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WEEP OX , WEEP 017 . sr tbohis icoosr . •^• jep on , we . p on , your henr i « past ; fear dreams of pride are o ' er ; jjje fawl chain is reand yon cast , And yon are aen no more ! Tq Tain , the hero ' s heart hath feled ; The Ease ' s tongue h&A warnM in vain : — Ob , Freedom ! once thy flame hath fled , I ; never lights again ! Hetp on—paiaps In tSjet 3 sy » They'll learn to love jour asme ;' And many a deed bib ; wske in prals ? , That long hath el-pt in blame ! And when they tread the raln'd isle ,
Where rest , at length , the lord and sl&Te , They'll wondering ask how hands e » tIIb Conld conquer hearts so brave * « 'T was fit ? , ' they'll ssy , ' a wayward f » ts 1 Tonr web of discord wore ; ' Ana while your tyrants juin'd in hate , Ton never j .- »; n'd in love ! Bot hearts fell off , that oogfet to twine , ' Lai mu profaned wfa » t God had glTen , ' Tiil soms were heard to carse the shrine , ^ There others knelt to heaven I '
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THE LIGHT IN THE WIKDOTT . ST CHlEI . ES JCACKAY . Late or early home returning , In the stsx-ligbt or the rain , I beheld that lone ]; candle , Shining from bis window pane . Erer o ' er his tatierei curtain , Nightly looking , I could scan , Ay indiiiag , "Writing—writing , The pile figure of a man ; Still discernfeihuid . otra fall The same shadow en the wall .
Far beyond tbe murky midnight , By dim bnrning of my oil , Pilling ay his rapid le&Bets , I bare watched him at his toil ; Watched his broad and seamy forehead , V&tehed hit frhiie industrious band , Ever passing , Au 3 repining ; Watcnefi hbo strove to ufifleistwu What impslled it—gold , or fame , — Bread , or babble of a same . Oft I ' ve ukti , debating vaiaTy In the silence af my mind , What tea services hs rendered To hie eon 3 try or his kind ; Whether tones of ancient mutic .
Or the found of modsra gong , VTisaoia fcoly , Humours lowly , Sermon , esssy , novel , lOBjf , Or philosophy sublime . Fillid the measure of his time . Of the mighty world of Londoa He was portion UDto me , Portion of my life ' s experience , Fostd into my memory . Tmli s ht saw him at his folios , Hornizg saw his fisgen run , Lab : nring 6 vet , "Wearying never , Of tbe tank he had began ; Placid and content be seemed , Like amantnattoiltdand dreamed
> o oca sought him , n « one knen him , Undistinguished was his name ; Kever kad his praise btea uttered . By the oracles of fame . Scanty fora and decent raiment , Humble ieiging and a fire—These he soaght for , The ie he wrought for , And bo gtinsd bis mttk . desire ; Teaching men by written word—Cdnging to a hope deferred .
So he lived . At Iait I missed him ; Still might evenir-g twilightfall , Bat no taper lit his lattice—Lij no shadow on bis wall . In the winter of his seasons , In the midnigtrt of his day , 'ilid hie writing , And inditing , Diathhath beckoned him away , Ere the sentence he had pJanneil Foasd completion at bis band .
Bat this man so old aad a&meless Left behind him products large , Scnem = s of progress undeveloped , Worthy of a Baton ' s charge ; Koble faacies nncjmpletad , Germs oi beanty immatare ^ , Only neeSiog , Kindly feeding , To hwe Sonrished and endured ; Meet reward In goldtn store T « havp lirtd far erermere .
Wco shall tell what schemes majestic Pe-ish in the active brain * "What insanity is rjbbea cf , Vc ' er to be restored again ! What we lose , becsuse we honour Overmuch the mighty dead , And dispirit Living msrit , Heaping scorn upon its feesd ? Or perchance , when kinder grown , Leaving it to die—alone ?
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• MIGRATION AND EMIGRATION SCHEMERS Bj 'Siickfast . ' London : A . Dyson , 5 , Paul ' sslley , Paternoster-row . ¦ We quite agree vrith' Stickfast , ' that it would be ' really no jgke for the working men of England to ¦ z enticed away from their country , and to travel U-e thousands of miles towards the 'far west , '—to ' ¦ a what they never shall see—to eat what never iiai ! pass their lips—to be clothed with what never iiai ! cover their hacks—and to live in houses which : ever will be built . ' And we also agree with our vide-awake friend that it is too bad for reformerstj , ' social reformers (!)—to be seen linking themselves with heartless aristocrats in working the
ssdge of emigration . We should like the celebrated ' social' regenerator who officiates as secretary to the 'Great -Canadian Land and Railway Investment Association , ' te enli g hten us as to the grounds on ^ iicn he makes the amazing assertion , that the ¦ sej ' are ef the working classes has long been ' a Cstttr of anxious interest with the government , who live repeated !? expressed a desire to aid all rational kernes of relief to the utmost of their power . " We * Louid like him also to explain his confidence in '• be philanthropy of certain of his aristocratic patrons , '•'> » rit : the Duke of Argvle , the Marquis of
Bland-: ' j . 'd , tbe Earl of Harrowby , &c , together with cpj-« ia uatitkd , but not the less aristocratic gentry , 'to attended the late meeting at the London Mei ^ nics Institution , and delivered their sympathetic outpourings on the sufferings of the working classes End the advantages of emigration . We should be |* d if the same gentleman would also explain bow ti reconciles with his long-avowed principles , his bitiiity to the sensible amendment moved but not urried at the said meeting , * That the waste lands a this country should be applied to the purposes of ftionisation . ' The mover of the amendment
comr ' iined ' . bat tbe lands in this country had got into 'i * hauds of too small a number of individuals , and ' ¦ iu thty were applied to the purposes of parks and Anting grounds . He spoke ' the troth without ~?> tery , mixture of error , or ff ar of man , ' notwith-- '• indiug which , that truth had not the support of iie' social' secretary to the ' Great Canadians . ' Tbe'Great Canadians' modestly ask for a cap ital of £ 2 , 000 , 000 in four hundred theusand shares , of JC 5 Kch , fer the purchase of government lands , and for ^ vestment in public works in British North Aaerica . The scheme includes a railway from Halifax to Quebec , sir hundred miles long . Down ^ ith your dust , boys ; tbe first instalment 10 s , with H for ' preliminary expenses . ' Now ' s your time , « _ within twelvemonths you are not all ' railway « n gs' the fault will be your own ; blame not the ' Great Canadians . '
^" e must r-fer the reader to the pamphlet under sr tice for a show-up of this scheme . It would be "Sfair to the author to quote the entire dissection of ^ e' Great" Canadians" prospectus , and we don't ¦^ - ts do things by halves ; we will , therefore , S j jo t e a par agraph or two devoted to an examination ° * tne philanthr opic motives of
' 3 E AEIBTOCSATIC ? ATK 0 SS OF BKIGBATIOK . ' n ' l « ss ttracge tban trus , that these anxious pro-^ ^ rs of m-greVcn are , largely , onr nobles , our arli wets , anl ear millionaires ; these are the men « t work " get the poorer cUssts cu : of the land , which , while Jargts them with wealth , they profess cannot soppoit -t ¦ tetming p « s , ai aioQ _ L ) ok j Tf . % iiT i 6 t ens Instance J ^ u . Lit ! y , the D : ke of Athol was annonnced to " -ectair atapabl : c meeting f jr the promotio a of " ; « Pitm ;; Lg ijstem . Who and what is this Eake i ., ^ ' ¦ H ^ is a mighty Laird of Caledonia , and he t ' o * n becn £ EcroaciiDg on msn ' s right of way . J . J * > J f Sfaa pee 3 fca to tbe Hi R hUnde , and driving ' i ' ' ! , h [ s s--- « a , tad tnrBia ? those lands into d « er i ¦ " ¦' aaQ game pr « erre « ! r * Uow-iaen , whs can won «> see th « Dake ef Athol in tbe chair of an tmigra ' ° « aag t His brother man mw go , na * , ha must
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go , to Australia , or the Canada * , or Hew Bracawick , er to the Styx ; white hig lordBhlp ' s deer and rabbiti , the one shall gtalk over the bounoleii park , and the other eat the bread of man , in poor impoverished Britain which is unable to support man upan its surface ! Don ' c forget that it Is the Dake of Athol who promotes emi . grsiijn . ButL id Palraerston alao is an emigretionlst , —not by word , but in deed and of a truth . Ha has cleared kit titites , and sent ship-loads off . Te who may be tempted by a scheme bow before tha pabllc , mark well , from facts we are abou : to adduce from Parliamentary documents , what you may ezpsct to experience when you gsl eomforlaHy ssttlcd in New Brunswick . Lord Psttnertton , and Sir Robert Gore Boothe , Bsrt ., in their pity and in tbe exuberasce of their beneTolence , sent ont a vast number of emigrants to New Bru ? swlok from their Irish estates . Yery kind , was it n 9 t ? But stop ! E-. 'ad the following : — R ° » to Australia , or the Canadas . or New BmnaBint »
• Extract of Resalotions passed by the Common Couacil of the City of St John , ( New Brunswick ) , on the 8 fd September , 1817 . 'Resolved , —Tkat tbe Biard cannot but view with serious apprehension and alarm the grievous burdens ts which the inhabitants cf this citj and in its vicinity have bfceme turj . ct by reason of the large influx of pauper Irish emigrants during tbe season . That in consequence cf the debilitated and broken down state in which many of them embarked itt the mother country , and thedis ease engendered thereby during tbe voyage , hundreds , notonlj- in the passage , but also on their arrlrat hero , have fallen victims to fever of a moBt inlectioui and ma . lignant description , while the almshouse , hospital , and other buildings are crowded fith thousands , ia a moBt debilitated state , very many ef whom ne human skill can
possibly save . That this board anticipate s frightful ia > crease of tbe burdens now existing in the community durtae the rapidly approaching winter , and they fad that Euch calls , to prevent even the horrors of starrotion , must ineTltsbly ^ e made u pon the people as can . not be endured without great privation . * * * * That the beartlets system pursued by some of tbe Irish landlord ? , in shipping entire shiploads of paupers from theif reipeollsa estates for the put pose of relieving thfcm-6 elres from their andonbted and legitimate liability of providing the requisite support , scd thereby placing their own burthens oa the people of this province , calls loudly for s remonstrance to the Home Government against a repetition of such unheard of practices , and also for legislative action to prevent such proceediags in fatute . '
The jurors of the llidlaad District of Canada , on their oath , Oct . 2 , 1847 , thus preBtnf— . * This jury are at a lo ; a to findlaBgnage sufficiently strong to express their deprecation of tke moral turpitude af leadisg men sod landlords who have advised , encouraged , and assisted to leave their native home , tbe kiad Ejmpath ? of friends , and even their best chance of prolongta * eliiteEce , each large todirs of their duititnte countrymen , many of them too old to work for tbclr tiring , others exhausted by famine and sickness , and some of them even blind and cripples , who , ooegregated into dense masses on board ship , without wbvleiose fo « d rod fresh sir . have generated such contagious disease as usually accompanies such complication of misery , and without any reference to the evil consequences resulting to the inhabitants of tnis province . Thii conduct Ib most cruel to the Immigrants themselves , rendering more bitter the last eerrows of a shortened life , by casting them ont frem their native country to die In a distant land . '
New , the facts bronpht la light here may teaeh ns f 3 Bie icstrnctire lessons . They ehow that a roan may profees on a pablic platform all the philanthropy of s Howard , while in practice he is nothing bnt an exporter of disease aad pauperism , for anyood ; bnt himself to care and relieve . Aod it may tell to those who may be cberishiog in their minds tbe idea of gsinj to far-off lands to reap ihere the reward of industry and ent * rprise , that it is at the riik of having , at anytime and withont notice , shiploads of diseass and pssury catt upon their reEonrees , at tbe pleasure of any Lord
Palmcrston or Date of Atbol . Only conceive—after that yon shall have cleared yonr forsst land , bnilt jonr home , rendered the soil productive , got comforts arennd you , and just settled down with some prospect of encceis and happiness , juft concaire of a great monster e « &rant ship freiB Ireland diecbargicg its cargo of wretcbtdness npon yonr newly proiuc ' . We land , cot only to eat the breed ( to them ) of idleness , and to you of many tolliome days &cd night watcheB ; but also to engender disease among joa , asa to bring into jow st hat happy henus thepeitilencsihitwalketh in datkness .
Bat it is not only tbe jMMr that the rich are seeking to drive out of the land . Of late years , and to a great ex . Unt , by the cheapness aud diffaiion of tbe issues from ths press , working men bavo become intelligent and thinking men . The working man now wants to know why , when thousands are sqaandsrtd for the luxuries of the great , tbe producing classes can nardly get food to eat , raiment to put on , or shelter to cover them from the rude blast , the piercing cold , or the violent storm ; and be demands , ' Is this doing as yon would be done by ? Is this as Christ would nsre it f' —and tie remembers tfaat the Bible sktb , ' Let Gad be true and every man a liar , '—and then , to the chagrin of those Pharisees who are godless and
goalies ; , hs goes into the highways and hedges , and preacbe 3 Christ ' s own gospel , telling the people that ail men ore brethren , that they should do to others a ? they wonld £ b done by ; and the wealth-hoarders , and the landlords , aad . the game-Iordi take fright—they can no longer revel because tbe masses are igneraat and nnthinking ; if they can in some measure gag tbe lip * , they cannot annihilate mind—man will think , he does think , and he tntut speak , and their only alternative is , at least , te fa « ins mind avay from too close a proximity to th » ir hoards of ill-getten wealth—and thus we find the Dake of Atbol , and tbe Duke of Argyle , and tbe Etrl H&rroYfby , figuring at meetings to advise tua people to emigrate .
We have not room for further quotations , but we earnestly recommend this pamphlet to our readers . Let us add that were we determined to emigrate , it would not be to any British possession . The ' system ' which so heavily curses the masses here , is in course of growth in every colony owniBg the British flag ; and a few generations more will serve to bring that system to its full perfection from Canada to Australia . A pleasant prospect for those who have any regard for the happiness of their descendants ! Even if their own happiness is the one consideration with persons intending to emigrate . they are not likely to attain their object by pitching their tents on land already monopolised by English aristocrats , and in countries subject to the classes who have made of England a pauper yarren , and of Ireland a charnel house .
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Tracts . —Political , 'Philosophical and Moral . By R . D . Owen and Frances Wright . London : J . Watson , 3 , Queen ' s Head-passage , Paternoster-row . We do not profess unqualified admiration of Mr Robert Dale Owen . His bleod and thunder speech on the Oregon question , and his refusal to identify himself with the Agrarian Reformers of the United States , testify to a c-haage in his ' moral man , ' net at all to the advantage of the cause of progress . We do not insinuate apostacy , but we deplore the death of enthusiasm . Such is life 1 With regard also to Frances Wright , it is very evident that to a certain extent a change has come over the spirit ef her dreams But shutting our eyes to the present , and not earing to anticipate the future , we are conteat with the past . These tracts were written years ago , and are to be judged on their own merits , not on the present opinions and views of their authors .
In this list there are ' Fables by Frances Wright , of which—we must ungallantly confess—we have not a high opinion . ' Neurology '—an account of some experiments in cerebral physiology , by Dr Buchanan of Louisville , communicated by R . D . Owen . ' An Address on the influence of the Clerical Profession . ' This tract is already widely known , and as widely admired . It is one of the very best exposures of priestcraft ever penned , and contains passages of unsurpassed eloquence . From an article appended to this tract , we quote the following : —
TBCTH 1 HD EBBOB . There are , besides the great test of comitteney , other tests of truth aad error . Truth cas stsnd alnne ; she rtqulrcs not that men ebould bolster her up ; she needs no prop to prevent her falling ; Bha is willing to be seen and examined ; nor Is it necessary for her , In order to maintain her dignity among her votaries , to retire , like eome eastern tyrant in bis palace of state , behind tbe ancient oulwark of legitimacy , or in the time-worn stronghold ef orthodoxy . The vulgar axiom regarding the iafluence of familta ; ity , may apply to the great mea of this world but to Troth it applies not ; the more familiar we are with her , the less likely are we to contemn er neglect her . Truth Is a plain republican , who trusts for respect and power to the Inflaence of her own simple character ; strong ia its unpretending excellence , unaided by the pomp of circumstance or tbe dazzle of ceremony .
Bat Error Is a true aristocrat—a despot shut up In his massy fortresi , surroanded by outworks and defended by redoubts—unwiliiDg to be approached—fearing to be teen or known—losking for his dreaded sway to the Infioenco of mysterious dignity , and uninvaded seclusion . He dEclares it te be a crime to enter his presence unlesi it be on bended kne . s and with submiisive heart . He Usues his commands to be obeyed , while Truth publishes her precrp ' . s te be examined . He Is haughty and intolerant , impstient of intrmion , and afraid of discussion ; she Is mild and courteous , tolerant of the opinions of others , nor ever violent in support of her own . hsar of bo univer
Thui it happens that we opinions - sally admitted that it is deemed unnecessary to prove ibem rational , and of doctrines so s » cred that it is im pious to doubt them . On tbe other hand we see mm of scunce , "mathematicians , physiologists , astronomers , chemists ' staticg tbeir op inions without dogmatism , and bearing them questioned without aorimony . Nomathemaf-cian ever impeached the sceptic who thou'd deny tta * ia a rigiH-iBgUA triangle the rqnj . ro of the hyposhen' -uje U tqial to the tqxue of the other two sides ; he is eo tberoaghly conrl = cedo / the truth of this proposition that inoredollty provokes a smile , not an anathema and if you Bpsak to bim of persecuting tbe iofi ^ el ,
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¦— - — . ani vindicating the offended cause of truth » nd mathe . iailIo » , yoH win excit © hU astonishment and bis pitjastonishment , at the suppoiition that there is not In bis scienes evidence sufficient to establish its truth without extraneous Bapport _ and pUy , for the Ignorance that woum produce conviction by force . Msa are apt t 9 forget where human power ends . One man U no oore able to regulata the opinisns and doc triaes of another , than to regnUte t&e Heather . Public option may say , it u tnw , ' Thus ghalt thou believe ;' bnt will ballef ariie at the command ? Legislators and govercors may wsue their commands , and may fii tbe penalties of nonconformity , but the estont of their power is but to creato hypocrisy ^^ . nn :. ^ ... i .. _ ~ T ~ ' . " I ~
In the tract entitled an « Address on Free Inquiry , ' Mr Owen puts forth all his extraordinary powers of argument and eloquence ia defence of the great natural rights of free thought and free speech . In reply to the assertion that freedom of thought and speech is now permitted , Mr Owen exhibits the operation and results of
HODBBH PEBSECDTIOH Will you remind m 9 thstfreedom of thought and speech it permitted in these latter days ? To a certain extent it is . The dissenter from established creeds speaka not now with his life in his hand , Honssty Is no longer a capital office , A man mcty be a heretic , yet bo suffered to live ; he may evan publicly discloie his heresy and be allowed to survive the diEclosure . This is something ; By , it ia much ; to the independent and the fearleis it is a costly heritage ; a privilege that has at last been purchased for mankind by tbe martyrdom of the best and the boldest of all former generations . Bat it is not everything . A man has many things to loso besides bit life ; he haa hlg popularity , his fair fame , his livelihood . To many these are grievous forfeitures —with all they we ' gh something ; and popularity , fair fame , a ltf ilibood , are at this day , the common forfeiture for honefit hereoy .
I say for konesl heresy : a man may be a Bceptio and welcome , If he will but wear a fsihlonabl 6 cloak over his soapticlsm , HiB heterodoxy may bo of as dark a dye as hs pleases , S 6 he consent to mis a due share of hypocrisy along with it , Bat let a msn distent , in the dep'hs ef bis heart , from those dogmas on which public opinion has sot her arbitrary Beal of approval ; and let bim step forward , In conscious rectitude and honest simplicity , openly to oxpress such dissent , it is an offence which orthodoxj bat rarely forgets or iorglvee . Men may toy what the ; please of such a state of things . It is immoral ; it creates vice—it represses virtue . We complain that the rarest of all estimable
things Is a human balog In whom there is do guile . It is very idle to complain of it ; as idle as It would be in a farmer who bad sowed tares , to find it strange t at he Hi not reap "boat . We bow the tares of hypocrisy thickly and deeply over the land ; is It matter of wonder that we do not reap the wheat of honesty and upright , ness ! Those who are partial to preachings will do well to read the Sermons on Loyalty , ''Free Inquiry , ' &c . That they are orthodox nobody can deny . ' Darby and Susan : [ a Tale of Old England , ' is a sad story of the ruin too often wrought by priestly fanaticism . The purport of the tract entitled
' Galileo and the Inquisition' may be gathered from its title . There ] is much curious and instructive matter in the sixteen pages of this tract . ' Prossimo'a Experience' details the mental struggles of a child lo escape the thraldom of superstition . ' A Lecture on Consistency' demands the consideration of all thinlsers . The tract on ' Situations' illustrates the truth that' He is immorally situated , whose appareHt interest tells him one thing , and his duty another . ' The legal , clerical , and medical prof . es sions are cited as examples . The tract entitled ' Address oh the Hopes and Destinies of tbe Human Species , ' is extensively known and justly admired for the eloquence and hopeful views of the author .
Perhaps the most valuable of the series is Wealth and Misery . ' In this tract Mr Owen strips Political Economy of its wordy disguises , and in the compass of a very few pages lays bare the causes of the wretchedness of the millions , surrounded by the superabundant wealth they create . Any extract would be an injustice to the author , for the whole must be read to appreciate his argument . Every re * former ihould study this tract . ' Republican Government and National Education ' aTe the subjects of the last tract on this list . Speaking of the wealth-producing classes in the American Republic , Mr Owen shows the all-absorbing importance of
NATIONAL EDUCATION . Where Is , at this moment , the great difficulty to the working classes in obtaining jast laws , such as shall dtfend their rights and advance their interest ? Their difficulty may be traced to the fact that they can hardly find suitable representatives . And why not find them ? Because men ia other ranks of lifehaveinterests opposed to those of tbe working man , and men in bis own rank bare not the educational advantages that enable them easily to compete with tne sophistry of the learned student , or the eloquence ef a classic scholar . And will aot this difficulty remain , until a National Education remove it ? Had cqts&l Instruction been accorded in tbe last generation to the child of tho mechanic as of tbe
president , bow could there now exist the slightest dlfi * calty in selecting frem among the producers of all wealth intelligent representatives of their own class—men who , taken from among the people , woald legislate for the people ; and who , uniting common sense to literary acquirements , and practical knowledge to theoretical refinement , would act with tke plain dealing- of an honest republican , tbink with tbe enlarged and liberal views of a disciple of ecienee , and speak with the eloquent per * splcuity of a man of letters . Thus are our lmrajdiate difficulties , equally with all tha thousand evils which ignorance has ever produced , to bs traoed to the care , lessuesg Gf mankind in neglecting to train up children when young , in the way they should go , that , when they bto old they may not depart from it .
The real interests of the working classes are not the earns as the apparent and immediate interests of what are called the privileged classes . Yet , is five cases out of six , the representatives of the peopla are chosen from among lawyers , bankers , large laadtd proprietors , and ticb merchants . lo five cases oat of Bii , then , our representallves ( aa they are inaccurately called ) are tempted to do wreng ; and if they do right , It is is eplte of the temptation . * * « » In despotic countries , where It rests with tbe antocrat to command , and with bis slaves to hear and to obey in lands whore the power of one is supported and tbe obsdiencs of the many enforced , by lance or bayonetit is not enough to open the people ' s ejes to their real situation ; they must aatonly bs enlightened , they must be armed also . For their will is but of small weight against his wbo has an army of mercenaries in his pa ; and at bis beck .
Not so in this commonwealth . Whenever the eyes of the people are opeBed—whenever they know what they desire to ( Sett , and know how to unite their efforts and make effective their acknowledged power—they mny carry what measures they will . They have the power . They may be cheated into a belief that they have it not ; they maybe urged on toj ; alou 3 leg and intern u ! dlssen . sions , and p » rty feuds , that waBte each other ' s strength and neutralise each other's influence ; arjd thus the people may bo shorn of their rights , without perceiving bow they lose them . But the power they bavs . They can dictate their ona laws , and carry their own measures ; can legislate for themselves . And if they be oppressed , and if riches and aristocracy legislate for them , and often legislate against them—It is the people ' s blindness , no : their impotence , that gives their adversaries the day .
How 6 hall a mass of abuBes be remedied by piecemeal * How shall they be remedied at aV , if we Teach not the 6 eat of the disease—the human heart ? What avails it that our present monopolies are destroyed if the ignoranco remain that first permitted and may again be cajoled to permit them ? What would It profit us that all pecuniary inequality ceased in a moment . lf the ignorance rermitt that first produced , and would soon reproduce it . How should we be advantaged by razing to the ground our basks , our law courts , and our gin . shops , if the spirit of speculation , and of drunkenness , which at first erected , were still tbero to rebuild them ? In a word , bow shall the abuses that mar all the beauty of our national institu ions , tbe vices that staia the fame of our national character , and the miseries that depress or destroy our national happiness—how shall these be removed , but only by an equal , national , intellectual , and practical education . for all tho young cltlzsus of our republic ?
We have had enough of declarations ; let us have realities . We have said we are free and equal ; let us become so . It needs not ths ohain or the manach to constl ' ute the slave . There is a slavery beyond that of fetters and dungeons—the slavery that beads not the body only , but tha mind , to oppression ; that puts man ' s reason in Irons , aud shuts out from his reach common sense and practtoal knowledge . This is ths oppression we must destroy ; « nd ia the human mind , where it dwell asd reigns , there we must destroy it . Had but equal education been spread over ths natlens of modern Europa , how altered should we read the annals of the dark middle ages . T 7 here did the feudal barons
find their p « wer to enslave , if not in the cowed spirit and loyal ignorance of their degraded vassals ? How did ths Catholio clergy , th » t proud spiritual aristocracy , that set its sandaled feet on tha neck of kings , aad In Its robes of sackcloth , entered unushered the cabinets of the masters of the world—how did these pretenders to holy humility , obtain their despotic eway t Was it not because science had retreated to the cell of the monk , and opened her treasares only within the wails of the monastery ? Cauld feudal or spiritual tyranny have laatol for on- ) year beyond the time that all serfs and all catholics had been tau ? ht to find in real knowledge at once their safety , their freedom , a ^ d sheir happineis !
Let as leave the branches then , and strike at the root . They will wither and die of themselves , waeB the sources are ca ? off whenoe they have derived their nourishment . I hav » sttttBil the raasons that induce me to regard a State Education as the first object to obtain whlck tbe people should eembino their exertions , and mniie their vote * If these reasons be g « od , let the people awake to
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action , As they valne the n 9 blo institutions of America , bi they would save their enuntr ) from tbe coBvuUlons of a bloody revolution , aa they would ref . irm tho crying abuseB of inf quality , as they would chcck the frightful enormities of vies , as they would build up rirtuj in the humau heart , chorlsh kindness In tie human bosom , and cultivate intelligence in the human mind—In a word , as they value their own and their children's tnduring welfare , let them awnke to aotion . Lot them mite for action . The struggle U for n = > paltry prize—It Is for tho reality of those bletslnga which were declared ours half a century ago . Thh is the time and this the country for inch a etrugglo . goon ma ; It commence , and 8 O 66 dUy a « happily may U Itraitnate . . 7 . .
There is appended a ' Plan of National Education' by Frances Wright , which regarded merely as an outline may be pronounced admirable . This tract should be widely circulated by the friends of popular progress . These tracts , which only number thirteen , are worth more than a waggon-load of the trash issued by the self-styled Religious' Tract Society . Pity it is that no society exists for the conversion of parsons and rich men to a knowledge of truth and a regard for humanity ; did such a society exist , it would find these tracts excellent auxiliaries in the carrying out of its mission . But they will not be lost if they reach onl y the working classes . Were the masses once enli ghtened it would matter little as to the course pursued by priests , nobles , and usurers . The ignorance of the many is the usurping few ' s best safeguard .
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THE FRENCH ' REPUBLIC TO THE WORKING CLASSES . Brother Proletarians , The Report of the Committee appointed by the French Assembly called 'National , 'to inquire into the oausea of the Para Insurrections of May End June , published in the . Northern Star of Aug . 12 th , deserves a few words of comment . Not the patriotism and justice of the authors of that document—fcr they are innooent of any connexion with either of those virtues—but the reverse , their treason and villany , entitle their preoious handywork to pur notice .
A veritable inquiry into the causes of the terrible combat of June would have been a work worthy of legislators anxious to heal tho wounda of society and prevent sueh frightful catastrophes for the future . An inquiry into tne causei which induced thousands of despairing men to sternly offar up their lives in a fearful struggle with their own countrymen , Buch an inquiry honestly conducted would have been of im . mense benefit . But ; no suoh inquiry has been gone into . The pretended investigation has had but one object—the proscription and destruction of the fewvery few men who , sympathising with the proletarians , have not already been disposed of in the dungeons , or by the muskets of the terrorist bourgeoisie . Of the men who were borne to power by the revolution of February , the only two who may command Rnr unqualified respect are Albert and Louis Blanc . I can believe that Lahartink meant well , but his' good intentions' have been the ruin of the revolution . I can believe , too . that Ledrtj Rollth
and Flocon strove to do well , but failed because '' verborne by their trai'oroua colleagues . I should , however , feel more respect for the Rbfobmb chiefs could I satisfy myself that all that has been said of their assumption of aristocratic airs baa been pare lying on the part of their enemies . Under no cir > cum&tances should the palaces and equipages of kings be appropriated by professed Democrats to their personal use . No ! men who ia the rectitude of their souIb , and the pureneasof their hearts , devote themselves to save er die for mankind , do not hanker after the dross of royalty , and tbe debauching luxuries of aristoiraoy . lie who would faithfully asrre the poor must have felt tho woea of the poor , and under all circumstances must abide with the poor . * It is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle' than for a rich man , or an upstart revelling in newly acquired luxuries , to be a thorough democrat .
Whatever their birb of omiasion or commission , still this must bd said for Ledru Rollin and Flocon , that the former laboured to secure to the working classes veritable pelitical power , and the latter in proposing a scheme of agricultural colonies , in whieh teeetab'ish a landed democracy formed from the unemployed town population , did at least take a step ic the rit ; ht direction for the abolition of want and pauperism . It ia , moreover , n > fault of either Flocon or Ledku Rollin that the National Assembly is composed nine-tenths of the remorseless enemies of Labour ; for that result of Universal Suffrage , the working classes of France may in a great measure blame themselves ; that is if any one can be justified in blaming ignorance worked upon by
knavery . Those worthy of blame and hatred are undoubtedly the scoundrels who traded on popular credulity . The letter of George Sand published in the Northern Star of August 5 ; b , lets in a flood of light upon the horrible conspiracy of the aristocrats aod usorersof France to damn the working of Universal Suffrage , a conspiracy in which they too well succeeded . Tou will remember that in that letter it was shown by what lies and calumnies the enemies of democracy gulled the simple people of the rural districts into electing them to the Assembly . Every truly democratic candidate wai represented to be a Communist , aad the Communists were describ : d aa a Bet of miscreants , who wished tn kill all the ch Mren under three years of age , and all the old
men above sixty ; abolish marriage , and establish the promiscuous intercourse of the sexes ; and , finally , reducing the laboureis to live on six sous per day , live themselves upon the spoils of the rest of the community . These are but a few of the lies too succeisfully employed to poison tho minds of the ignorant peasants . You who can think loic yourselves will probably be bolined to doubt that any set of men on the face of this earth ceuld be brought to believe such insensate calumnies : but rt fleet that even amongst the English working olasse ? , particularly in the agricultural districts , there are thousands who from their lamentable state of ignorance , could , if played upon by their employers , parsons , and preachers , be brought to believe lies equally atrooious , and not less ab . urd .
When yen bear In mind that the rural population constitutes the immense majority of the French people , and when you take into account the diabolical means employed to dupe that majority , you will be at no loss to understand how it is that sueh ecouudre ' a as Thiebs , Barbot , and Faucuer are taking the lead in the Assembly , supported by an overwhelming majority of landlord ? , bankers , manufacturers , generals , lawyers , and political charlatans , iall the sworn loss of labour ' s rights , and tbe bloodthirsty enemies of every man who , by voiseor pen , has ever said or written one word in defence oi Man against Mammon , and in opposition to the present cannibal state of thing—denominated by Deummjnd , Hume , and Co .. — ' Civilisation !'
To return to the 'Report : ' Lkhru Rollis ib charged with the responsibility of the insurrections of May and June , on the strength of the bulletins issued front tbe office of the Ministry ef the Interior during the time of the Provisional Government . It is also alleged that be stimulated or connived at plots to overthrow the Government , of which he was a member , with the view of getting himself made Dictator . ' Louis Blanc is fiercely denounced aa the principal author of the * disorganising doctrines , ' which , it is asserted , induced the Paris ouvriers to rebel against their ' very worthy and approved cood masters , ' the bourgeoisie . A laboured attempt is made to exhibit him as one of the concoctors of the movement of the 15 ih of May , and to prsve his presence at the Hotel de Ville on the occasion of Barbei and others attempting tbe formation of a Committee of Publio Safety . Lastly , a lame and impotent tffurt is made n link him with the barricades of Jnne .
Catjssidiere , though no philosopher , is an honest Democrat , a sufficient offense in the eyes of Bab bot and his gang—he , therefore , is accused of participating in all the plots , real or imagined , set forth in this ' Report , ' and also of a rioh variety of amhiticuB and destructive projects , including the diotatorship and the burning of Paris ! Finally , he is accused of having been seen behind the barricades in the days of June , Lastly , Pkoubhon is accused of having preached war against properly and family , aud of having gone to view tbe combat of June as a spectacle ! These oharges are baaed , partly upon anonymous and secret denunciation ? , and partly upon evidence extorted by terror or volunteered by treaohery !
When the accused attempted to defend themselves , they *? ere silenced by the President—the traitor Marbasi—or ho srled down by the clamour of the RoyaliBts . Lbdru Rollin , by his superior energyi wis enabled to ebtain a brief hearing , and delivered himself of an outburst of indignant eloquence , which told with crushing effeot upon his acousers . But no amount of truth or force of eloquence can save him from the destruction plotted by his enemies . Barrot , Thiebs , aod Co ., wUl never forgive the part he took on the 24 th of February , in insisting ori the proclamation of the Republic If he had aimed at the Dictatorship , he might have obtained it on the 17 th of March , and at the head of the then victorious proletarians , he might have trampled the bourgtome in the dust . InBtiad of so doing , he aided wita Lamartinb and 'moderation . ' and so
saved the usurerB from the wrath of the people . Behold hrs reward ! What a lessoa for temporised The ' disorganising dostrine * ' imputed to Lopis Bii&rfc . entitle him rattier to your applause than your eonderana-won . He is charged with having , at the vforking . elftss delegate meetiBga , at the Luxembourg , said , 'My friends , understand th »] well and take
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. Ifi . * f J ? U : you 2 ? onl * Power-yon are iiZlV I 103 rep u- ° L ™ n are equal and are kings In a rapubhc there are Eo longer J the Jfttt" ? . ^ ft ™ snd : e ° y « syatem O £ which is baaed the present unfnvrurable state of things . In a republic there ought not , and in a real rapublio there would not , be the odious distinctions of rich and poor . But what say Obumh Bauroi and his gang to this wholesome and truly republican dootnnet Why this : 'The commission cannot conceal from itself what a poisonous influence Buch speeches must have had over the minds of the great body of the workmen . ' Mark theie wertMea ; they have no objection te 'Liberty , Equality , and Fraternity' on a government placard , but let any one show tbat he entertains the idea of establishing a state of veritable Equality—without which Liberty and Fraternity' are mere phrases—and forthwith
they set upon him as a 'poisonous' disturber of the nrderofaocuty . In the worda imputed to Loma Blaho you seo unveiled his ideas of Equality , and vory noble ideas they are . He does not aim at an equality of b ^ g , irj ; he doea not desire to pull down , on tho contrary , hs desires to raise up . He would bave all men kings ; that is , he would elevate tho working men in their social position , until gradually social distinctions should disappear and the empire of caste' be for ever abolished . I beg the press gtng of this country , who are stimulating the French bourgeoisie to destroy Louis Blanc -I be ^ thorn lo understand that his personal destruction will not ensure the destruction of his principles;—principles not now confined to . France , but adopted by men throughout Europe who hope to one day—by the force of popular intelligence , virtue , and unionsupersede : theory by practice .
The charges againBt Proudhon are perfectly contemptible , but then he has already a bad name , and is , therefore , fair game to be tun down by ihe bourgeoisie- Has he not proposed to confiscate one third of toe property of the rioh ; and ba ? he not declared war against ' property' and ' family ?' Tewibla ! But stop a minute , the charge of 1 confiscation' amounts to this : ' he has proposed that the poaaeesers of land , houses , ' funds and every other description of realised property—excluding the small landholders and others , who really work for their incomes—he has proposed that these idle consumers , together with placemen and pensioners , be compelled to contribute , for the next three years , one third of their incomes to the state—one-half of the proceeds to be appropriated to the publio service , and the other half to ba applied to the relief of the
workmen and humble shopkeepers , at present m a state of destitution and bankruptcy . For making this just and wholesome proposition , he was insulted ) abused and calumniated in the most atrooioua manner , and all but driven from the Assembly . Although Thiers had delivered a long and lying report , professing to show the injustice and folly of Pboudhon ' b proposition , yet , when the accused representative rose to reply , a hearing was to all intents and purposes denied him . He spoke amidst a storm of groans , taunts , and hyena-like laughing , and at every ten sentences waB riolentlr interrupted—often by the president : finally the Assembly veted his preposition ' an odious attack on the principles of public morality ; a flagrant violation of the rights of property ; an appeal to the violent passions , & ? . &c ., ' and paesed to the order of the day .
Pboudhon ' s proposition is but an amplification of the principle of Sir Robert Peel's income tax ; that tax is a ' confiscation' of property to the extent of three per cent . In fact , our whole system of taxation is in reality ' onnngcatipn . ' If any man doubts this let him try the question . If direct taxes are levied on him , let him refuse to pay , and he will soon find his goods and chattels ' confiscated ' by the government auctioneer ; if he refuses to pay indireot taxes he can only do so by abandoning foed , clothing , and shelter , and then he will soon find his life ' confiscated . ' The difference between Sir R . Pebl and Citizen Proudhon is this : —the former upholds pnr grinding system of taxation ( j e , ' confiscation , ' )' for the benefit ef the cormorants of society ; the latter proposes his plan of' confiscation , ' ( i e , ' taxation , ' ) tor the benefit of the bankrupt , unemployed , and , starving masses !
As regards the outcry about ' property and 1 family / 1 am not in a position to state what are the schemes suggested by Pkoudhos for the regeneration of society . Probably he would entirely change the present Bystem by which all property ie monopolised by those who are the con creators of property ; and possibly he may entertain the notion that some system tor the education of children in common , it necessary to breakdown the spirit oF aristocracy . Whatever his views , he has acknowledged tbat society ia nod in a fit state for their full application at present ; he , therefore , contemplates no violence to the wealthy and exelusive classes- But be bis ideas wise or the reverse—and , as I hare
just said , I am notia a position to criticise them , aBd , therefore , cannot take upon myself to defend or comdemn them—this I will say that I have no doubt th at Proudhon is in his heart and soul devoted to the interests of the unhappy children of industry , and therefore he is hated by the . plunderers and oppressors of the maaaeB . It is ' on all sides acknowledged thst Proundon ia the reverse of a fool , he must , there , fore , be either a clever bad man or a clever good man . The character of his enemies nettles that question ; their hatred is the best tettimony to his virtues . Show me a man hated and denounced by that accompliehed scowndrel Tdibrs and field up ' . to exeeration by the' respect able' press of France and England , and I will shoxu you an honest man !
The claptrap cry of ' property and family 1 D danser , ' when raised by the press-gang of this country , is only the old dodge of Toe Cnuroh in danger altered to suit tha present times . It never mattered a strawto the working men of this oountry—at least since the suppression oi the monasteries—whether or not the church was in danger ; but as long « Bruinmigem mobs could be 'led by the nose as asses are ' thnt' cry' was just as good or rather better than any other , for exciting a hulabaloo against every man
who opened his mouth about 'Reform . ' But that day has gone never to return . The great majority of the working classes of this conntry would certainly , at this time of day , not lift a finger to save ' the Church' from what the Yankees oall ' everlasting smash . Prirstlby , were he alive bow , might therefore feast with his friends to his heart ' s content with out fear of even a broken pane of glass . 'Church and King , ' and 'Church in danger' will not do now , So hurrah for a still batter cry : — ' Property and family in danger . '
Before any working man joins in this cry , let him ask himself whether he has anything to fear from any Btot of FreKch Social Reformers on the score of of' property' and ' family . Supposing all the lies told of the French Sooial Reformers were truths , it would pujsz'e Proudhon himself to strip the working men of this or any other country of their propertj . To take the breeks off a highlandman has generally beea held to be a feat something like as pessible as eating oae ' ii own head , but either would be as easy of accomplishment as to take' property ' from the majority of the working Glasses not only of France but Europe generally . Suppose ' property in danger , ' what hia the English agricultural labourer , the Scottish weaver , and the Irish unhoused peasant to fear ? Were the
CossackB in London , they would not think of taking up their quarters in Spitalfields , and were Cavaionac's African brigands to pay us a visit , they would find little t ) tempt their cupidity in Bethnalereen . ' Property' indeed ! When an agricultural labourer has toiled forty years ; what property has he accumulated for himself ? He has produced property , but the landlord , farmer , and grain-monger nave reaped the produce ; at the best the labourer ' s reward is a claim on tho union workhouae . Precisely the same is the lot of nine-tenths of the workins ; olaases employed in manufactures and trade . What ' property' have the multitudes of paupers in Ireland , supposed to number between two and three millions ? I must correct myself ; the Irish paupers were supposed to amount to that number , but since that calculation was made , tho ' surplus'have been
' thinned' by famine , and famine-created pestilence , to the number of some say half-a-million , same a million , and some say a million and a half . These victims of our best-prsjible social system , perished in a land which contains of soil fit tor cultivation , two aereB for every man , woman , and child , in the country . Land abounded , labour was incalculably ' surplus , ' and capital could have been had if the government had asked for it . Even had the government had no other resource than Proudhon's scheme , or the ' confiscation' of one year ' s interest on the debt called ' National , ' one or the other should have been adopted , rather than a million and a half , or even half a million of human beings should bavo been allowed to perish of famine . The hunger-stricken victims in Ireland had not a ' property' even in their own lives ; or if they had that property was 'confiscated . '
But ' family ; ' what will a man not suffer , rather than have the sanotity of hie domestic oircle invaded ? Alas ! my friends , you know that the domestic circle has no existence for teni of thousands ^ your order , or what of it that does exist is a curse and not a blessing . The ' Ilapppy Homes of England' read very pretty in the charming poem by Mrs Humans , bo entitled , but the poetry widely differs from the prose . I might enlarge on the family miseries of thousands in this Babylon ; I might repeat the revelations of the brute-state of the ' happy hsmes' in Dorsetshire and other agricultural districts , to say nothing of Ireland , but want of space forbids ; I shall therefore confine myself to one illustration of ' the sanobity of the family , ' under tbe existing syatsm , as exhibited in the manufacturing diatriots .
The Spectator perhaps the very ablest of the journals dovoted to ihe theories of the political economists and the interests of the manufacturing and tr adictr proprietors , contained in its impression of July 20 ; h , a remarkable article headed ' Tho Trade in Children to Bury . ' This article was written for the purpose of directing publio attention to the poisonings which it is alleged hare become a practice among certain classes of the pepalation , ' for the sake of gaint by frauds on insurance offices and burial olubs ,
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' ThuVaays the Spectator , 'the habits of providence which are inculcated on the indujJtiouaclnHseB * becoms instruments of depravity . # * * The factory ay&tem gives ub cheap cottons , makes us tha workshop of tha world ; augmenta tha national wealth , enables the factory districts to dictate free trade and decree cheap bread ; but along with it goes this hideous depravity that perverts tho strongest and most sacred of instincts . ' The Spectator then goes on to show that the 'division of employments / and ' the competition of labour' have ' given , to tho millownsr the pick of the labour market , ' and ha selects ? young persons—and women' to take upon themselves labour which beforetimo was nerformed 07
me "; . lb 0 natural head of the family is deposed ^ ana tne young poraons are prematurely independent . Boyei and girls marry in haste . The whole flay is spent in the faoJory ; there is no home . Children are « i «!!? w i ' t ? ar * P ufc 0 Utt 9 nuHe at a S 8 t Sfhfmi ft ? u 8 dto 8 HlillilI "" ? the higgling ^\' ha"A *» a woman who trades in nursing , unti the child be old enough to enter a factory ; unless a banal snoiety skould offer a moro ready source of profit . In short , throughout lanje sections of our population , the wmilti 9 bu <> kb « tV and the FAMILY INSTINCTS ARE DESTROYED . Such arc among the incidents of our boasted factory system >•
hvioh are the confessed results of a system not the wur * ef Procdhon . When tho Bupynrtern of that svHtcci raise tho howl of 'family in danger , ' do they not proclaim themselves hypocrites ? Judge ye to whom traly app \ ie 3 the accusationthat' they make war against property and family . '
This letter was thus far written , and in typo , for last Saturday ' ^ Star , but was withdrawn to make way for matter of more pressing impwtanea . The Britannia of Saturday last contains a iengthy eketch of Proudhon , from the pen of its P ^ r's correapand « nt , in which that famous writer and popular tribune ia described as ' the inost remarkable , tll 3 moBt dangerous , the moat terrible , the moat hated ,, most pestiferous , most obnoxious , and rco 3 ! te be dreaded man in France . * Again : — ' All admit that ho pessesBe 3 intellectual power of the hi'heBt order . Ilia power of intellect , indeed , is undeniable , for it makes itself / eft . ' Of course , the worthy correspofldent oi the Britannia donouncea Proudhon aa the moat pestiferous and most to ba dreaded man in
France , because , as I have already said , he is devoted —heart and soal ~ to the interests of ths unhappy children of industry . The editor of the Bruanku joins chorus with his correspondeat in denouncing the object of their indignation as a perfect monster , a second Marat , and so forth . They admit liii extraordinary and almost matchless intellect , and they admit , too , that he is as good in private life as he is great in public The ' correspoadent' says , ' Proud * hoh in private lif e is perfectly blameless , and livea in a atyle of austere simplicity . ' Yat such a man is held up to execration by the press of this country I The correspondent of the Britannia devotes a couple of colnmns of that paper to an exhibition of-Pnounnos ' B dootrines , denounced by tu& editor aa 1 horrible' and ' revolting . ' I quote two samples : —
' The government wsb inspired by Malthas wfceD , having one hundred thousand workman to whom it gave gra . tuitous wages , it refused to employ them in useful workfl —when it subsequentl y , after tha civil war , demandod a law ef transportation for them . With the expenses of the pretended national workshops , with the oos t of war . Of prosecution , of prtiea , of conveyance , work might h ^ ve been glvn te the insurgents for six months , and so have otmnged alt our economical regime . But work is a monopoly—revolutionary industry could not be allowed to enter into competition with tho industry of privilege —in the workshop of the nation there ia net room for
every one . The great branches of Industry leave nothing to be done by the little—it is the law of capital , it ll Maltbus . Wholesale trade possesses itsel . ' little by little of ' . the retail trade—it is Maltbus . Great pro . pertiea invade and swallow up the little—it i 8 MalthttJ . Soon one half of the people will say to the other , « ThB earth and prodac&g ere nay property—industry and Ita products are my property— trade au 3 conveyances are my property—the Btdte is my property . You wno po » - gess neither reserve nor property , who are not a public functionary , and whose labour is useless to os , ' Go away wit-hyou ! ' jou are really in lh « way on the earth—io tbe aun of the Republic there is not room for every ono J *
In an article published this week , in which Prondhon labours to » how to the workmen that they have not btio « cecded in obtaining tbe Republic for which they foug&t in February—the Republic , that is , as they understood it—n Republic which should give them work and foodbi observes : — AUs ! we can how no longer say to the warkmen , as we Baidsome timaback , 'Go . staging :. with joy , to the conquest of tbe now world , predestined race ! For , now there is no more work , there are no taore songs ! We bud rather say to them , ' Go In mourning wiih crape on your arms , tuo black flsg floating , yonr wivoB ia tears , your children repeating in cboruB tbe cry of misery—go ,
despairing race , and ask what dob become of the Republic 1 ' Tbe hay harvest has been fine , tbe oorn har « veBt is rich , the vine 1 b luxuriant , the fieldB joyful . The pretty peasant snly wnntg to exchange her ( raits , her choese , her fowls , for the fashions and manufactures of your workwomen . The countryman blessed with abundance i » ready to purchase the produo s of your industry and arts with tho gifts of nature . But privilege with - holding its money has placed an Interdiction on labour and oa exchange ; communications arc cnt off batween the town and the country . And that is why abundance ruins th * peasant , whilst want of work slays the workman . Go-go aad ask yonr rulers when they will ple ? 80 to give you the Reimblie !'
I am not surprised to learn that these doctrines ' are producing' an immense effect , '— ' have obtained immense popularity , and are growing mo > -e and more in f&vour every day among the lower classes of the community . ' It would indeed be it strange were it otherwise . I am hap ? y to iearn that Proudhon is a child of the people ; he is the son of a cooper , and Ira worked aa a compositor . ' lie has a very lofty forehead , and carries on hia features the imprint of a thinker . ' His courage ia great , and enables him to defy the howlings of the banded knaves by whom he is surrounded . Ob the occasion of the recent diseussien of his financial proposition he treated the interruptions and impatience of the Assembly with contemptuous disdain . '
The Britannia ' s denunciations ef PitounnoN ara quifoin keeping with the charaoter of that joarnal . In the same number from which I have quoted portions of its i ketch of the celebrated Frenchman , the editor deolares that the famine in Ireland was ' the haqd of God punishing the land for years of assassination and centuries of idolatry . And this editor has tho assurance to denounce Proudhon as a 'biasphsmar ! ' He declares that the veritable friends of the people in France are sanguinary misnreants , whilst in the same capy of his paper he demands death as the doom of the ' Irish rebels ! ' ' To listen ta the ory fer pardon , ' says this editor , ' would be inexcusable weakness . We must crush tho viper if we would be secure from ita poison . ' A well-known parson of the Established Church is reputed to be the editor of the Britannia ; whoever the editor , hia sentiment ?—to use his own expressions coDcerninjt Proudhon ' s doctrines—are ' blasphemous '' horrible , ' and ' revolting !'
I purpose to return in my next letter to th * French committee ' s' report , ' and the evidence , no * in oourae of publication , on which it 13 founded . Fos the present , let me observe , that the social question in France is not yet disposed of . In the town of Elbouf aloHe , out of a population of H , 000 workmen , 11 , 000 are in a state of destitution . The unemployed in Paris aro numbered by tens of thousunds , and this , too , in spite of the vast numbers butchered in tbe conflict of June , aad in addition to the thousands transported or yet lingering in the forts and prisons of the capital . A few dajs ago it was stated that V 000 f ailures were impending in Paris alone ! Cavaignac ' s sabre may bo as keen as wa ? AlkxaN * der ' s sword , but I venture to predict that it will not cut tho Gordian knot of his difficulties . G . JULIAN HARNEY . August 22 nd , 1848 .
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Fatal Accident at Daluy . —A melancholy accident occurred in the neighbourhood of Dairy on Monday morning last , by which James Patrick , Esq ., of Thirdpart , factor to Captain \ V . F . Blair , of Blair , lost his life . Mr Patrick had left home for a day ' s ^ reuse-shooting , accompanied by his cousin , David Patrick , Esq ., banker , Dairy . The two gentlemen had reached Blairpark Moor , and were walking in company with the gamekeeper and another individual , when Mr Patrick , crossing hastily beforo the party , his leg came in contact wiMi the muzzle of his cousin ' s gun , whereby the deadly weapon was discharged , and the contents lodged in the calf of his right leg , a little below the knee joint . The
main artery was fatally lacerated , producing violent hemorrhage , followed , of course , by a thorough prostration of strength , Mr Patrick was carried to tbe Park farm on the estate , in a very exhausted condition . Messengers were dispatched to Largs and Dairy for medical assistance . Dr Caskie , of the former place , arrived in about an hour , and was joined b y Drs Peebles and Young , of Dairy ; but the sufferer was beyond the reach of their skill . Lock-jaw supervened , and he survived only four hours . He has Hft a widow and four children
to lament his fate . Their feelings , or those of their afflicted relative who was the innocent cause of this melancholy event , it it impossible to describe . Mr Patrick was a gentleman much respected in the locality in which he resided . He was an enterprising coal-master , employiBg a large number of men . His losa cannot but be severely felt . In all suci-j ^ V * ea 9 es the plan that ou&ht to be adopted i 3 , £ lriiP " J-ff mediately to bandage the limb tightly above / tn 5 ? -f ^\ . V / wounded part . —Ayr Advertiser . ( ^ - ^ - ^ " T V Sr ^ -
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Publications Recbivbd . —How to treat Cholera in all its Stages . Guide to the Royal stables .
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^^ J * ' im ' ^^ HE , &QJLTHE M _^| AR . _"___ 3 " ' - ^^ . m ^ ,, „ , ^ ¦ ¦ " ¦¦ n mU ., lMm , ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Aug. 26, 1848, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1485/page/3/
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