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up IHjb THE WORKING CLASSES. SHU; * :
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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HKPIt Friends , HSm the great object of all other classes of SSHp ty is so to frame laws * that they may dijHgthe proceeds of your industry amongst iSBpselves , your object should be to secure a |§ 9 pe in the making of laws , which would se-|| sifor the workman the full fruits of hiss iSSp industry , and there never was a period -HHP 1 tne marshalling of your strength was ^ Bjjj * neees 3 ary , and there never was a time lM § a it could be brought more efficiently to JgKSirupon the arsenal of corruption , i ^^ b u may rely upon it , that whatever changes jfgptnroposed by the monied classes—whether ijfpfeical or financial—and however your ca-^ JWirilMiii may be enlisted , that your class will
¦ MTiIerive benefit to the amount of a pipe of Inicco , a piat of beer , an ounce of sugar , or a ajBfeienny worth of soap , per year , because , now Wgm labour is aggregated , and not individual-^ jjfjf y 0 Ur wages will be keenly and statistilljpy measured by the price of those and other fffHlcles , whether cheap or dear . "When beef § S § pork were one shilling a pound , and when j 9 » quartern loaf was three times its present iKifee , the labourers of England lived better , WSA were freer than they are now ; but yet K folly is manifest in your belief in every fsHghusiastic sentence delivered by those who Igpd out great promise from the proposed ISSjange ? , while you should bear the fact in IR ) , that
fggj&i " Word ! are bot wind . || gp Action speak tbe mind ;" iSraJ , in general , those who are most philanijSirn p ir . upon the platform , are the greatest l « femts in the factory and in tbe counting-HpiS (> . ffipefore I was sent to York Castle , they sent Up for a week to the Queen > s Bench Pris ° « || S& prison for debtors ; and during that period Jii& uld not meet with a man who owed a farijpjig . I was in York Castle for nearly eighteen iKpths , and there was not a criminal in the W jgson , although some were hanged on very : ||§ ear evidence . I have visited several lunatic || pBy lunis , but I never met a madman in one of ? {^ &em . I have never met with a bad woman , a of
" ^ fcfl bottle wine , or a bad horse , nor have Sfea ever heard of a publican who could give |!» jn a bad glass of gin or a bad pint of beer . jl | pbw , I lay down those rules for you for the jjnarpose of measuring men ' s language , and yet , i ffcem this time till Parliament meets , yourfan-- ^ Ses will be tickled with the most fascinating ymospects of amelioration , while want of unity 0 SI prevent the application of your power j | nr i pur strength to the adjustment of your Rig hts . M : The labouring people of this country constitute several classes ; and although the inifcrests of all are identical , and should be in-* Sparable , yet to their jealousies and disunion , J § nd nott 0 tne uni ° n ° f tne'r opponents , is yltteir every grievance attributable . This is ^ Bdb obstacle which I now propose to remove , t ^ Bflid these are the means .
: I propose that the Chartist Executive , in , - || jncertwUh theTradesand the Colliers , should ( jjunne a day for a Labour Convention to meet l&Xondon , and to consist of forty-nine delejtiites ; and as the Labour Question has yet to : solved , and can be best solved by those who ifeve practical experience , and as ignorance < % rec has been , and ever will be , urged as La-Soar ' s disqualification to the Suffrage , 1 projBOgethai : J 50 / . shall be distributed as prizes ifiirthe six best essays upon the Labour Question , and , if the arrangements are properly Carried out , I will give 501 ., leaving only a
. Vfioction more than 2 / . each to be brought from ¦ f ^ 6 t 6 several districts by each delegate . iJ ^ Fhe Saints , the League , the Financial Reifctmers , Professors of Colleges , the Repeal ^ Association , the Peace Preservers , and all jjarties who wish to push their opinions , have adopted this plan ; and a 3 ignorance is urged . against your class as your disqualification to / the Suffrage , let us be able to supply the really rJ ^ Dorant with irrefutable proof of Labour ' s knowledge ; and you must understand , that , - # S it is with all other competitors , so it is with Hie Essayist . If one hundred people compete
"' : § g [ a prize , although only one may receive the } H » war ( l , yet the remaining ninety-nine , who -Save competed for it , are also benefited ; so it via -with cattle-shows , with horse-racing , boatxacing , and the other amusements—the horse < Jthat loses the race is as well fed as the winner - —the crew of the losing boat are as well ^ trained and exercised as the crew of the win-: Mn £ boat ; and although only six out of six i ^ hondred competitors may receive the prize for : | tfie best essay on Labour , yet the labourers fhemselves will be sure to select their leaders , rth ' eir teachers , and instructors from amongst
those who have evinced capacity for the office . _? = £ - The Trades , from the beginning to the preiant moment , have been the principal obstmc-^ fcbrs of the Charter , and of the solution of the labour Question . It has been a paying trade ¦| o many who have had influence over the ; Jffl « re thoughtless , while their services in their " present situation would be no longer required , -if Labour was liberated , and you will always iind that the leaders are the pets of their em ployers , and are promoted according to their Standard of value to the master , and not to j iie poor .
; £ ~ During our agitation , the men who were feudest and most enthusiastic upen the platform , have ever been tbe first to desert us , % hen their own ingenuity or the cunning of " : t&e middle classes could find them more proifitable and less hazardous employment . And ^ although I am well aware of the odium that 18 attached to a gentleman who dares to interfere between master and man , yet , as I have "Wry boldly withstood that odium , I am resolved stiii to brave it as long as you are prepared to assist .
> . o doubt that Government and their offi-• ciak hug themselves with the notion that they Bave killed Chartism ; and , presuming on this , ¦ $ he middle classes will hope to turn the labouring classes to their own purposes . 1 propose that every district shall—despite of the opprobiutn sought to be cast upon our | ast monster—get up Petitions for the Charter , and send those petitions to the Representative < jf the town or district , no matter' whether he fee "Whig or Tory ; and I propose that the number of signatures attached to each petition shall be endorsed on the back ; and that a correct account of tho .-e numbers shall be transmitted to the Erecutive Committee , and then I shall not be chargeable with any forgeries , obscenities , or inaccuracies .
I propose that after the Conventiou shall lave - -at for a fortnight in deliberation , and after it shall have adjudged the several prizes upon the best Essays , that a District Conference shall be held upon a given week , in the principri towns of England , Scotland , and Wales , for the purpose of discussing , of adopting , or rejecting , the several propositions that may be submitted by the National Convention . And having already decided upon adherence to the principles of the People ' s Charter , I propose that Labour , and the means of its redeaiHti <; n , ahull constitute the business—the whole business—of the National Convention
and the District Conferences ; and during the sitting vf hoth the Convention and the Conference ^ I propose that nightly meetings be helil in London and the several districts , at which the Delegates best able to expound the LabjurQuestion shall attend and lecture , and by this meang if thirty of the forty-nine d " de « atrs were suited to the task , there might be ten meetings in London each night , with three delegates appointed to speak at each ; and thus in the fortnig ht there mig ht be 120 meetinorg , and if there was only 2 / . collected at each , it would pay 9 l . a week to each delegate , and leave 44 ? . to defray incidental expenses , while ; ill England , Scotland , and Wales , would only be icquired to send lOOZ . tobe distributed as prizes for the best Essays on Labour .
Then I propose that after the Convention shall have sat a fortnight , and shall have addressedil 20 meetings in London , and its
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vicinity , that upon the following Monday there shall he a public meeting , to which the propositions of the Convention shall be submitted . Now there is a plan , the entire expense of which will be 320 / . gratuitousl y given , and 501 . supplied by me , and for which we shall be able to supply the world with the best and most practicalsolution of the Labour Question ; and you cannot think this extravagant , when you bear in mind that the Convention of 1839 cost the country over 30 , 000 / ., while the _________________ _______«_
reward of some was transportation , and of many imprisonment , premature death , widowhood , weeping , wailing , and gnashing of teeth . Whereas the' Brummagems , ' and others of the middle classes , who were the most enthusiastic ] exciting , and dangerous , housed themselves in snug places and offices , or made treachery to Chartism their qualification for middle class patronage and support . While , upon the contrary , if you will adopt my proposition , 1 will take care that the nicest technicalities of Whig law shall be complied with—that there shall be no victims either to
the law , to spies , or informers . If this plan is adopted , I will finish the fortnight by inviting the several delegates to a good substantial ; dinner , and some Member * of Parliament- to meet them—and 1 will ensure the attendance of not a few—and thus we shall have associated all the elements ef labour—the trades , the colliers , and the workers of all denominations . My friends , having elected me as one of your representatives in Parliament—having elected me in defiance of the National Assembly upon the Executive—and that Executive having new elected me its President—I am not going to shrink from the lion ' s share of labour :
and if you carry out my proposition , on the Tuesday after I shall have had the honour of entertaining your representatives , I will stand up in the House of Commons , and boldly , if not eloquently , introduce and advocate the principles of THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER ; but , upon the other hand , if you fail in the performance of your duty , blame yourselves , and don't blame me . If any one can propound a more simple or effectual scheme , I am ready to abandon mine ; but no matter what obloquy , insult , or danger may be offered or threatened , and however you may be cowed and lukewarm , I am resolved , though 1 stand alone , to advocate the cause of
| LABOUR , AND THE CHARTER : to the death . • Your faithful friend and representative , I Feargus O'Connor . j P . S . I trust next week to have an opinion ; upon thisjproposition , from every part of the < country . F . O'C .
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"We extract the following admirable letter from the " Times . '' It contains a very severe and proper stricture upon those shopkeeping aristocrats , who cater for customers by feeding their game upon their neighbours , and though , no doubt , loyal subjects , prefer violating an Act of Parliament to losing their customers : —
HAREKILL 1 S 6 BILL . TO THE EDITJB Of 1 UU TIMZS . Sib , —Parliament enables any occupier of land , h vein g the right to kill liares , to do so without % eing taxcJ at the rate of £ i 3 s id per annum . For this , aa a small farmer , I am eternally indebted to the wisdom of tbe House , spurred into practice by Sir Harry Verney and others . My success maj be almeat said to depend upon my immunity from the depredations of hares , three of which , it is ascertained , will eat a dinner for a wager against any sheep in England , and very probably win i . too . It is my misfortune , however , to have for one neighbour in the parish of Ruislip , Middlesex , a large wood of about SOi acres swarming with harec , and for another a gamekeeper within 20 ) yards of the place selected by the v . rmin as a suitable spot for an inroad into my premises .
I have set snares ' accordiiig to Act of Parliament , ' and hare succeeded in catching a few of my enemies . But 1 find that for every t . ree snares set , two ara invariably gone in a few hours after . They appear to be pulled through tbe fence with a hooked stick , and certainly in broad daylight . Now , « ho takes them ? 'Who but a keeper would do so ? This man ' s master is a Web . linendraper , who rents all the shooting in my neigh , bourhood ; and it is master , not man , I must quarrel with . Now , I do not believe that any game preserver in the House of Commons would give his keeper instructions to prevent tbe free exercise of a now con < titutio , n& £ Jg&f , pfi ttaejm&oteiu independent tenant of neiguiHrar-Tmt it teems that rich lineadrapers are not so nice . Will you use your influence to protect me and my class from
tyranny of this description by pointing out in your columns one great omission in the Hare-killiug Bill ? A clause should have been enacted , imposing a heavy penalty on any person ( not 'having tb « right to do so ' J 'maliciously and feloniously stealing , or causing to be stolen , one snare , value Id , ' from any fence or field , such snare being set ior the purpose of killing hares according to law . Until this be done » y gratitude to Parliament is somewhat tempered by bitterness , and I roust seek xny remedy bj retaliating upon tbe lineudraper ' s pheasants and partridges , whereof I breed a considerable number for this knight of the yard every season . I am not a bad shot , and I understand how to coax birds from a distance . Let' yard-mea 8 uro' beware in time . Tour obedient servant , Habebbain .
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THE VICTIMS . TO THE EDITOR Or THE NORTHERN' STAR . Sir , —Bfting a constant reader of the Northern Star , I confess I was surprised when I read the leading article of Saturday last , with reference to the case of Mrs White . Your informant says , that two friends made a collection for Mrs White , and the Committee refused her the money . This is altogether false , as your informant must be aware if he was present . The facts of the case are simply these : —A person makes an appeal to a public meeting on her behalf . Twelve shillings is collected . The chairman of tbe meeting had not atrived . A general shout was made about the other families , which brought Mr Frith to the platform , not a member of the Committee , I believe .
Mr Frith made some remarks about the families of West , Leach , and others , and it was put to the meeting whether it should go to the Victim Fund , and Mrs White have her quota . So you will see it was the men who gave the money , not the Committee , who refused Mrs White the money . I believe there were only six hands held up for her to have the mosey , aud the rest for the Victim Fund . Now , Mr Editor , these are the facts of the case , as far as the Committee are concerned . If the
person that made the appeal to the public meeting bad been a member of the Chartist Association , he would hare known that there was a Committee appointed to collect money for the families of the victims . In my opinion , he ought to have appealed to them and not to the public . NothiBg I believe , damages Chartism more than this mode of proceeding , because the meetings are not composed entirely of Chartists , but of all parties , and it tends to prejudice ihe minds of many .
With your remarks 1 entirely a ^ ree , and am very sorry that the families of those who have defended the rights of labour should be reduced to such a position ; but , sir , it is those fools who ought to suffer who have shouted and cheered , and cried out ' Pike and gun , ' but when you ask them to pay a penny to aid the Chartist cause , they will tell you candidly they will not , but that they are better Chartists than you are . Away with such hypocrites . Yours , truly , Thomas Harper . Woodhou 3 e , Leeds , Jan . 2 nd , 1849 .
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THE NATIONAL VICTIM COMMITTEE , AND THE MANCHESTER VICTIM COMMITTEE . I am instructed to intimate to tbe Chartists oi the country , that the National Victim Committee have resolved to share their funds with the wives and families of tbe Kirkdale prisoners , in common with the wives and families of the victims confined in the prisons of London . The friends who compose the Manchester Committee , in their recent appeal , solicit support not onlv for the prisoners themselves but also tor their
families—now , as the National Committee have to support the families , those persons who subscribe to the Manchester Committee will do so only for the prisoners and not fer their families . The National Committee do not make this pnblic statement with a view at all to interfere with the Manchester Comnittee in their support of the men in prison , but that , as tbe National Committee have to support the families , all monies intended for their assistance may be sent to the general fund .
The National Committee make this announcement with feelings of high respect and consideration for their friends and brother Chartists of the Manchester Committee . James Grassby , Chairman .
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THE FACTORY WORKERS . TO THE EDITOR ! OB ' THE NORTHERN' STAR . Allow me , sir , to address a few words toy-oar readers on the e ? 9 r standing and really important subject— 'The Condition of the lac' ory population of Yorkshire ? . ' During a late visit to that districtof England , I mixed occasionally with men of ail classes , and was myself an observer of the signs- of the times . A good * trade is expected , that sure ati * mulus for exertion . A Bradford manufacturer assured me that a good trad * was inevitable—the following is a bfieffyut correst condensation of a < ' , ' '
protracted ; convereation . ' A good trade is inevitable because the depresaion has been of long continua * . tion—the disturbed- state of tbe continent has affec ted us materially , Germany more than France- ; but if quiet can be restored , trade will be excellent . We are all preparing for a ' g o in , ' after New Year ; The good trade will not be of long duration—there are so many of ns—the competition is unlimited "but , as I ofte& say , ' E » ery man for himself in tfiisworld , ' we must make the roost of it while it lasts-The Ten Hour ? Bill has not as yet been testedn-1 think it wrong in principle , it is wrong to interferewith master and man—it has not been tested , because trade hasjtfeen so dull—its effects will now
hi ; felt , and eajjsejauch uneasiness . It is foolish and ridiculous tb ' 0 mo&e that men can have twelve hours' wa ^ j f ^ g hntt ^^ rk—wc . cAa't . 4 » it , sir—it is impossible , ana theLegislature will find it out . It is quite true that in some factories tlrre is as much work done in the ten hours a * was formerly done in the twelve ; this is accomplished by increased attention on the part of the workers , and by increased speed in the machinery . The same means would have been at our command in the good trade—the result is evident—we then could have clone as much work in the twelve hours as could be formerly done in fourteen . Such would have been to our advantage if the Ten Hours Bill
had not passed . You must know that time is everything with us—good trade continues so short a time that we must not lose an hour—we must make the most of it . It is all very well for theorists to speculate-I am a practical man and guided by experience . ' As you are a practical man , may I ask if tbe American manufacturers injure you Id the markets of the continent . '' Not at all . ' Not at all , you say , —I ara surprised . America possessing so many natural advantages and protected by so fine a navy , led me to suppose that in some branches of English industry she must have been a formidable rival to England . ' ' Non 3 ense , we can always beat the Yankees , they have no chance with us . ' ' How do you account for the success of the English manufacturers over the Americans ? machinery in America
is as good—land as fertile—water and minerals as plentiful—and the workmen as frugal and indujtiious—I may not be able to account for our superiority , but I know whet I have said to be correct . I suggested that one cause of English success might resi on this—manufactures have been loneer estab . lished in England than in America . ' He replied— ' I think it is so . Trade is a strange thing . To remove a factory from one locality to another , even it in the same parish , is always ruinous . 1 was lately offpi-pd a factory in Lancashire on what was thought to be advantageous terms . It had formerly been used in a different business from njine , but I asked , where could I rind hands to work it ? I was told , I could learn them . I replied it would cost me a fortune to do so—business must be done expeditiously now or not at all . '
The conversation next turned on tbe condition and habits of the factory population . M y friend said , the workmen were improvident and of careless habits , had little thought of tbe future ; in many cases , the higher the wages they received , the poorer they were . He declared , with an air of serious confidence , ' That the Chartist leaders were rascals . Every man of them ought to be hanged . ' I smiled at so emphatic a declaration . We stepped out of the omnibus at the Low Moor station , bidding each othei good by . He found his way to a first-class carriage , and I was , in due time , seated in the rank below , among a number of butchers and cattle dealers , who were on their wav to market .
I reflected that the gentleman with whom I had just parted was an excellent type of bis class , possessing an aptitude of business talent—shrewd , keen , calculating—a scanty genius for a conception of remote causes , no visinned dream in the future destinies of men or nations to realise ; a narrowed appreciation of the refined in art , or the elevating in nature ; in the counting-house or on the Exchange , a clever merchant ; in the jury-box a propertied partisan ; at an election a man of influence ; in the church or chapel a member . At Bingley , a small but beautifully- ituated town , lying between Bradford and Keighley , I found two mills working extra time . This I presume is managed by working relays of hands , or by working male hands above the ages specified in the Factory Act for regulating the hours of labour .
I conversed freely with many of the factory operatives of both sexes , and all agree that the Ten Hours Bill is the best measure that could have been passed for their interests . They argue pretty nearly as follows . ' We are not free agents . We , who produce all , have no power of ourselves to limit production ; we are part of the system , and are merely a live cog in the wheels of the machinery ; in good trade , we are worked until we are worn out , and nature decays ; in bad trade , we are chiefly dependent on the parish for support . The manufacturers deduct so much for interest on the outlay of their capital—so much per cent , to be appropriated as poor rates , to sustain us in
existence . We are here at the bidding of our masters . It is true enough that we desire individual inde . pendence , but we cannot accomplish our desires . We are slaves , and it is as much an act of justice and humanity to protect us against cruel usage as it is to prevent horses and dogs from being slaughtered in the streets . ' They feel the good effects of the short hours of labour , and will cheerfully Bubmit to any curtailment of their scanty earnings rather than return to the long hour practice . The Ten Hours Bill , however good in itself , viewed as a restrictive measure of imperative necessity , 19 but as a drop in the bucket compared with the remedies necessary to physically , mentally , and morally , elevate our factory
population . The causes of the decline of the workmen are remote—and whilst immediate checks are necessary , to balance against avarice and rapacity , a change of system is inevitable , before permanent and sure results can follow . I am often told of England ' s manufacturing greatness and the success of her industrial civilisation , but 1 never see these huge halls filled . with polished iron and brass , all in motion and moving with mathematical correctness , but I reflect that amidst these proofs of man ' s greatness , and beside this fine and God-like machinery , are' a miserable little tribe of men-machines , living but half a life , producing wonderful things , but not reproducing themselves , who propagate only for death , and perpetuate their class only ]> y incessantly absorbing other populations who are engulfed there for
ever . The remodeling of the old system , or a reconstruction of a new one , will not be the work of a day , but of years . How different are the ideas of the manufacturer and operative on the same subject , and that , too , under circumstances the same in themselves , and seen by each every day , and reasoned upon by each differentl y , every hour of the day : Truly , if the millenium be at band , these are stormy signs to be indicative of a calm ; yet from these stormy , differing , and opposing interests tbe future must be regulated .
There lies off the way-side , on the road between Keighley and Colne , the small village of Sutton . The trade ot the village i& increasing , the fabric is a mixed one of woollen and silk , and consists of gown pieces , vestings , &c . Sutton , unimportant of itself , is important as illustrative of the progress of our manufactures . Some thirty years ago , the weaving in Sutton was carried on in the houses of the workmen , the majority of whom either owned or rented small plots of land , probably from one to four acres each . They ^ vere then an independent and hardy race of industrial settlers , their families were to them a store of wealth , rich in their guarded plenty , and frugal from habit and desire ; their monied wages were three times their present amount , and their industry was spread over \ h& patisb . { q \ ta
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boundaries . Baeh house represented a corporate community—parents and family having one cora-; mon interest , Things have changed—th * factory System is established—the average wages areproba * bly not more than six shillings per week ; thsre axefew self-contained onttages , and fewer smaltfanaers ; : the last specimens of independent weavers are- yet to be found , but , no longer able to unite weaving ; with their garden pursuit , they are redueedi and > poor , and only serve-to , instruct the observer imthehistory of the past . How many villages aral > towns > I could name in Scotland ; and England which , ex * - hibit a similar sketch of tbe past and present ; and . represent the true tendency of the age , in its worst
form , joint accumulations of wealth and poveufcy , side by side , in unnaturap contrast . I observe by the reviews in the press , that Mr Macaulay , in his-new ' History of England , ' has-furnished his readers-with a picture of the past and . present condition of-England ' s labourers , showing the great advantages the workmen of the present day enjoy as compared-with their predecessors . Facts are stubborn things ^ , andit wttl require more potent arguments than any thatcan be-used by the brilliant Whig historian , to convince the Sutton weavers that they are richer than , their fathers were . They know that house renfr was never higher , nor wages lower , than they now . are ? » nd these same Suttnn weavers are poSticians- ; they know that thei » . labour is their capital , and that if thei * annual in * 6 me be fifteen- pounds , and the monied wages of their fathers , was
forty-five pounds per annnm , their capital has * decreased two-thirds ir * value , and as they pay taxe& and debts from their wa » es , their liabilities have increased in a like ratio * And as money is not intrinsically valuable as a consumable commodity , but valuable or valueless , depending upon the comforts and luxuries it enables its possessor to command , it follows that the incomes of the fundholcleraj clergy , aud landowners , &c ., have increased in a like proportion . No essay on picture galleries , museums , gas lamps , statuary , poetry , the printing press , railways , or any of the other hundred and one : illustrations of modern improvements , can drown the plain statements of wages , which nearly every workmen in England fully understands . By the way , M . A . Thiers would be the better of a weaver's lesson on this subject .
As a whole , I may safely own that it is next to impossible , for any one removed from the scenes of misery everywhere to be seen , to form a correct notion of the wretchedness , poverty , and degradation of our factory population . Many of them seem to have lost all sense of self-respect , order , and propriety , and live more in the character of animate machines than human beings endowed with moral and intellectual attributes . Those who speak and write of England as a model nation for the world , will do well to visit Manchester , Leeds or Bradford , before they be too profuse in their adoration of manufacturing greatness and modern civilisation . And
if idle men—distorted . naked and hungry ; prostituted children ' and women—drunk and filthy ; narrow cellars—dingy and dark ; proud capitalists—vulgar and rich ; a magistracy over-re iching and despotic ; a constabulary obstinate and coercive ; a workhonse large and over-crowded ¦ , a gaol filled and requiring enlargement ; be the inevitable and ever indispensable elements of civilisation—let us pray that we may be either favoured with a restoration of barbarism , or a speedy approach of the day of judgment . A Leap from the Annals op a Shoemaker ' s Garbet . London , January 8 th , 1849 .
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FINANCIAL REFORM .. GREAT MEETING IN MANCHESTER . On Wednesday evening a meeting of L beral electors and others was held in the Fiee Trade Hall . The hour advertised for the commencement of tht proceedings was half-past seven . Admission tvas by ticket only , but such was the pressure and eagerness to be present that shortly after six o ' clock the doors were besieged , and before half-past that hour the vast area and galleries of the spacious building were crowded to excess . It was calculated that from 6 , 000 to 7 , 000 persons were present . Mr Cobden , Mr Milner Gibson . Mr Bright , and the other members of the committee , were most enthus ? astically received .
Mr George Wilson , Chairman of the Anti-Corn Law League , presided . He commenced by saying that it was really a monstrous meeting , and he was glad it was so , for they had met to consider questions of no ordinary importance . He had se « n that hall filled on previous occasions so as he never expected to see it filled again , but he confessed , looking to that vast assemblage , it did appear to him to contain more than the usual complement in numbers , and whatever apathy might exist elsewhere , whatever changes had . aken place abroad , however old institutions had crumbled to pieces , and new ones had arisen on their ruins , at all events there was no change or re-action or revolution among the
Liberal electors of Manchester . He b espoke their co-operation in favour of no ill-advised scheme , of no immature project , of nothing which should involve violent changes or changes to be accomplished by violent means . ( Cheers . ) Their aim was to collect into one focus the mass ef floating opinion iu the district , to give it force and direction , and concentrate it , for a time at least , upon the practical objects of economical and financial reform . ( Cheers . ) It had been asked , why stir at all at present ; why , in the unsettled state of Europe , do a"ything which might in the slightest possibility interfere with the arrangements of the Government ? In the United Kingdom there was no class of men more in favour of the best institutions of the country , none more interested in
supporting order at home and peace abroad , than the industrious and mercantile community of that district but they reserved to themselves the right if expressing their opinions freely on all the great subjects affecting the public interest , and 7 , 000 or 8 , 000 people could not be collected together unless the subjects were ot great national interest . It was for such , a meeting to stand by Mr Cobden in promoting financial reform . ( Cheers . ) Ten mil-Hobs was no slig ht amount in this money-loving country , and that amount he proposed to make flow back into tbe pockets of the people , instead ot gassing through the fingers of the tax-gatherers . ( Cheers . ) He called on them to adopt the resolutions which would be proposed to accomplish with i he slightest waste of power , and in the least delay , that most desirable result .
Mr Cobden , who was received nith much enthusiasm , proposed the first resolution : — 'That this meeting resolves to co-operate with the Liverpool Reform Association and other similar bodies in their efforts to reduce the public expenditure to at least the standard of 1835 , and to secure a more equitable and economical system of taxation . ' They had formerly been charged to being the farmers * enemies , now they appeared in another character—as the fanners' friends . They had subjected the agriculturists of this country to competition with the foreigners ; the farmers complained that they were more heavily taxed than the foreigners , and the / now came forward to
offer them the right hand of fellowship and union , to effect a reduction of £ 10 , 000 , 000 in the coat of our government . ( Cheers . ) In 1835 , the affairs of the goveromens were carried on for £ 10 , 000 000 leBS than they were tbia year , aud in the letter he had published ha \ enlursd to propose that they should go back to that expenditure . H « had waited tcwe weeks before ho had an opportunity oi saying a word iu defence of his views , to « ce what would ha sdd a&aiost their recoranvJudfttioni an < 1 he confessed he had not much to answer . It was said that tha popul a'ten had increased sinca ] 835 ; ouj cent than in ?
numbers were l 2 ! i per , more ihatyea , ard it waa but Imr to allow a larger sum for the govetnuient of the greater number . So far as cwi \ government w&s concerned , bo admitted the argument ; he allowed fovty pe 1 " cent - more fur civil fcoveiBroent than was expeaaed i ^ 1835 ; but tlun , he said , that thirteen years of additional peace waa no valid argur atntifor any increase in our forces , ( Ghaers . ) la 1835 , wa spent £ H MO 000 for Army , Navy , and O dnance ; he proposed ' . hat they thonJd not expend morethas £ 10 . 000 000 , and he would taka theremainicg £ 1 , 600 , 000 from the expenditure , for warlike pupiafti $ && M U t » ttfc wH exneuVitase of
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^ Z ^> C ? t ^ /^^^ r ^^ lm JiJ " niK-w » Mid thii totS itatyeanmdthf year beforr there was a deficiency of revenue , «« spentnaoro th » n w « received , ?> nd bwrowed money , and therefore , ewa if hia pUn wevs carried out . there wouldriMt be £ 10 000 , 000 to dispose of in re « mission of tami . Ha answer m this—If the revenue Had f * i : en , ff it ™ because the balance , sheets of the merchants and manufacturer * bad ' fallen off likewise ; but new with feod at »• moderate price , and taade revivine natantl y thay- would see the reveDoe itcreastd od this year or ibe next , thev ar" certain to have ¦ Burplus revenue u mrely as there * as a defi . • eDcy last year ; Give him the expenditure again of 1835 . sod he would' guarantee the rt-ruisgion of £ 10 , 000 , 000 taxation . ( C&serB . ) The country wanted to reduce the duty-on tea one-half . If they wanted to abolish altogether the fixes on timber , but ' er , cheeise , soap , paper , . ruBl ' /; , iop \ andhou'evrindow * , ' —if they wanted'to put act end to the »? stem that curtailed those necessary comfort !' , Jet tbera raise their voices simultftneouslj ! or ttw upenditure of 3335 . ( Cheers . )? - W'herawasthediffi ulty of return-&g to tbat standard V . The whole question depended on tbe amount of our w&r&te armament * . The
question was , would the Government he content to > aate ^ lO . OOO . OSfrOa-an unproductive Fervice like wir fighting establishments in time of peace X If act , why not ? Ea had the Government on the defensive , lie asked- them whether they made the 'moit of the money th * y had got ? Haw did they diapo 3 e of that mauey ?? Tfcey had one hundred and fifty admirals , besides n ' ity retired adamala . How many did they employ when they had ™> e thousand ( PennantR fl / ing during the heat » f the French war ? i'fhey never employed ' more ttian thirty-six admirals ' at eno time , and withiall their it-genuity theycoutd only now find aotrre ssrvioe for fourteen admirals . So- in the error there wbb a colonel for every regi . ment who did the work ; and they had another colonel to every regiment who never aaw it . bu * . who
supplied clothes 2 nd got tbe profits of a tailor ? ( A Jftueh . ) He would' not lend himself to the delusion of those who told- them that by eoonoray in the dockyards the ? roighfc . effect a saving , bat there mu 3 t be no reduotioaof . force .. ESa told them plainly from the outset that in order to effeot puch a reauction of expenditure- as-would afford a material relief , and would bs felt in the homes aiid firesides of- the people of this country , the } must reduce the number of pen—they mnstba content with a smaller manifestation of brute force- in the eyes of the ttorid . ( Loud oheera , ) , Why had there been this great increase in our armaments ? They bad increased enormously tha numfter of the tnea . Lord John Ruasell last session stated the incrraso for army , Davy , and ordnance sinoe 1 S 35 Inthatyear
the number of men of all three services was 135 H 3 , and in 184 & they were 190 , 06 * , showing an increase sinoe 1835- in army , navy , and ordnanoa of 60 320- men . The expenditure dnrins the same period had been inoi-easod from JE . llSTO ' . to upwards of fil& . OOO 000-. When the numb .-r of men ^ raa voted there must be large corres ponding establishments in all directions ; and if the ; wanted Ok material reduction in their armaments , they must at once boldly adopt the plan of reducing the men engaged in those services . Why should they not reduce them ? Why had they been increased ? There had always been some ready excuse for every augmentation , whether of army or navy , but when tha occasion of th » t increase bad pnssed away thera never was anr diminution . In 1835 waa the lowtst point ; in 1886 the fear ef invasion from Russia was the pretence for increasing tbo navy ; and in
1839 the Monmouth riots were made to cover an increase of five thousand mea to the army ; bat when tranquillity was restored they never heard (> f tboa five thousand men being reduced . A finiilar course was taken when we had a dispute with the American * about tke Maine boundary and about O : eaon . He contended that there naa nothing even hi the aspeofc of aiFiirs <» n thecuoticeot of Europe to justify ui in keeping up such large armaments , it was tha interest of France to preserve peace oh the tbe continent . Tha mass of tbo people in this country were favourable to peace and adverse to war . Besides , vie had this additional guarantee , that it any government or population on the Continent ohose to carry oa a war ef cocqueat , it would weaken rather than strengthen their position ; bat , taking the very worst thut could happen , suppose that name of the continental states should a'taolc
their neighbours , waa that any reason why we should be armed to take part in tha struggle ? We must leave ethsr people to manage their mvn affaire . They wore epe&ding too much as a nation , and while that wag bo their lecal taxation would go on iocreaB . ing . He promised one thing—he pouM cevor coasa the advocacy of this question till he t&vr the cost of onr armies reduced to £ 10 . 000 , 000 , until he saw the expenditure of the country reduced to what is was in 1835 rit least . He did not say ha would Rtor > there . ( Cheer * . ) That was the least they intended to do , and it was eomtthiuti worth toe stru ^ le ; but he repeated he would not stop there—( cheers ); and he sincerely believed that with their assistance . and the growing tondency for peace throughout tha world , they would not Sons continue ta witness the horrid waste of £ 10 , 000 000 on a fighting establishment in time of peace ; but tbey would live to see the day when one-half that sum would bs coesidered enough—( cheers ); cor did he thick that time would be Jong in arriving . ( Cheers . ) Mr Cobdsn Bpoke lor about an hour and a quarter , and was followed throughout hia Epetcii with muea oheering . MriJKKRT , M . p ,, seeded tbe resUyUcni wbk& was unanimously agreed to . Mr Milnkr Gibson , M . P ., proposed the second resolution— ' Tbat no permanent reduction of taxation cou ld ba effeoted until the people obtained a more direct control ever tha Houhe of C > minons by an extension of the flyateM of eleefcoral repewmntfttion . ' Tub bon . gentleman entertd in $ o an ix ^ lanation of
his own conduct iu respect to hia lato CJn : nxi : > n with ( he pieseot Government , and stated his reason tor his resigning office , and that ho preferred the confidence of his constituents to tba favours ot any Government . lie repudiated the r . otion that there vag any reaotion on tha subjeot of free-tr-de , and urged its extension to oihur articles of commerce as well as corn . Adverting to the condition <;( tha Irish Church , he gave it as his opinion that there would never be peace in thai ; country until it was pulled down , and ita funds applied to to the general purposes of the community . ... _
Ths resolution was 3 > : conded by Mr W . IUwaw , and carried unanimously . Mr John Bright , M . P ., moved the third resolution , tothettfeco that tae meeting ap , -r , ved of the cosrsa adopted by the Anti Corn Law Ltaiue in the axtensioncf the forty shi . ling frechoiGcrs , ? nd t-eir system of watching the resistor , also authorising the etiairman of the meeting to take ateps for tbsiforaa . tion of an association to secure the orjecis ot taw meeting , lie observed that the juati&caum-, . or tbat meeting was to bs found in ) hs tact that £ Gu ooo ooo of taxe ™ were annually squandered by a Government whiih did not represent lbs views of tho p *> ple , from , whom that enormous amount was extracted . 1 x 9 ur ^ ed the infusion of more . ceasoctads biocd inU ) t ! ie House of Corcraons , and concluded by Having tne resolution whioh Mr A Kay secou'iod , and which carried nan con .
waa Thanks having been v . ; ted to the gontiemen who addressed themeeUng . a nd to the chairman , the preceding ^ terminated at near midnigh t , wuea tha vast assemblage quietly separated .
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— imm EMIGRATION TOjME TEXA . & . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHUBN STA 3 . Ma Editor—At tbe rtqaeat of ma 3 y ot your readers I forward you a report of the pro « ed 1 B gj SSffiAh eou&y , on «* ouot oi the corruption Of its GoTemment , aud the apath ? of the people , have determined toseaka home in the'tat west , and so to combine edu cational , agriculture , maca acmring , and commercial arran £ ou . eiits , aa to Heucte to each other all the advantagi-a of town and cauatry life without tbe inconvenience * whvea &a * fclUfid
, eaoh , and by the esmb ' . iahmeui ot co-operuuve ktoreB to ensure to att thejus * leward o ? hora t tort , whicn , in this country , is denied tha moat iwe ' ul perMon of 'OCiety . The name they bear is the JS ' or ; h lexaa GuloDfeatbn Company . They propM to purchase twenty five thousand acres of land m toa roost healthv pait of Texas , United Stato of Nona Amc rica , t 9 divide the estite into aliotintints ot twenty , five acres ; and ia order to prevent the ev :: 3 wbici attend the larao ( a : m ajateni , to allow n ) fharo boldei to posse 3 i mote t ! iin four a'Lunistts or one hundred acres . For the sum oS £ 22 pi jaWe at race , or by week ' y instalments of Is . 6 . I ., each sh areshareholder will obtain tweatj-five acres ot laid , —
transit from tfafc country to the estate , provuiuna «? urin the transit , and for right months aher nation A portion of the payment ueea r-u \ y be ro » ti » ia this Conakry , the remainder in cash or proc « co after they have tsken posswsion . Such has boo -j tua euocess oitce Company , tbat ear ! v ifc Kbruisj , an agent , to Durehaw ! aci > . acoompttuitu ty . uwuefcW Sd 4 * Company ' s aurgcon , will ' ^«« « jSf land' of adoption . AL- ^ dy ; hej haro : ba «» aM J * pnrc&ufcg tie laad , and ' ^ y havaem . rt . ison to Us . before Bjaajnacntia have elapasii , ina . bundr- ^ a of their feiow-coucJrymen , wu * r . < -w toil toe ethers , witter ^ y tbe autanVages uw « A -M . Oa Thursday eve ? togs tha s-ubftc a : < j ^ aii i-ti- J to tha members' H \ a ^ vt g 4 hs'd at Mr E . iwS 'Sjk-j ! Rjoin , 8 , George Stv « et . ftmori Square , vlwii ( v .-y mformating oatho Subject ma ; t » ol » ts - .: i < 'd . H < £ = g rou wilt fflTOur Tour rcailsrs m \ ns ^ j ulu .-i ^ " > r > ,
respecting tlis intemttag Society , 1 aci , jcu : H ! O 3 rcn is iy . Jokv VJ ^ c ^^? 1
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Tus Blood . —Mr G . G . White stato , i& ; a . tetter to the Lwcbi , that the tumbiin * tou&d Pp « . »« - "H stopping ; ha ears with the iiagers pVsXBeds ^ om . . « $ r tT ) :
Up Ihjb The Working Classes. Shu; * :
up IHjb THE WORKING CLASSES . SHU ; * :
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^ , „„„„„ . TO THE LAND MEMBERS . My Friends . I am not going to write you a long letter , I am merely going to impress upon your minds , and to call your attention more minu . tely to the following proceedings at a meeting of the Royal Dublin Society , and which was puMished ' in last week ' s " Star . * Here it is
BKCHHATIOK OF WASTE IANDJ . At the last meeting of the Royal Dublin Society , Sir William Bentham presiding , Mr Hill read a paper descriptive of the effective reclamation of bo ? and w . uts lands , particularly upon the property of Mr Colthmwt in the county of Cork . The Chairman naid the paper read vras a rery important one . It had been itnted that though a bog wag reclaimed it returned in two jears or en to it * original barrenness and ose ' esgness ; but Mr Colthurst had denonstr ted that it couid be made permanently productive . He approved highly of the suggestion to employ the able-bodied poor in workhouses in reclaiming land . Mr HaugMon poiatad out the necessity of ielfreliance andinduitryin working out tbo improvements on lantl , instead of relying upon the Legislature , and the necessity of rendering the purchase of land more easj and satisfactory .
Mr Hancock ob 3 erved , that the position of Mr Colthurst was peculiar , and he possessed advantages which other landlords or tenants did not enjoy ; and as regarded tbe advance of manufactures ia Scotland , if tbey had ia Ireland tbe same laws to facilitate their advancement he was sure tbat a similar result would follow . The Earl of Deron bore testimony to the effectire exertions of Mr Colthurst . He had not only drained bog effectually , but had railed upon it a gaperstructure essential to the purposet of agriculture . The ordinary method of cenTeying earth to place upon the surface of bog was the expensive one of carting ; but Mr Colthurst bad adopted a more economical and desirable method . The process adopted by him was highly desirable for , and applicable to , many parts of Ireland ; but he should say
there irere sereral places in the country where tbe im provement of land at present under cultivation , would prore a far more remunerative source of agricultural pursuit , and one more calculated to repay the expenditure of money than the reclamation of bog . He did not desire to discourage the reclamation of bog ; he would be Rlad to see Mr Colthursfa plan followed in many localities ; but they would fall into a mistake if they supposed that this was the first point in the improvement of land to iihich they should direct their attention . He agreed with one of the speakers , that tbey were teo apt to look ior support and countenance from government . Tbe suggestion of Mr Hill , tbat the government should forward the adoption of the plan recommended by Mr Coltburst , bad not been overlooked when the legislature framed an Act bastd upon the land commission ; but tho-e engaged in that commission considered it desirable
tbat if public money were to be advanced , it should bs for purposes connected with the improvement of land under cultivation , in preference to the reclamation of bog . It was said that the purchase of land should be rendered more easy , but under tbe law as it at present stood , a . great deal of land could be eas'lr purchased , a a good title obtained , and tbat land made productive by those who desired to improve it ; but he feared that what was wanting was that confidence which would induce people to lay oat their money in the purchase of land . The difficulty which they had to encounter arose not bo much from any want of legislative interference as from a want of private industry , energy , and confidence in developing the moirceseftbe country . He hoped that much would be don ? in reclaiming bo ? , but he considered that it would be more Judicious and more desirable to apply their capital in tbe further improvement of lands at present under cultivatien .
Now , I have onl y a few words to say , by way of comment . Jn my book upon the management of Small Farms , I told you tbat one acre , or half an acre of a useless hill , would give ample surface to a hundred acres of bog . Well , you see that Mr Colthurst recommeads the very same . But read Lord Devon ' s speech , the chairman of the Great Devon Land Commission . See what he says about the reclamation of waste lands , and the better cultivation of arable land ; and then bear in mind that 1 told you that bog and waste land was the cold meat in the larder , the selvidge round the cloth , which might be nibbled at as population increased ; that the reclamation of waste land would pay the capitalist a good per centage upon his capital , but that the labour of the husbandman should be applied to the better cultivation of land , which was not now cultivated to one fifth part of its
capability . My friends , as ere long this Land Question wilJ " be the question of questions , and as I have stood my full share of taunt for making statements , now corroborated by the highest authorities , and commented upon by the Press , that has been lavish in its abuse of me , you will not consider me vain or egotistical in citing those authorities in support of my Plan . Your faithful friend , Feargus O'Connor .
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Rotal Polytechnic Institution . —The usual attractions of this admirable exhibition are enhanced during the present week , by the delivery of lectures on The Cultivation and management of the Voice in Singing . ' The coramiUee have engaged Mr G . Clifford , professor of music , for this purpose , and bis first lecture was delivered , before a numerous and very attentive auditory , last evening . The lecturer ' s remarks were very agreeably diversified and forcibly illustrated by the performance of a variety of favourite vocal pieces , from the works of several eminent composers ; and their very creditable execution elicited repeated and hearty plaudits from tbe company present .
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THE MANCHESTER VICTIM COMMITTEE Brother Democrats —We deem it highly necessary to c ill the attention of true Chartieta to our present Btate . With regard to the imperative duty the Exeoulive and the oountr / have called upon us to perform is behalf of our reapected brethren now in Kirkdale gaol—Leach , Donovan , Rankin , White , West , Grccott , Clark , and others—these ne-nerouBheartcd and noble-minded fellows are Buffering because of their hbou » in the service of tbe people ; they are puoisbed beoatue of their devotion to that cause , the triumph , of which would be the emancipation of millions from the thraldom of Whi ^ and Tory misrule . They hare cheerfully braved the dun «« oo to render us good service ; we owe them a sacred duty ; they have performed theirs , let u « perform ours promptly . Would it not be most disgraceful to
ui , as a party , if our neglect of those brave men ib bandage reduced them to the miserable alternative of baving to give up the poor privilege of nrat-claae misdemeanants , and submit to the felon ' s fare and treatment ? These men are beai known in Manchester , and as far as we are concerned no exertions shall be wanting , in order to make our brethren comfortable . We do not presume to take the power out ol ihe bands of the general Victim and Defence Committee , but to co-operate with and assist them , in accordance with the advice of the Executive . We appeal to the Democrats of ths United Kingdom for their cordial support , in our endeavour to illume the gloom of the Da riots' cell with a ray of comfort ana sympathy . We are happy to state that the Chartists of Manchester , since the arrests in August last , have done their duty nobly .
Brother D jmosrats , to tbe present time our friend * in Kirkdale gaol have not been in want , but owing to the low state of our fanda we have not been able to support any of their wives and families . We now appeal to all ' the friends of humanity , to lose no time in forwarding their donations , for if this is not re-ponded to , our brave patriats will be in want of food . Give cheerfully , give prudently , sud where it is most needed , in sued manner as may do most good . Hopiujr this will not bo in vain , but responded to , Wa remain , youra truly , members of the
committee formed [ for the protection of the Manchester victims , THos . WHimKKR . Henht Ellis , Wm . Sheimebdinx , John Smith , Thus . Ormesjieb , secretary , Thos . RoBKRia , treasurer , This . Fildes , chairman . All money Grders must b 8 sent to Thos . Orme ^ ber 52 Bridgewater Street , Manchester ; ' made payable to' ThoB . Roberts , 25 , Mouut Sweet , Hulme , Manchester . ' „ Committee Room , J&uuarj 8 , 1819 ,
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AND NATIONAL TEADES' JOURNAL . ¦
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VOL . XII . IS ? 586 . LONDON , SATURDAY , JANUARY 1 % 1849 . « " ««**««<« " ¦ " ., ^ n * e § hH » B «» nwil Sixpence per Quarter
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 13, 1849, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1505/page/1/
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