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THE NORTHERN STAR, SATURDAY., SEPTEMBERS, 1848.
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»^^l , ^^M^^I^I—^^JP^B^| PM|WI»' - - I, II ' — - 1| im— Tl Ml ^J_Ut_L^ i!Uli 1 1:1 ii W OUlviSCr MILLIONS.
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
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k HOttS ? OR BVBRY ISDUSTUIOUS HiN AND HIS FAMILY . UNITED PATRIOTS' AND PATRIARCHS ' EQUITABLE LAND AND BUILDING BENEFIT SOCIETY , Enrolled and Empowered by Act of Parliament to extend over the Uolted Kingdom . PWrttw . —T . S . Dumcombe , E « Q ., M . P . Tboh 4 s Wakle * , Esq ., M . P . B . B . Cabbhh ,, Esq ., M . P . iwvilon O $ x . —Ko . IS , Tottenham Court , Kew Eoad , StPancras , London . —D » niei Wiuuh Hcfei , Secretary . AtsiKcso ik Tsssb S £ CTio «« 8 . Value of Shares and Payments for Investors . Fall Share ... £ ™ payment ef 2 s . 4 | d . per Week , or 10 j . 3 J 4 . per Month Halt Share ... 60 — 1 2 J — 5 3 __ Quarter Share ... 30 — 0 7 J — 2 8 J « - Applicants are r : quEited to state U their form tbe section the ; desire to be a member of . Na Sukyiiobs ' , Somcitobs ' , or Redemptioh Fees . Ihe present Entrance Fee , Including Certificate , Rules , &c , is 4 s . per Share , and 2 s . for any part of a Share . Pries of Raits , incladia ; Postage , Is . OBJECTS . 1 st . To enable members to build Dwelling Homes . 5 th . —To gird to depositing members a higher rate of 2 nd . —To afford the means of purchasing both Free- Intare 8 t tnan *« yielded by ordinary modes of investment , hold and Lsasefeold Properties or L-. nd . 6 ; h . —To enable Parents to make Endowments for 8 rd .-To . dvanca Merges on Proper * , held b , ^ J ^ J ^ HW ^ ta U ^ Wh-, . telto members . 7 th . —To purchase a piece of Freehold land of suf-4 th . —To enable HorSgagorsbalog members to redeem flcicnt value « o gite a legal title to a County Tote for their Mortgages . J Members of Parliament . Section I . —By joining this section cmy pereoninton'Ror country can become tho proprietor of a House $ ai Land in his own neighbourhood , without beleg resoTed from his Friends , Conm-xicnB , or the presentmeans himself and family may have of gaining a Urelihood . Sectiok II . —To raids a capital by shares to purchase Estates , erect Duellings thereon , and divide the land iato allotments fram half an acre upwards , in or near the towns of the rations branches of tbe society . The property to be the fcma fide freehold of the member after sixteen , eighteen or twenty years , from the date oflocv . ion , according to his subscriptions . Section III . —Saving or Deposit section , in which members not wishing to purchase are enabled to gmali dnms , from 7 | d . and upwards , receiving interest at the rate of 5 per cent , per annum , on every sum of 10 s . and upwards eo deposited . Si&striptkn C $ w . — $ 92 , New Oxfcbd-Stbeet , where Meetings are held , and Members enrolled , every Widsesday Evekisq , from Eight to Ten o ' clock . K . B . —From £ 300 to £ 500 will be advatced to tbe members of the first Section in December next , when all p < Tsons who have aai may become membtrs for Shares , or parts of Sbarts , en or before the 3 rd of December next , isd who pay six months' * nb » ctiptio * B in advance , or otherwise , will ba eligible for an advance .
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ME f ROPOLITAN COUNTIES and GENERAL LIFE ASSURANCE , Annuity , Loan , and Iavestment SOCIETY . ( Incorporated jiursnant to tfce Jth and fctb Vic ., cap . Ho . ) Temporary Offices , 3 * , Regent-street , TFaten ^ n-jplace , London . . TRUSTEES . Eichard Spooler , Esq ., I Spencer Horatio Walpole , H . P . I Esq ., M . P . Edward Vansittart Neale , 1 Henry Peter Fuller , Esq . £ sq = I
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XIAKILY ENDOWMENT , LIFE ASSURANCE AND J ? ANNUITY SOCIETY . 12 , Chatham Place , Blackfriars , London . CAPITAL £ 5 UO , 000 . DttZCTOBS . ¦ VUUiam Butterworth Bajley , Esq ., Chairmaa . John Fuller , Esq ., Deputy Caairman . Rt . B ; rice Chichcster , Ettj . 1 EUiot Macnaguteu , Esq . H . B . Henderson , Esq . 1 Major Turner . C . H . Latouche , Esq . I Joshua Walker , Esq . Edwaid Lee , Esq . | Mujgr Willock , K . L . S . BONUS . Thirij percent Banns was added to the Society's Polices on the profit scale in 1845 . The next valuation will be in January , 1852 . ASSDAt raEMOMB WITH PB 0 HT 5 . Ageiu Age 25 AgeSU &ge 3 & AgeiO Age 45 Age 50 Age £ 5 £ s . tL fis . d . £ a . d . £ s . d , £ s . d . Ss . d . Es . d . fis . d . 1 17 w . ' 3 i ; 973 I 18 2339 j 1 G 24 10 € j 76 INDIJ . The Society also grants Policies to parties proceeeding 0 , or residing in India , at lower rates than any other Ofiee , 'he Premiums on which may be payable either in london or at the Society's Office in Cab uttsu Annuities of all kiads , as well as Endowments for Ghildicn , are granted by the Swiety . The usual commission allowed to Solicitors and others . John Cazekqve , Sec .
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NO MORE PILLS FOR INDIGESTION , Coastipation , Torpidity of the Liver , and the Abdominal . Viscera , persisting Headaches , Nervousness , Bilious ness , Despondency , Spleen , etc . Publishe 4 . by Da Barry and Co ., 75 , New Bond-street , London ^ and to be obtained through all Booksellers * Price 6 d , or 84 ( in letter stsiaps ) , post-free ; A POPULAR TREATISE on INDIGESTION and CONSTIPATION ; the main causes of NervousnesB , Biliousness , Serofala , Liter Complaint , Spleen , etc and their RadiealREmoTal , entitled the Naiu « al Rkoese-SA 3 O& or the DiQEstivs Gxoahs ( the Stomach and Intestines ) , without pills , purgatires , or art ifi cial means of ay kind , '
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A DAY'S PLEASURE FOR THREE SHILLINGS ' THE MEMBERS of the LAND COMPANY aM the CHARTIST ASSOCIATION redding in Marvl ° - bone ,. assisted by a few cf the Westminster friends have resolved oa taking a Trip , per VAN , to O'CONNORYILLE , on Sunday , September 24 th . The Vans'to start at Six o ' clock in the Morning , from tha Coach ' Painters ' Ana » , Circus street , Hew-roaa .
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A GOOD FIT WARRANTED at the Great Western Emporium , 1 and 2 , Oxford-street Ubsdell and Co , are now making to order a Suit of beautiful Superfine Black , any size , for £ 31 - s . Patent made Summer Trowsers , 16 s ; Registered Summer Over Coats , 29 s . The Art of Cutting taught . Patterns of Garments Cat to Measnreforthe Trade , and sent ( post free ) for Is . 6 d . each , or eighteen postage stamps . Address , Charles Ubsdell , 1 and 2 , Oxfordstreet jondon .
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TO TAILORS . By approbation of Her Majesty Queen Victoria . and H . R . H . Prince Albert . NOW READY , THE LONDON AND PARIS SPRING AND SUMMER FASHIONS for 1848 , bvMesBrs BENJAMIN BEAD and Co ., 12 , Hart-street , Bloomsbury-square , near Oxford , street , London ; and by 6 . Bebseb , HolywelUt » eet , Strand ; and all Booksellers , an exquisitely esecated and superbly coloured PRINT . The elegance ef this Print excel * any beforepubliBhed , accompanied with the Newest Style , and extra-String Frock , Riding Dress , and Hunting-Coat Patterns ; the most fashionable dressWalstcoat Pattern , and an extra-Stting Habit Pattern of « he newest and most elegant style of fashion . . Every particular part explained ; method of increasing and diminishing the whole for any size fully illustrated , manner of Cutting and Making up , and all other information respecting Style and Fashion . Price 16 s . post free 11 s .
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THE PEOPLE'S CIVIL LIST REFORM ACT ! Now Publishing , Price 3 d ., Fre » by Post , 2 d extra , THE PEOPLE'S PARLIAMENT ; an ACT for the REDUCTION of HER MAJESTY'S CIVIL LIST , and f « r P ROMOTING the WELFARE and PROSPERITY of the PEijPLB of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland . With a Political HiEBOQiirmo , bat so PczzLB , viz : — HO-HfcTSS-WE-ETAUDS-OAB-EP-EH-CB . London : W . Strange , 21 , Paternoster-row , and may be had everywhere , for the edification of everybody ( who pays taxes ) , throughout every portianoftheQaaen ' s dominions .
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. TO BE SOLD , AT Lowbands ,. with or without crops , a THREE . ACRE ALLOTMENT in good condition ; pigsties and OHf offices in proper order ; bounded by a good fence , and a broek , out of which several tens of manure can bo obtained Communications to be addretsedto Mr . O'Brien , Low . bands , Redmarley , ( with a postage stamp enclosed . )
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O ' CONNORVILLE . TO BE DISPOSED OP , TWO TWO-ACRE ALLOT . MENTS , adjoining each other , in the very centre of the Estate , with Large Barn , Cart Houses , Water Tank , and Piggeries . The Land it cropped with wheat , barley potatoes , Swede and white turnips , and is exceedingly adapted for aFamily . For terms , apply ( if by letter , pre-paid , with stamp for answer ) to Mi Keen , 3 , O'Connorville , ' near Rickmansworth . Herts .
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FOR SALE AT LOWBANDS , A P 0 UR . ACRE ALLOTMENT , in excellent condition , n . one acre of wheat , sacked , one acre of potatoes ; the remaining portion barley , turnips , Swedes , parsnips , carrots , mangel-wurtzel , onions , cabbages , neat flower gairtem , a choice assortment of fruit trees : the washhouse , aairy , and yard paved , a good cellar , two pigsties , oren ( bnck built ) , copper , and sink . Pi ice £ 12 » .-Addresn , William Reay , Lowbands , Redmarliy ,. Ledbury , Worcestershire ; or the Direotors , 144 , High Holborn .
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THE LAND . TO BE SOLD , TWO POUO-ACRE , and ONE TWOACRE ALLOTMENTS , at LOWBANDS-adjoining e » ch other ; together with the Crops and Implements . B Apply ( if by Letter , post-paidi to Samuel ATH « aTo «» , Lon bauds , Redmarley , nearLedbury , Worcestershire .
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THE O'CONNOR TARTAN , rpHE ( KILBARCHAN ) O'CONNOR TARTAN COMJL PAN \ have much pleasure in annottiicing _ to their Friends and Supporters , and to . the Chartists andMsmBers of the Laad Company , throughoutEngland and Scotland that they have for Sale , a splendid assortment of = iliawiB Plaids and Vestings , all of fine wool ; Gala dreW for Boss and Girlsi alio beautiful Silk , ani Oregon * for Lakes' Dresses / Ladies' Silk Handkerchiefs , The above are all of the very best quality , and will be sold at very moderate priies . The Advertisers are Chartists ol ten years' standing , nod Members of the National Land Company . All communications and Money Order * to be addressed to Mr Jakes Gusos . New . itrMt . KUbarchan , Scotland .
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Price Twopence , THE RIGHT OF PU&LIGVMEETING A LETTER Addressed ( befeie Sentence , ) TO LORD CHIEF JUSTICE SIR THOMAS WILDE , Bi Eenest Jonis , This letter contains the substance of the address which Ernest Jones intended to deliver in the court , but whioh the judge would not allow to be ¦ poken . Also , price Threepence , K YKBBiTlU EEPORT OX 1 BK TRUW 07 ERNEST JONES AND THE OTHER CHARTIST LEADERS .
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PORTRAIT OFJIOHN MITGHEL . Specimens of a splendid portrait of the first victim of the Whig Treason Act , are now in possession of our agents . The portrait will be shortly ready for presentation . That of Smith O'Brien , and those who are sharing his fate , are also in course of preparation . None but subscribers will be entitled to those portraits .
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MR O'CONNOR AT NOTTINGHAM . Mr O'Connor will meet his Constituents on Monday next , in the middle of the day .
The Northern Star, Saturday., Septembers, 1848.
THE NORTHERN STAR , SATURDAY ., SEPTEMBERS , 1848 .
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LOUIS BLANC AND THE "TIMES
The "Times of Tuesday last contains an elaborate and most ingenious commentary upon a Letter of Louis Blanc , published in the same paper ; and while we quite admit the right of the journalist to canvas and criticise the acts , the policy , and the writings of the exile , we nevertheless reserve to ourselves the right to judge between the disputants . It is a difficult task for a stranger , bowed down beneath the weight of national persecution , and compelled to seek a home in a strange land , where those principles , the acceptance and promulgation of which are dreaded , to defend a life of presumed error against such a journal as the " limes . "
Louis Blanc has not onl y to contend against the concentrated ferocity of his public accusers , but he lacks the defence of those who may be favourable to his principles , and may justify a portion of them . He lacks the defence of the impartial and unprejudiced ; he lacks the mild spirit of toleration , because those attributes and defenders of public opinion are destroyed and silenced by the law of the sword . It is not wonderful that one who has made himself prominent in the principle of re-organisation
should be dreaded , scouted , and persecuted by the parties who advocate things as they are , but as stoutly contending for a change of masters as Louis Blanc has for a change of system . The columns of the "Times" resemble the banquet table of the luxurious , where no cost is ' spared to furnish varied delicacies for varied tastes ; and when the "Times" has adopted its bill of fare , it stops at no expense to procure the choicest viands and delicacies of the season .
If a new question arises , the most inventive genius , or practised understanding that the market can supply , is sure of the best priw at Printing-house Square , and , therefore , the humble individual who , in his trial before such a tribunal , has to defend a varied and chequered life , every act charged in a separate count of a complicated indictment , has but a sorry chance against such an array of public accusers . Should one count foil , the accused is put upon his trial drawn up by another and more practised hand , while the accused has to rely upon his own individual genius for hisdefence . Now , such is precisely the position of Louis Blanc in his
controversy with the "Times . " The "Times" indicts him upon a large portion of his life , the memoir furnished from acts and writings ; Louis Blanc replies to all in the most ingenuous manner , no dilatory plea put in , but the allegations in each count triumphantl y refuted . He gives evidence in refutation or acts , of which he is charged—he gives documents in refutation of sentiments upon which he is arraigned ; and having to our mind established his innocence upon those several charges , the " Times '' prefers a fresh indictment , and according to the Irish system of pleading alleges facts , and relies upon circumstantial evidence for their proof .
The defence of Louis Blanc , as a noun substantive , -can stand alone , while the accusation of the " Times'' requires other words and other proofs to give it substantiality . What country bumpkin who considers his property endangered bj the writings of Louis Blanc —• what parson that dreads the diminution of his spiritual pay—what capitalist that dreads an assault upon his profit *—what lawyer that dreads the destruction of his professionwhat shopkeeper that fears the loss of his custom—what employer who makes profit of the destitution of the employed , will think it
necessary to read the volumes of criminatory evidence referred to by the "Times ? "' Will not one and all be too ready to jump to a hast y and , willing conclusion that the " Times , ' whether right or wrong , is an instrument in the ihandB of Providence to destroy an accursed system , by the ruin of its accursed propounded The " Times , " in an apologetic strain , would measure its censure of the accused , not by the amount of evidence preferred , but by the comparative leniency with which it deals with Louia Blanc . The writer says : —
"Weshouldhave thought , indeed , that after what-ha hasexpwieacedatthepandsof his owa countrymen he would have considered our « violence' a 3 a gentle and v ' erv agreeable contrasted form of political expostulation . " This reminds us of the Irish prisoner , who when charged with assaulting : a bailiff , replied — "You are an ill-natured villain , for I might have murdered you if I liked . " So , then if the French Press , under the control of a Dictator , while Paris is a state of siege had charged Louis Blanc with murder , land the " ¦ Times" had humanely confined the charge to one of manslaughter , the accused , though not guilty of either , should feel grateful to his more lenient prosecutor . Another most monstrous and uajautifiable
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charge againsMlje accused , is . that pass ^ 'fe in which Louis Blanc is ? to be made responsible for the every act of every man who accepts his principles . ' The " Times" says : — " That these interesting specimens of last March should have varied in some of their details from theexnet sped , fixation of his own proper patent , is likely eneigh . " By a parity of reasoning , then , though the details of those who are now incarcerated for sedition , conspiracy , and riot , should vary from the system of Chartism accepted and signed
by Messrs O'Connell , Hume , and others , and adopted and defended by the peace-professing Sturge—yet , nevertheless , the propounders of the system are chargeable with every act of violence by which its professors sought to establish the details . Could argument be more unfair , or reasoning more inconclusive , than the attempt to establish the guilt of Louis Blanc by the act of those who , though professing his principles , sought a different mode for their accomplishment ? Again , the writer of the " Times'' asks : —
" Who were tbosa ouurieri who chaired him round th « chamber V Here we would use the Irish mode of reply —the only one in such ? case open to us , namely , to answer the question by asking another . Who were thejthree million fightingmen to whose physical strength Daniel O'Connell appealed as a means of accom p lishing a Repeal of the Union ? And upon whom did the Whi g government rely as a charmer to lull the storm he had created , and who was the most loud in his denunciation of those who would
use their own details to establish the Liberator ' s system ? Again , who sanctioned the carrying before an infuriate populace the flag with the king ' s head reversed , and the bloody executioner with the axe ? And yet , these were the details by which the moral [ force Whigs threatened to accomplish their system of Eeform . The accuser of Louis Blanc is well aware that the propounder of a system is not answerable for the means resorted to for
its accomplishment , but that those means are urged upon men , and adopted by men , according to the anticipations of benefits to be achieved , and are measured by their own pru > dence , —their own cunning—their own courage , recklessness , or destitution . The propounder of a system may be attached to life , and cherish life , because he has the means of enjoyment ; and , imbued with a spirit of humanity and philanthropy , he may be induced , even at the risk of his own cherished life , to struggle for equal blessings for all : but the
acts of those who are destitute of similar comforts , will not be measured by his caution . "Hunger will break through stone walls ;" and an exasperated and starving people will break through the strongest bounds with which the field of agitation is encircled . And here we make no allowance for the state of excitement in which France was placed at the time of Louis Blanc ' s assumed delinquency—we make no such allowance , because we should thereby weaken his defence , which , without such an excuse , we believe , in our conscience , to be complete .
Further on , the " Times' gives us the most convincing proof of the value of experience , and its reasonable effect upon the mind of Louis Blanc . The writer says : — " But the truth 1 b , that this sage conclusion never entered the author ' s brain , or flowed from his pen , until the utility of this very coup de main had been most thoroughly tested and disproved . " Let us Jin fairness ask , whether a more flattering tribute could be paid to the sagacity , the wisdom , and judgment of man ? The " Times" delights in scraps of Latin , when they carry with them conviction to the dull mind that does not understand the " dead
language ; and two words of Latin here supply the justification ot Louis Blanc— " experientta docet . " And what amount of vituperation would Louis Blanc have received at the hands of the commentator , if , in defiance of past experience , he had pertinaciously persevered in error , rejecting the influence of experience . If we were inclined to retaliate , and thus weaken the defence of the stranger , the prudence of the " IHmes , " gathered from experience evinced from its several changes , would supply the strongest arguments ; but we shall not use them , as we are not prepared to offer the accusation of the " Times'" as the justification of the stranger .
Then , if we were at a loss for the purity of Louis Blanc ' s belief in the just and honourable realisation of his system , we have it in the admission of the accuser ; and the accused , if in need of it , is entitled to the benefit of the doubt . The « Times" says : — " As to the dealings with the two classes of bourgeois an&peoplc , we do not say that he might not have convincediimiself that it was possible to give to on « without taking from the otber . "
Such in our conscience , we believe , was , and is , not only the fond , but cherished anticipation of Louis Blanc ; and , like him , we as sincerely believe in its practicability . Nay , we go fur , ther than the assumption of the " Times" as to possibility , for we assert , without fear of contradiction , that the only practical mode of ameliorating the condition of the shopkeepers is by ameliorating the condition of the people . Emancipated Labour is the fountain head—the source—the only pure spring from which the shopkeeping and all other classes can replenish their reservoirs ; and , although it has been the policy of the league of capitalists to aid kingcraft and priestcraft in the subjugation of Labour , to the end that
they themselves may pillage its store , the voice of knowledge , and the demand of right is , thanks be to God ! becoming too powerful for the cannon of the one , and the thunder of the prejudice of the other ; and the day is not far distant when monarchs will find that the Altar mu 3 t be the foot-stool of God , and not the couch of Mammon—the Throne must be based upon the affections of the people , and not upon the prejudice of their enemiesand the Cottage must be the castle of the freeman , and not the den of the slave !—and then every honest labourer will fly to the cry of " My castle is in danger I" with more alacrity than the mercenary obeys the summons to the slaughter of his fellow-man , for a shiling a day .
As in most similar cases , we find the answer to the accusation in its , concluding paragraph . The writer says : — " We do not asseit that he recommended pillage , but that pillage was a devolopemcnt of his doctrines which eould hard . ' y fail of being produced . M . LouIb Blanc thought to consummate in peace and pleasantness an object only attainable by bloodshed and ruin . Vetia tout . " ' Here we have the complete admission of the innocence of Louis Blanc , and the irrefutable and unanswerable condemnation of the enemies of labour . Whnt , then ! Louis Blanc ,
heretofore charged with the intent to pillage and confiscate , is now acquitted upon this count , while his accuser uublushingly ad . mits the resolution of the terrorist to withhold the just' claims of the people , and that they themselves would rather die in resisting justice than concede it to those for whose benefit the revolution was organised and by whose valour the Republic was established upon the ruins of a profligate and faded monarchy . Oh ! how easy it is to crush a great man-how simple it is to elevate a little man . Louis Blanc , if not the prepounder , is the energetic advocate of a system whose emcacy , if adopted , is acknowled ged by the Times in its admission
tliat tlie wealthy would resist it to the death—and ^ h e is damned ; while the Prince de Joinville , in his humanity , stretched the ex-royal hand to the blistered ' fist of the gallant Jerome , and there deposited two fourpenny pieces , which , by some strange process of alchymy , were transmuted into a handful ef gold coin , and the royal exile is extolled as a saviour , because he saw the Ocean Monarch burning ^ and allowed some of the refugees a shelter in his home instead of plunging them into the deep . But heed not the revilings of our Press , brave , and gallant , and persecuted stranger ; it does not reflect the opinions of our country , and although you are now the victim of a cruel Dictator , a packed Assembl y , and intolerant prejudice , the day is not far
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distant when the L . 'ibour Question you ha > 'e espoused will be the foundation of a system which may defy the cannon and the sabre and withstand the assaults of prejudice .
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VOOR DOUGLAS JERROLD . "Aladdin ' s" lamp burns dim , and poor Jerrold appears tojbe groping in the dark . If we are chargeable with one failing or error more than another , it is , Heaven help us ! that amiable weakness which induces us to look leniently upon the feeling of others , and if there is one which more than another deserves our humane consideration and compassion it is that of spleen . Spleen is an affliction which disorders
the brain , injures the digestion , unnerves thought , and paralyses action ; and no man is a greater victim to this malady than our poor friend , Jerrold , and , therefore , as long as he fought with ghosts , and Blue Beards , fierytailed devils , and hobgobblins , and all those supernatural beings which haunt the disordered brain , we smiled at his array of figures but pitied the man .
bo long as he was the Prime Minister at " Punch ' s' * back parlour , and the Lord Chamberlain of the ludicrous group that constituted the staff of Mr Punch , we admired his whimsical genius , and rejoiced that he had discovered so befitting an asylum and retreat . No man is disreputable in " that state of life to which it has p leased God to call him , " but when he emerges from his natural position to
one which nature never designed he should occupy , and when he boastfully makes that position the more public by affixing his own proper name to a political journal , as if the weight and consequence of the man was to give additional importance to the publication , then he becomes irremediabl y ridiculous , and makes his assumption of power a just subject for criticism .
Contrary to the practice of our cotemporaries , we have given the whole article upon which we are now commenting , the shadow of "Aladdin ' s" dim lamp , without the omission of a single line or word , not even venturing to correct some ungrammatical phrases . And we would ask the impartial reader whether Mr Feargu s O'Connor , charged in that tirade with having recommended physical force—whether
in ms several denunciations of wrong and assertions of the people ' s right of justice , he has crowded into the same space a similar justification tor recourse to physical force ? But understanding so much , the reader must be aware of something more . The reader must be made acquainted with the motive and the objectof the writer of this justification , for resort to any description of violence to overthrow a i ¦ I I a a
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system thus graphicall y descrilei , and for which in the concluding paragraph we are given to understand there is no alternative , or hope for redemption , save and except in direct taxation , The object of the writer—being the proprie * tor of a sixpenny paper , which is beyond the reach of the badly employed—is to curry favour with the employer , in the hope of becoming tha official organ of the projected new move ; and from beginning to end , with the exception ofi the admitted injustice practised upon the poor by the rich , it is one tissue , one compound , off
folly and fabrication . Let us for amusementrather than for instruction or for Mr O ' Con nor s defence , which would be found , if necessary , in the admissions of the writer , repeat a few of the contradictory paragraphs in this jumble of nonsense . We must ask pardon off the reader , who would consider the bare perusal of the elaborate article as an antidote to the poison it was intended to administer , for de- » voting so much of our space to a criticism hdou the ravings of a political novice , endeavouring to qualif y as an instrument to be used by the people s oppressors . < l Aladdin ' in assigning the cause for arelapse
from Liberalism to Toryism , says : — While tho popular party were struggling to effect tha annihi ut , on of rotten boroughs and the snfranchisement ? h ^ o - . rg K t ^ ' -. lheyfi » t called the middle classes to * n « ' b"tfindmB thls assistance , however powerful , insufficient to carry out the measure proposed , they called into existence the political unions ; and to ensure their zealous co operation , a distirct pledue was given to the working classes that they should receive the suffraet from the gratitude and justice of the reformed Parliament . The victory was gained , the middle classes shared l . i fruits , but the mechanics and artisans were notonW iorgottcn by those whom they had contributed to raise to cower , but their remonslraneei were laughed at- and
their petitions spurned . The deception thathad been practised was now transparent ; it was manifest that thersal object ot the movement was simply to elevate Wbiggery on the ruins of Toryism ; that the liberty of the millions was never contemplated ; that they were used as tool * with a premeditated Ucsign to treat them as dupes . It was said of the lute Earl Grey that heshuddered on look , ing at the Frankenstein of his own creation , and as much to quell his own fears as those of others , he solemnly avowed that be would ' stand or fall with his own order . ' Lord John Russell , at that time one of his subordinates took the cue from bis terrified chef , and proclaimed finality . Ho resisted the motions of Mr Tennyscn D'Eyncourt to substitute triennial fer septesninl parJia . ments , and defeated Mr Grote on the ballot . Honourable m « n , who reBpected the faith of promises , blushed at the tergiversation of their leaders ; the Whir ? msinritv evanescent tf
dwindled away to an action , for th ° ir moral power was lost when their treachery was avowed- thev retreated on exp diency , for when men have violated SSS ^ SBBtt'ffBWJftSy ttBSSSiSfsS&iadst lord Melbourne , hadjust before declared were so sacred placed its nand on the helm of State '
Now here was a struggle in which Whiggexy and the middle classes proved too weak to contend against Toryism ; here is the admitted fact , that the uccussion of the working classes gained for both the triumph , and that they were juggled out of their share of the victory But even that is not the equivocation-Aladdin" concludes his castigation of the deceivers ihus— " AMID THE CURSES OF
hate and the hissings of SCORN , THEY WERE HURLED FROM OFFICE , AND TORYISM , WHICH THE WHIGS MIGHT HAVE EXTERMINATED FOR EVER , ONCE MORE PLACED ITS HAND ON TH £ HELM OF STATE . " Now such is " Aladdin ' s" assigned and undoubted cause of the revival of Toryism ; while , as his lamp flickers , and as his spleen , Ins bile , his rancour , his hate and hope of gain from the destruction of vulgar Chartism rises , he thus describes the cause of Tory renovating " We have seen that Whig treachery organisfd disaffection , and that the TEACHINGS
OF FEARGUS O'CONNOR H # S REVIVED THE STRENGTH OF 70-RYISM . " Now which of those positions wlild ' Aladdin" seek to maintain ? Upon wiiich horn of the dilemma will he hang ? Whper upon that which butts at the treachery of the Whigs and the middle classes , or that flhich points at the teachings of Feargua O'Connor ? No man can be more ridiculous than the man who , not having graduated in politics , ha the presumption to abandon an unpolitical profession , and dash headlong into the vortfx of political disputation . This puling Writer , always buoyed up with the hope of gain from prostitution to the new move , tells us pf the excellent agitation of the excellent Mr Jturge , and has the insolence to assert that bith his
meetings convened for that purpose , aid the meetings of ihe League convened for tfleir selfish purposes , were disturbed by physi ^ il force Chartism ; while we def y him to point but one single solitary instance in which the Meetings of either party were disturbed by physical force , or even by clamour , but , on Ihe contrary , although both agitations were professedly originated for the benefit of the poor , and although the principles could be best enforced by discussion , and although the people for
wiiose benefit they were enunciated were invited to take part , yet did the Complete Humbugs and Free Traders deny the right of the people to offer an opinion or an assertion ; and when those who were to be especially benefitted by the changes attempted to interfere , they were dragged out and trampled ujion by the Police , as was exultingly boasted by their then leading organ , the "Morning Chronicle / ' they were dismissed ; by their tyrant masters , they were branded by their cruel overseers , and they were convicted by middle class juries .
So much for the charge of opposing physical force to the amiable Mr Sturge , and the immaculate League . As to the charge of physical force against Mr O'Connor , this crotchet-monger must have an idea , and he must take that idea from the Press , and he knows that there is no such introduction to the cabin of the steam boat , the railway station , the club room or coffee shop , as abuse of Feargus O'Connor ; but as he has entered the lists without armour he must be prepared for the assault , and we now challenge him to publish one sentence ever written by Mr O'Connor recommending a resort to physical force . As we said in the
onset , we were prepared to tolerate the "Blue Beard " stories , and all the fanciful lucubrations that filled the columns of this fairy-tale journal ; if there was a demand it was just there should be a supply , and that the manufacturer should have a stall in the market * place ; but when he goes out of his depth , and when he presumes to grapple with a giant principle ; he must expect to share the fate of the dwarf . When this new movement was first organised , not a syllable was breathed of physical force ; every man relied for success on moral power . But political spiculators soon came upon 'he scene , seeking to turn tho acitation
to pecuniary profat and personal apgrandisement , Cun . ning » ugge 6 ted a newspaper as the special organ of the new doctrines , and it soon degenerated into aS orgnn of man worship . Everyuie who disdain a * *>\* v \ moo \ of everv ? d ° w nT i V f d , ° Wn ; an a 8 ent « 'as appointed ? n { Now , what a tissue of folly and rigmarole . What othej paper in the world , stve the
' Northern Star , " has published the denunciation of the proprietor ? - while , as to the profits being unshared , we should be glad to know what partner-barring the"barmaid ' -shares the profits , be they much or be they little ; of ? V » ° ? k ! i theim ^ culate Jerrold . V « doubt that he even supplies" Aladdin" with oil whether any other proprietor , except Mr tlm xT !" ' * p \ - , , whole ° f to time , the whole of his labour , and the whole ol hisi profits to the sustainment of hk cause ?
th , rt t " *"»*¦* *«« * ho hul established . ¦ the ? aJ ? < TT ? gusted nnd abandone * Sfn rl' * Suie , ly the Me of Richmwd . etadnf f ° U " *^ ' tdl" us had W . S K d W ' thout chan 8 e > and "ho ^ 8 long since been gathered to his fathers , did not 1 no ? tn lSgU 5 Vid -and ' " Akddin >> ^ S U ^ Se- Cau ' je of the desertion of those who R X retreat u P ° n dis « > he HiU find it S ™« Wrds T of the honest veteran , John Srtt < vh 6 n ^ said - " Fear * > mon ' > 'W bwu tb ' Uppile 8 fr ^ tho 8 e LondoQ
Untitled Article
THE NEWEST FRENCH HUMBUG . The many unmeaning words and phrases that have been used from time immemorial , as a solution of the term " Liberty , '' and now brought into prolific use by the founders—or would-be founders—of the new French Constitution , furnish the strongest proof of the gullibility of man . " Liberty , Equality , Fraternity , " are now translated into the "Protectection of the Citizen , in his person , family , religion , and property ; ' and recognising his right to instruction , labour , and assistance ; and then we have the most endearing words , actually coined by the falsest lips , to explain and propound duty , rights , and obligations , and all sealed with the kissof life . In fact the Freneh Constitution—as it is called—is based
upon a bag of wind , and the superstructure must be as insecure as the house built upon a sandy foundation , while the great architect would base it upon opinion fettered by the annihilation of the liberty of the Press . If the Constitution of France is intended to work out that boasted equality so pompously eulogised , to ensure that delicious fraternity so amiably paraded , to guarantee that glorious liberty so generally approved of—and if this trinity of blessings is to be participated in by all , why , in the name of commen sense , establish the reign of terror during its conception and birth ? Are the French people so uncivilised , so ignorant , and stultified , as to require coercion to reconcile them to this wooing , and
courting , and kissing , which is to eventuate in so felicitous a union between the rich and the poor , the enlightened and the ignorant ? The fact is , that the rich and artful , in the hour of doubt , woo their dupes as the love-sick swain woos his lady love ; they take advantage of their weakness , susceptibility , and credulity ; so does he—and the flattered people , like the flattered wife , discover their error when too late . The mystic word Constitution , represents the mystic YES in the marriage ceremony—and those whom man have joined together by Liberty , Equality , and Fraternity , are as indissolubly bound together as man and wife , but , like them , sometimes discover the value of the old adage , when it is too
late" Lads , before you marry , mind the golden rule , Look before you leap , or else you'll play the fool . " We may paraphrase it tlus" Lads , before you're governed , mind the golden rule , Think before you speak , or else you'll pluy the fool . " Nothing is more easy than the construction of a wordy Constitution , except the varied construction that lawyers and cunning men can put upon the most simple . words . That the rich can always oppress the poor , is as true as that a landlord of straw can break
a tenant of steel . Madame Glass is a very high authority upon cooking and , as the French Constitution appears to be a huge heterogeneous mess , seasoned to deceive the palate , we quote her . She says— "First catch your hare ' —but , as Cavaignac is head cook , and as protection to the person is the first ingredient in the new hash , his receipe is first CATCH THE PERSON , transport him , then protect his family , religion , and
property . Again , again , again , we defy ; the rich to frame a Constitution for the poorand , whatever boasted privileges may be conferred upon the poor during the conception of the Constitution , they are useless and inoperative , while the capital wherein discussion is held , and where discussion alone can lead to a sound basis , is in a state of siege , « hile the liberty of the Press is suppressed , and while butchers rule the roast .
Let us see if we cannot invent a sound , a solid basis for a French Constitution — Article 1 . All men have blcod in their viens . 2 . All men ' s blood is red . 3 . All men die when their blood is all let out . 4 . All men have noses who have not lost them ; men have mouths , eyes , legs , arms , feet , body , and a head , if they have not lost them . Such are the fundamental proofs of man ' s existence . Article 5 . All men have feelings . 6 . Those feelings should be respected , and to that end we decree as follows : —
7 . Love , law , and physic ; music , flowers and dancing— " Bubble , bubble , toil , and * trouble' *—liberty , equality , fraternity , harmony , brotherhood , affection , toleration , indivisibility , union , co-operation , intellectuality , spirituality , ne pugnacity , prudence , conception , will , mind , understanding , clemency , humanity , philanthropy , invention , persuasion , mild correction , disputation , example , training , education , morality , science , forbearance , virtue , self-denial , brotherly love , rights of labour , democracy , republic , KISS OF LIFE , and silence , submission , obedience , prostration .
There is as sound a basis > and just as understandable a one , as that upon which the boasted Democratic constitution of France is to be based . Next week we shall give our readers our notions of a free constitution ; meantime , we hazard thn guess that the vanity and deception of Louis Napoleon will once more embroil the foolish French people in a bloody struggle , as with them the feeling will shortly be , any change must be for the better ; we cannot be worse off than to be drowned , or shot , or banished ) if we complain of starvation .
Untitled Article
_ THE NORTHERN STAR September 10 , 1848 . | ¦ ¦¦ 1
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 16, 1848, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1488/page/4/
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