the aristoet&ey and middle classes are not afraid of the millions of working men who crowd onr manufacturing townB ? He adds , ' There is fear of the psople in the very fact that their rights are denied to them . Bat there is not fear enengh . ' This pamphlet was writtun in March last , and then the author wrote : — ' Once let the masses be fnUy convinced that they are to expect no sympathy , oace let them lose Eight of the last ray of hope , and you [ the middte classes ] then forfeit the one lingering hold on their affections . In that case , Matter not yourselves that the most
numerous army , that the best drilled police , can much longer pro ? up your useqaal laws , your uDjuit institutions . The hour that you begin to govern through fe 3 r alone , that hour has the knell of your reign sounded . * What would the author say cow , after the 10 th of April' and ' the 12 th of June , ' and a Gagging Bill passed by a middle class House of € on > monB ? We can assure him that inextinguishable hatred of the bourgeoisie is the rulicg ( and , under tha circumstances , naturai ) s « itiment of the masses . The prefitmongering bludgeoners have themselves alone to thaak for this feeling en the part of the working men . For the latter there is hope , in spite of the specials . Tho tendency of all class-governments , ' says the author of this pamphlet , 'is to financial disorganisation ¦ and this tendency is the salvatien . oi the oppressed . With a fall exchequer , all ia possible ; but fallinc revenue and increasing f-xpeoaiture are the harbingers of revolution . ' True . And who aamitticg this , can doubt the present Signs ot the
We trust that this pamphlet has had a wide circulation . It contains truths which both tbe ruled and rulera would do well io ponder on . 2-The anther of ' -I Budget of two Taxes Only ' proposes , instead of the present cumbrous system , f taxation that there be a Stamp Tax with the legacy datv equalised , and extended to real property ; ai . d a Property Tax applied to all realised property , with an equitable proportion on income . Tne argoiaenta Sd support of thia scheme , are well worthy the cobsidemion of the men of the future . ' to vhomtbe author addresses hta pamphlet , and not to the am tocrats , who misgovern , nor to the sordid legislature which misrepresents the country . It strikes us that ' the men of the future , ' when overhauling the taxation of the country , will not negitate at grappling with the monster Debt , largely the oause of the grinding oppression under whit-fa
the people groan . Trnly is itsaid tj this pampnier . that to meet the grasping requirements ot tueir rulers , ' a greater amount of p-. rnnal and mental slavery is undergone by the people-by the operatives , hands , as they are cilled-than is , or nas been , endured under the werst systems oi slavery kaown id modern or ancient times . It is a system of the most elaborate wrong and degradation of which the world has any knowledge . ' But this system a aiddle class Parliament oi alternate wingers and oppressors , ' will neither destroy nor amend . Slaves tbeWing men of England are , and saves . tuejr will remain , unless they resolve to right themselves , in defiance of the force and fraud of' nob *™* and ' 1 nobxt&cy . '
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0 — ' Gratiano speakes an infinite deal of nothing . ' Thomas Styles' is not fit te hcU a caudle to ' John Koakes , whose pamphlet on the 'Right of the Aristocracy to the Soil , ' we some time ago noticed in edis journal . There was sense in ' Jobn Koakes ' s lucubration , and it is true that there are some grams of the same article in ' Thnma 3 StyleaV hutwe&re sorry to say that the chaff greatly predominates . A certain publishing office advertises' AShilnugsworih of Nonsense ; ' we are sorry we cannot announce this paEJphJetas 'A SailliDgsworth of Good Sense . The author means well , but i r < = r . nrred all by overlays hi 3 few penuine thoughts with a cloud of useless words , and substituting an assumed quaiutnees of expression for the language of common sense . ' Go tby way , ' Thomas , ' and sin no more . '
4 —The condition of the people is the great problem of the day . All admit that the welfare of the working classes does not improve in proportion to tee improvement of the world at large , in wealth and civilisation ; en the contrary , large masses of the people are continually deterioratioR in their social condition . This ' great fact' Mr Pouleit Scrofe proclaims in the follow startling terms—startling to the men of hi 3 own order : — THE WE 0 NG 5 OP THE POOR . They see immense wealth , the result of the toil of many accumulated ia the hands of a few , who are actually 6 ° & etI with the meflDS Of fiD -W mEnt ' whllC muititudeBare unable U > obtain a bare subsistence ia requital of the most ceaseless labour .
They see one man appropriating thousands of acres to his mere amusement ; rchlle mjriads of meu csiinot obtain a rood of ground on which , by patient industry , to grow the fooS necessary for their existence , or rear cabins iu which to shelter themselves from the storm . They see BOtne consuming in idleness and prtfllgacy
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Countrymen , whilst defending your right to have and know the vue of arms , 1 must warn you against certain braggarts , whose ' arming' doings and talkings are calculated to draw upon you persecution , which but for them you would have a better chance of avoiding . Last week a man , named Haynes , was charged at Marlborough-street Police Court with the possession of a gun and several ball cartridges ' for an unlawful purpose . ' It appears that he bad been showing off at Chartist meetings with his gun and ball cartridges , but when brought before the magistrate , this hero said , 'he feared he had been very foolish . He was very sorry , and had been led away by other parties ! ' Being required to
find bail ' to keep the peace , ' he made his final appearance before the magistrate on Thursday , the 15 th , in the character [ see the Daily , papers ] of ' A Refoiimeb Chartist , ' when one of his sureties said , ' He ( Haynes ) had been led away by others of a more designing character , and he was now heartily ashamed of his conduct . ' Air Hardwick asked the bail if they were willing to be bound for his future good conduct , and that lie should not frequent seditious meetings . —The bail answered in the affirmative . I quote the closing portion of this
scene from the paper * : — ' Haynes then came forward , and with a most penitential aspect promised good belaviour ; declared he would give up ' vi ! - lanous company , ' and stick to work like an honest man . —Mr Hardwick was satisfied with this renunciation of his lolly by the defendant , and acoepted the proposed bail . ' Of course , the thought of making any use of his gun and ball ' cartridges never entered the head of this crawl with his ' pemtenttal aspect . ' Of all such things let the honest working men and true Chartists beware . A trie man would
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Juke 24 , 18 * S « , THE NORTHERN STiltr ' 8
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' GOD FORBID 1 ' Tuke . — ' 5 an ^« ttp . ' ' Special Mnstahle , sir ! ' iv& tne policeman , Mr D ' Coanor went oa . Special constable , sir 1 This way , tir 1 ' said tbe first usher . Mr O'Connor pssBed oh , look-^ indignantly at tbe oScisI , but making ao ob * ervarioa . ' Special constable , sir ! Areyoa to be sworn , lir V sai 2 the *! cond uiher . 1 FORBID , ' was the noble reply of Mr O'Connor .
1 God forbid ! God forbid 1 ' Cried the chieftain , bold and braTe , ' God forbid ! GoS forbid 1 ' I should' bweae' and ba a slave I I may pride in being a ' Felon , ' I msy die as c . hers did , Bnt to ba a . SsrGa « Spu&ar Hay tat Gods a beve ferbid [ Goi forbid ! Goi ferbid ! I shonld lift this Irish hand , To strike at British freedom , Or tocrasb t £ is Britith land . I lore this fine old Engl&ftd—I would spill my blo « d to rid All the world of thieves and tjranta—Will I ' Fxtxr , ' then ?—Goi forbid ! God ferbid ! God forbid !
Th » t the gallent and the bold , In the eloa ^ r hour of danger , By tneir leaders sboald be sola . ' I owe tbose rogues so komage- — Uo ! and eTen If I did—TTouId 7 pa « ftem as a' Spaial . ' ' H&y the God of Heaven forbid ! God forbid ! Goo forbid ! Tfeatthe old and honoured narae . I inherit from my fathers , Shonld . in England , Iosefts feme ; SmMaionedlong in a Wry , Shall iu brilliancy is hid f Shall 0 'Cokkoe be a ' Special !' Maj the God I own forbid ! Go 3 fortid . God forbid ! That my native Irish land Should Burture an O'Connor ,
Far a tillain , cut-throat band I J £ j fathers smote the tyrent ! ¦ VTfc e blames them that they Hi ? Thea , shall I disgrecs their ashes ? Mar the Cod I Jots forbid ! G . 'd forbid ! God forbid ; That thf shamrock ' s virgin green , With the blood of maslj Britons , Should be dye 3 and d&mn'd : —I ween DirunieaV corpse is ccfiaed ! TVill a Paddy lift the lid f Will O'Conaor be a ' Special ?' May ths God of War forbid ! J . £ •• Lafclin , 40 . Bria& ' s-Etrcet , Jane 13 : b , 1848 .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 24, 1848, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1476/page/3/
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