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LETTERS TO THE WORKING CLASSES . XXXV . " Words are things , and a small drop of ink Falling—like dew—upon a thought , produces That which makes thousands , perhaps millions think . " bybos . LETTERS
PAKLIAMEXT AND THE PEOPLE . BROIHEE PfiOtETASIAKS , Thus far the gentlemen who , \ rith matchless modesty , assume the title of the " Collective "Wisdom of the State , " have prosecuted their " lahonrs" after the good old fashionalternating the performance of mischief with the doing of—— nothing . On Monday last , the " Commons" as good as passed the Bill for the farther Suspension of the Habeas Corpus in Ireland , —the second reading was carried , and jthe clauses adopted . The Bill now only waits the form of a " third reading . " This evening , the House -was
counted out at 4 o ' clock , to prevent a debate on Major Blackall ' s motion on the Condition of Ireland . ^ Neither Whigs , Tories , nor Radicals (?) could be found in sufficient numbers to constitute a House for the purpose of considering the sufferings of the Irish people , with a -view to the adoption of measures of amelioration . Already onr legislators suffer from " the fatigues of the Session ! " Fighting with shadows appears to he no joke , for the task of proriding for the repression of a non-existent rel > ellion has so taxed thoir physical and mental powers , that—poor fellows—they have already been compelled to seek relaxation from their toils !
It 13 just one fortnight since the Session commenced , and already there has been one •' count out" Of course , the nation can afford to put up with this loss of time . At any rate there is no probability of a national remonstrance . There is the secret of Parliamentary misdoings .. Ministers and Members do as they please , because of the criminal apathy of the people . Were the people of this country resolntein demanding I&foi'm&r both England and Ireland—Justice for themselves andtheir Irish hrefhren , —there would be no " countines
out . But , seeing that the masses are indifferent to their own interests , and careless of the doings of their rulers , what wonder that those rulers prefer their own ease and aggrandisement to the welfare of the many ? It is not tyrants that make slaves , but slaves that make tyrants . The people court oppression , and encourage misgovernment ; and , I say , they deserve that their masters should ride , spur , and lash them , until hapl y by suffering they may learn to hate , resist , and overcome oppression .
Reproach not the Parliament , denounce not the Whigs ; reproach and denounce yourselves , for yon are the perpetrators of your own Tvrongs . "When Hook abroad , and behold what other nations have done and suffered for Freedom and the sacred Sights of Man , and when I contrast therewith the miserable movements of my countrymen , I can no more say with the poet" England , with all thy faults , I love thee still . "
On the contrary , I blush to think that , throughout the old world and the new , the name of TlntriisTimyiTi is a > mark for the scorn and hatred of mankind . In other countries , an English working man is supposed to he a spiritless slave , who has but two desires—to work and to guzzle ; whilst the classes above the rank of workmen , are looked upon as heartless grasping traffickers , intent only upon the
aggrandisement of the big British . Money-Powerthe curse and-scourge of the world . These views , though unjust when made to embrace all Englishmen , are yet just in the main . Our newspapers proclaim the oharacter of the " superior" and " respectable " classes , and the slavish apathy of the mass of the working classes justifies the sweeping condemnation pronounced upon us by our brethren of other lands .
Occasionally , a shout for " Reform or the " Charter" is heard b y neighbouring nations , and then they say , "At last the English are moving . " Yes , we move ; but how ? Like the tide . We advance only to recede . A little persecution , a trifling disappointment , or the too sanguine hopes of immediate success not realised ; these , or either of these , will suffice to send excited masses back to their garrets , cellars , and hovels , there to grumble , growl and groan ; until excess of suffering provokes another " movement , " fated , in its turn , to give place to another term of popular apathy and despair .
The lack of perseverance is the curse of the working class . I admit exceptions . Individuals , numbering altogether thousands , are everywhere to be found , who have never wearied in the good work of struggling for the triumph of Justice . There is not on this earth a nobler sight than that of a man who , grey with years , and worn down hy poverty and the sickness of "hope deferred , " yet clings to the principles of his youth , and , in spite of time and trouble , still holds fast to that belief in Human Progression ¦ which , first made him a Eefonner . Such men are the
pnde of our order , the salt of the earth . It too often happens , that the enthusiasm of youth perishes beneath the frosts of advancing years ; but I make bold to say , never when men have adopted a principle for that principle ' s own sake . There are men yet living who , in their youth , toiled with CAKXWBIGHX and HiEDY in the strength of their manhood with Host and Cobbett ; and who , in their old age , are still faithful to the good old cause . "WTule I write this , I have in my mind ' s eye a friend who , some thirty years ago , -witnessed the judicial murder of poor Wasox at Glasgow , and who is as ardent now as he was then in his advocacy of the righteous principles for "which poor "Wasos Buffered martyrdom . The
unceasing sacrifices of time , health , money , and family comfort , made by the men "who form the Chartist Councils , Defence and Victim Committees , &c , cannot "be properly described , and their services cannot be too highl y rated . Such men deserve "well of iheir country . But , if the truth must be told , such men are—comparatively speaking —few . Their perseverance , their energy , their undying devotion to Principle , cannot l > e ioo highly extolled . But they are , I repeat , the few . They set an example not followed by the great body of their order ; were it otherwise , there would he no Parliamentary countsHiut , as long as a wrong remained unredressed , or a right nnratified .
In the spring of last year the Government affected to be alarmed at the Chartist demonstrations . But the alarm was affected , noiking more . The experience of 1839 , and 3342 , had taught the Whigs that popular excitement was but a bubble . It may be asked "Why then did they affect alarm ? " Because they desired to secure the support of the Bourgeoisie , always to be influenced by the cry * f " property in danger . " Backed by the toting and jury class , the Whigs knew they ° "gut go any length in coercing the few 8 taunch men who were dangerous , because * % were in earnest The result of the iffl >
t iionent" has justified the calculations of the Ernies of Chartism . Most of the leaders are ^ Prison , and their followers are — nowhere 2 - ^ the reasons which existed twelve months * £ o for demanding the Charter , still hold JJ 01 Then , six-sevenths of the adult male ^ P ^ atum were unrepresented , and still that JS * grievance is vnrcdressed . Then , a J ^ btude of laws cumbered the Statute-Boot , r ^ e to the freedom and well-heing of the S ^ Pfe , and stiU those laws remain . Then , the < g ? of Labour , and the interests of the in-JJf'tons classes , were outragedoruncaredfor , & / M tkmany ' are sacrificed for the benefit of " *>> ^ Yhy then abandon , in 181 % thecausft
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which enlisted the enthusiasm so ' strikingly manifested in the early part of 1848 ? The conduct of the Legislature and Government in the past year , instead of causing popular apathy , should stimulate popular action . The utter destruction of civil liberty in Ireland , the passing of the Gagging Bill , the employment of Spies , and the remorseless persecution directed against the defenders of the liights of Labour , famish , additional reasons for seeking that political power which mil enable the people to put an end to Class i ,, v . ; , a , i- *_ j , ¦ ., . ...
Legislation , and prevent , for the future , the persecution of men whose worst crime is that of preferring the ri ghts of the many to the privileges of the few . Lamenting the sufferings of our incarcerated friends , I have to congratulate you , brethren , on the escape of some of our champions from the clutches of their and your enemies . The friends I allude to are not our countrymen , but they are none the less our brethren . On the 8 th inst ., Dr . Schneider , the newly-elected deputy ( to the Prussian Assembly ) for Cologne , Dk . Makx , chief Editor of the New Rhenish
Gazette , and Citizen Schapper , also connected with that excellent journal , were brought to trial in the Court of Assizes , on the charge of having incited to rebellion by publishing a circular urging the people not to pay taxes , in obedience to the orders issued by the late National Assembly in Berlin . A verdict of " Not Guilty" was returned amidst the enthusiastic applause of a densely crowded Court . This is glorious news . Dr . Schneider is one of the most ardent democrats in Germany . Dr . Mauk I know personally , and know him to he a man of transcendant talent and the
most sterling patriotism . He is one of the great men of the future . His day is fast coming . When it comes , woe to the enemies of Labour ; Carl Schapper is known to more than myself ; personally , to thousands in this metropolis , and by name , to tens of thousands in this country . When in England he was ever ready to give his fraternal aid to the cause of the English Proletarians , and they cannot but rejoice in the triumph of their gallant and courageous friend . Carl Schapper ( by marriage and long residence in this countryhalf an Englishman ) is the beau ideal of a democrat— -the remorseless and untiring foe of injustice in every shape . Glory to the acquitted democrats of Cologne , and victory to the good cause which has been so signally served by their triumph over the dirty tools of the hypocritical King of Prussia I My next Letter will be devoted ' to a special subject ; but , that disposed of , I hope , the week following , to commence , a seriesof Letters suggesting to the good men and true a course of action , calculated to make the Chartist movement a verity , and hasten the time when the Charter shall te made the law of the land . . L'Ami t > v Peuplb . February 15 th , 1849 .
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DRAINING THE MINES OF SIERRA MORENA .
An English company have leased the celebrated silver mines of Guadalcanal , in Seville , in Spain , which have been under water for a period of 150 years . Before that time they produced to . Spanish government £ 100 , 000 per annum in duties alone , and from the proceeds of these the Palace of tbe Eseurial was built . They were the property of the Fuchars , rich contractors , who , not satisfied with the enormous wealth they derived from them , secretly took away the ores from a new lode they discovered without giving notice to the government , and , to prevent imprisonment and confiscation , they let the water into the mine , and for 150 years they have remained in the state in which they were thus left by them . About six months ago , however , the
mines were purchased by an English company on the most advantageous terms , and a capital of £ 10 , 000 was raised among % few English adventurers , ia order to work them . Mr . Nicholas Hamy , of Hayle , who drained the Lake of Haarlem , in Holland , being one of them , and an engine of great power having been obtained , and transported under the direction of Captaia Michell and the engineer , Mr . Duncan Shaw , to the mine , bids fair soon to drain the 120 fathoms , and discover its hidden wealth once more . From advices received since the publication of the following account the engine has drained the mine in one month to the thirty-one fathoms level , and some very valuable specimens of silver ore have been taken from the lodes , and are now on their way to England . v
The account which follows is translated from the Madrid paper El Clamor Publico : — 'In the month of September last we famished our readers with the history of the silver mines of Guadalcanal ; we related the manner in which those rich veins were discovered by two Spanish peasants , the enormous quantities of ore which they yielded daring 140 years ; then how , in order to free themselves from the proceedings instituted by the Court of Madrid , the proprietors fled , having
first taken tbe precaution of flooding the mines . We recounted the oft-repeated , but invariably unsuccessful attempts of the Spanish government and private companies to drain the water from tbe mines , and render them fit for working . After having given this history , supported by official documents , we announced the departure from England of a vessel laden with powerful apparatus , manned by fifteen stout Cornish miners , and commanded by two distinguished engineers , Mr . Duncan Shaw and Captain Michell .
' Since then all things have smiled on this important undertaking . The vessel bas made a qnick and prosperous passage , landed its crew and machinery on the quay of Seville , and both the men and the apparatus have passed over , without inconvenience , and fifty-four miles which separated that city from the place of their destination . ' The preparatory work accomplished , the dwelling and nrintog habitations in a condition to receive their new inmates and the draining implements , it only remained to put the latter in order and prepare all things necessary for commencing operations . Ten weeks sufficed for the engineer and his assistants to bring this task to a satisfactory conclusion , and all was ready on the 23 rd December . '
The gigantic pump might consequently have en * tered on its subterraneous labours from that day . But , like a thorough Englishman , the engineer determined to give the inauguration of the enterprise a solemn date—that of Christmas Day . He went farther ; he assembled some of the nobilities of the country , and , like a true son of Albion , collected on the spot a quantity of solids and liquids sufficient to have satisfied the cravings of a thousand famished Irishmen . The results of this step weie advantageous , for instead of some fifty persons , the entire population of the neighbouring country nocked to the scene of the enterprise . Alcalde , lawyers ,
priests , shopkeepers , men , women , and children , deserted the little town of Guadalcanal , and braved , tome on foot , others on mules , tbe most abominable of all things—a Spanish road . The undertaking excited in a high degree the curiosity of these people and interested them in other respects . But , however persuaded they might be of the superiority of British skill and perseverance , they were generally doubtful of success ; the oldest among them shrugging their shoulders while they related to surrounding groups the traditions bequeathed to the country of the many unfortunate attempts made and abandoned . . .
At length the signal is given , the steam growla in its iron-bound cage , and the huge machine begun to move its formidable valves . After two centuries of darkness the water beholds the light , and flows , stream-like , making large furrows in the earth , after the manner of the torrents of Atlas . The entire population run from the pump to the well , regarding with feverish anxiety the play of the former , and its effects on tire Utter . After four hours' labour , whiehno obstacle could overcome er even diminisn , the order to desist is given by the engineer . The water-mark had been lowered five feet , and this result , which surpassed the most sanguine expectations of the workmen themselves , was received with uproarious acclamations by tbe assembled multitude ¦ ¦¦ ' '
. . .. . _ ..... . On the morrow , the dawnhadnotooner lightened the Sierra-Morena than cries of : joy and shouts of merriment were yet to be distinguished , together trith English and Spanffli . songs commagtedind confused . - = : >
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— . — — PUBLIC MEETINGS .
THE WRONGS OF IRELAND . A public meeting was acid at the Literary and scientific Institution , John-street , Fitzroy-square , on the above subject , OB Wednesday evening , February Hth . Mr . Uttiiiff was unanimously called to the chair . Mr . M'Gbath read and moved the resolution as lollows : — " That in the opinion of this meeting , the agricultural , mineral , marine , and other resources of Ireland , if properly developed and directed , are more than sufficient for the maintenance in plenty , comfort , and independence of her- entire population . That the mismanagement of Ireland is a grievous source of injury ana oppression to the labourintr and artisan classes of England . ¦ We
therefore call upon Parliament now assembled , to devise practical industrial remedies for the employment of the population , and to abandon , now and for ever , their perverse , coercive , and unstatesmanlike policy towards that unhappy country . " Mr M'Grathsaid the resolution contained some important points . The committee had thought the Irish question a most important one ; ana scarce a newspaper in either England , Ireland , or Scotland , was there , but was endeavouring at the present time to solve the Irish difficulty , but it was beyond their capability ; and he believed it must go to other heads than those of Sir George Grey , Lord John Russell , or Sir John Jervis—ho believed it never would be effectually solved until the great mass of Englishmen and Irishmen were represented—in fact it
must be a parliament of the whole people that m \ 18 t solve it . Kb country on the face of the earth was so badly off as Ireland . Ministers admitted that thousands of her people were daily perishing ; yet was Ireland peculiarly blessed by providence ! She had the noblest harbours—the most spaciovi 3 iuin . es and the finest mineral productions—the great want was a ministry that could and would apply those blessings to her children . ( Loud cheers . ) You have had the Queen ' s Speech , you have had the Minister ' s proposition ; what is it ? Why a miserable dole of £ 50 , 000 . True , it bore a semblance of philanthropy on itsface , but even this was accompanied by another measure . Ay , Whigs were never in office but they exercised their penchant for coercion . ( Hear , hear . ")
Last year we saw them invest Lord Clarendon with extraordinary powers , making him complete autocrat of Ireland ; but the ori g inal period of his autocratie rule having nearly expired , the merciless Whigs proposed to extend it . Mr . M'Grath here entered into an eloquent description of the atrocious Whigmeasure , showing that tho patriot O'Higgins , or any person else , could be locked up at will , and when they were pleased to release them , no redress—no rendering any account—no , for they were never brought to trial ; and the Lord-Lieutenant had exercised this power pretty freely , having arrested not less that one hundred and twenty persons . ( Shame , shame . ) It is astonishing with what celerity such measures are passed , but when a bill is required for the benefit of the people , how
slowly does it drag its length along — how long before it assumes a shape ana form . What occasion for coercive measures exists at the present time ? Ireland is remarkably quiet—perfectly calm . When the hot blood of Young Ireland was pouring forth its enthusiastic eloquence , it might be feigned as an excuse , but now the stillness of death prevails . Yet strange though it may appear , the Humes , the Colonel Thompsons , the Lawrence Heyworths , —yes that Lawrence Hey worth , who at Derby , pledged himself to support everything that was good , liberal , and just , and to offer opposition to all that was oppressive , illiberal , and tyrannical—and that Colonel Thompson , who was one of the six members who signed his name to the People ' s Charter , when it was first proposed ,
supported the Whigs in their nefarious careerbut the constituency of Bradford would not forget his vote . Joseph Hume made one of the most incongruous and tyrannical speeches ever heard , denying the right of any agitation existing in Ireland ; but , surely , if agitation was good for England it must be equally beneficial for Ireland ; and it would be our duty , when Mr .. Hume appeared at a public meeting , to ask him whjr he so acted ? ( Loud cheers . ) We are told the Irish are indisposed to labour—that they are idle ; but he looked on this as the foulest , blackest calumny . Why you will find Irishmen in this metropolis doing the heavieat ,-dirtiest work , in order to obtain a livelihood ; and they were equally willing in their own native land . Waste lands abounded in Ireland ; it was said they
were the property of the aristocracy ; but suppose it was so , was that any reason the people should starve ? rive million acres of waste land would employ at least one million of persons ; and if this five million acres was let at a moderate rental , it would raise a fund sufficient to reclaim the whole waste lands , and ultimately raise such a revenue as would enable the ministers to remit the whole taxation of Ireland . ( Loud cheers . ) Ireland was now forced down beyond degradation , point . A wise statesman would endeavour to elevate her by the adoption of a system that would ensure prosperity and h » 5 pines 3 to the whole of her sons ; out , alas ! her aristocratic progenitors were mere adventurers—old soldiers—and their sons acted as became the wisdom of their sires . ( Laughter and
loud applause . ) He thought the better way would be to repeal the Act of Union , as this would give the absentees an interest in returning and residing on their native soil . Ireland had another curse—her Church Establishment . It was monstrous to make a person pay for a religion which , he deemed false , but he had no hope of a remedy being found until such time as Englishmen and Irishmen liad the means of returning better men to parliament than your class of Humes and Thompsons . The resolution spoke of sending labourers over here . Of course , if there was a surplus of hands in Ireland , it was natural that they should come here in quest of employ , which must
depreciate the value of labour in the English market , and thus was the labourer of England made a Sufferer by Irish misery . The remedy was evenhanded justice to all : then would Irishmen be elevated in the scale of society , and Ireland be no longer a mere sea-bound dungeon—a monster penitentiary , with a Clarendon for its gaoler . ( Great applause . Again he said , let justice be done ; then misery and squalid wretchedness shall disappear , serfs be no more known , and the land shall be covered with happy homes , and Ireland be a nation of freemen . ( Great applause . ) Mr . SiiXLwooD , in a neat brief speech , seconded the resolution .
The Chairmas said , the resolution which had been so very ably moved and seconded , had his full concurrence . It was then put , and carried unanimously . Mr . Thomas Clark came forward amidst considerable applause , and said Ireland had called forth long disenssions and much ability . Sir George Grey had spoken a long time , and managed to saynothing . ( Loud laughter . ) Sir George Grey had been all the way to Kew York for a letter ( M'Ghee's ) , on which letter he had founded bis reason for an extension of the Coercion Bill . He ( Mr . Clark ) thought that he might hare found something better at New York than a mere letter—their system of
government , for instance . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . Stallwood had alluded to John O'CoHnell , but Iip also was but a miniature of Daniel , and was " used up , "—( Laughter)—and he ( Mr . Clark ) was like Sir Charles Coldstream , for he really could see " nothing in him ; " at best , he only represented the bigotry of Ireland . Speaking of the parliamentary Session , the letter he should do himself the pleasure of reading to them , would show that their meetings did not end in mere words . It was from Lord Dudley Stuart , who had presented the petition agreed to at our hist meeting . It was as follows : — House of Commons , Friday , Feb . 9 th , 1849 .
Sat , I hare just presented the petition , agreed to at the meeting in John-street , which sou intrusted to me . It is against the rules of the house to read any part of a petition except the prayer ; hut I took care to state , very fully , the substance of the views and arguments of the petition , and I am enabled to inform you that it created a good deal of interest amongstthe members present , some of whom , — particularly the chief commissioner of the Poor Laws , Mr . Baines , who has just taken the seals—expressed their satisfaction that I had placed the petition so fully before the House . It is to be printed . * I am , Sir , yours faithfully , To Mr . W . Dixon . Dodlei Cootts StUabt . Mr . Clark then read and moved the following petition : — TO THE HOiiOUlABLE THE COMHOSS OF CBEAT BMTAEt ASD
IBELAJfD Cf PAMJAMEXT ASSE . MBI . ED . The petition of the inhabitants of the parish of St . raneras , in the borough of Marylebone , in public meetingassembled , this 13 th day of February , 1849 . Sheweth , —That your petitioners have heard with feelings of alarm and indignation that a bill for the further suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland , to continue in operation for six months after the expiration of the present act has passed a second tune through your honourable House . That your petitioners have long deplored the coercive character of the legislation which your honourable House has pursued towards the people of that unhappy country , and lament that , although the gross ineflScicncy of former coercive measures has been fully demonstrated that your honourable House is not yet alive to the folly and wickedneasof such a mode of maintaining the " mild" sway of Britain in what , as in bitter mockery , is caUed the " sister
island . " That your petitioners arc of opinion that the reasons assfened by her Majesty ' s Ministers for thus inflicting upon the people of Ireland a longer deprivation of the n * hts of the constitution , are quite contemptible , and can be deemed is satisfactory only by a House of Commons more subservient to the will of &e croivn than conservative of ti » ¦ HT jSSfflSSi have also to complain of thede mand of her Atejesty ' s Ministers for an additional advance SaMfea-JStpnaB SsSibffiftSffiSE Sffi SS , ™ 1 > Ch . « . « nMeBrae * ft . rV *> j * j £ Z . ing « T » te mj fuller sum vt . wmt out tf »» **•
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—* ""^^¦ MWIMM——BWg SffilSu ? ft f ^ T' . eein * that its «*»>« can be KS ^ J ^ ttBSRS sSSSS sas-jsfrsas : S ! S « SHSS ^ SEsniSSS ncoJe a ^ ^ T adesert - and a brave and noble people , a nation of paupers . ¦ That your petitioners have further to reprobate the conduct ol the present , as well as the past administrations for heir culpable connivance athe manner in which ' tho «
> -duties ofpropcrty" have been performed in Ireland Jour petitioners have observed at all times , a readiness on the part of your honourable House , toadd totheterrors and ferocity , ot the law , in vindication of the " rights of property' in that country , againstthe depredations of poverty but your petitioners have notiu a solitary instance , wit nessed the same alacrity to defend the starving and wretched poor , from the cruel and murderous attacks which have been made upon them by the rich , in their ruinous and desolating management of the land of Ireland —* o "'inch management and the mis-government of vour honourable House are traceable , nearly all those social anomalies and evils which make Ireland wretched , and Which reflect shame and dishonour on the name of England . ¦ °
r , ! & our Petitioners are of opinion that the poor of Ireland do not want the charity of your honourable House , but as jour honourable House persists in regarding vourseltastnemost competent judge in the affairs of another nation , your petitioners would submit to your honourable House the following facts , upon which thev pray your honourable House to commence immediate and practical legislation : — 1 st , —That Ireland is a country abounding in mineral and vegetable productions , and is intersected by important and highly valuable navigable rivers .
•« * T * Ireland , geographically , is most admirably situated lor conducting extensive commercial transactions , and m respect to bays and harbours , is capable of affording TOtqwuka shelter to a mercantile nav ,-. b ora .--Tnat Ireland has immense fisheries , which ought to yield abundant employment to large numbers of thepopulation . 4 th . —That the Irish people are proverbial fortheir ' genius at home , and never-tiring industvv abroad , and that under circumstances where labour is rewarded at anything like a remunerative rate , Irishmen generally distinguish , themselves in the ran of toilers .
5 th . —That the return of the Savings Banks of Ireland show a large amount of providence and economy , as well as the existence of considerable capital in that country , as well as industry to produce it . 6 th . —That the foregoing facts prove that what Ireland requires is neither a Suspended Constitution , Coercion Bill , or Charity ; but ' simply a proper application of her great resources , and a good and wise government to superintend and protect them ; aud should your honourable House not feel yourself included in such description of a government , and , unequal , as your petitioners believe you to be , to amalgamate ilie illimitable resources of Ireland , so as to make
that people happy , it is the sincere and earnest desire of your petitioners that your honourable House should forthwith cease to administer the affairs of Ireland altogether and allow the people of that country to possess the government of themselves ; but should your honourable House disregard the prayer of your petitioners , and still continue to exercise the nominal functions of a government in Ireland , your petitioners pray that in any future coercion which the wisdom of your honourable House may devise , the murder of the poor may be made an offence indictable at law . And your petitioners , as in duty bound , will ever pray , ie . ( Signed on behalf of the meeting ) , Cbas . Utting , Chairman .
He would not recommend the petition for the modesty of its tone , but for the forcibleness of its truths . ( Loud cheers . ) He believed that Ireland and Irishmen were capable of improvement , and only wiited for a ministry who were capable of performing so desirable an object . Mr . Bateman nad objected to Mr . Bright , as an improper person to serve on a committee connected with Irish Poor Laws , on the ground that he waa a mere Manchester , delegate ; now he ( Mr . Clark ] thoughti that as Manchester was peculiarly affected by tbe inundation of Irish pauperism , that a Manchester representatiye was a most fit and proper person to be on such n committee , and for once so thought Sir George Grey , and administered a wellmerited eastigation to the hon . member for
Londonderryaccordingly . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . Poulett Scrope had written several letters to the Morning Chronicle , in all of which he pointed to the waste lands of Ireland as a desirable means of employing the pcoi . Mr . Grattan had asked Lord John , why lie had not propounded his remedial measures for Ireland ? He ( Mr . Clark ) replied—because Lord John had none . ( Hear , hear . ) He said , let the union between the two nations be a reality or a nullity . ( Cheers . ) He was happy to find that the minority on the Coercion BUI had increased , —( hear , hear )—and that the name of John Bright appeared amongst them . lie did not think it strange that Ireland was not agitated , when he remembered where O'Brien , Meaglier , and Mitchelwere . ( Hear , hear . ) Lord John had discovered what Chisbolm Anstey could
not discover , namely , that Chavtisni was killed—but he thought that Lord John would discover before long that Chartism was so robust that it would come into their honourable House . ( Loud cheers . ) Oh , but Englishmen say they owe Ireland nothing . Have not your literature , your . wts , and your sciences been enriched by the sons of tbi'bmcrald isle ? Have we not " poured forth our libations to'Liberty's shrine ? Witness our Wolfe Tones—our Fitzgeralds —our Einmetts—our imprisoned O'Briens—and our banished Mitclicls . ( Loud cheering . ) In every way we are equals ; our rights and liberties are the same—then let us pull together , and secure the rights and freedom for all . ( Great cheering . ) Mr . Gill , in seconding the adoption of the petition said , he had traced the history of Iceland , from
the time the second Henry hrst placed his foot in that unhappy country : he had read of pitch-caps in the reign of Elizabeth being placed upon the heads of devoted Catholics , and then sot on fire until the molten pitch destroyed its victims—of the cold-Wooded murders and Monstrosities of Straffbrd , and of the hardship endured by the poorer classes ever since this country had had the rule in Ireland ; but never did he hear or read of such misery as that which prevailed in 1847 , when a million of human beings perished of starvation . In the spring of last year , when the people were goaded to desperation by the recollection of the past , the only remedy for her woes was a Coercion Bill . Despots in all ages , had made a rod for ^ themselves ; and the Irish landlords , who asked for the Coercion Bill , were now m a condition but little better than those
for whom they asked it ; there was no one now to till the ground ; instead of paying their rents , the small farmers were emigrating to America , and the landlords could not dig , though to beg they were not ashamed . It had been truly observed , that Irishmen would travel from end to end of the globe in search of employ , and live upon the coarsest food . In Merthyr Tydvil , able bodied Irishmen were offering themselves as labourers for sixpence a day , but falling in getting employment , their naked and famishing children would greedily eat on the spot , the diseased potatoes thrown away from the provision stores , which were unfit for the pigs . He ( Mr . Gill ) , warned the working classes of this country , that Ireland would bring down England to her
level . A nation of paupers could not exist . Starvation was already at our doors , and it was the interest of every working man to do his utmost to obtain a full measure of justice for that unhappy and misgoverned land . He fully concurred in the last paragraph of the petition , that the murder of the poor should be made an indictable offence . If this were so , and the rich were made responsible , we should hear very little more of deaths by famine . ( Loud cheers . ) The petition was unanimously adopted ; and on the motion of Messrs . Stallwood and Arott , ordered to be signed by the Chairman , and transmitted to Balph Bernal Osborne , member for * the county , for presentation . A . vote of thanks was given to the Chairman and the meeting sepai'ated .
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UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE TRIUiMPHANT . An immense meeting of the inhabitants of St . Luke ' s , Middlesex , took place on Wednesday evening , in the National School , Cowper-street , Cityroad . Mr . G . Thompson-, M . P ., having been called to the chair , observed that he was fully convinced of the necessity of the objects of Financial Reform being carried into effect ; but he thought it chimerical to suppose that any reduction of the public expenditure could be obtained from the present House of Commons . He , however , would exert his mo , st strenuous efforts to obtain the accomplishment of their wishes . A resolution , in conformity with the notice convening the meeting , having been agreed to unanimously , Mr . D . Wiiie proposed -. — " That although a combined effort throughout the country may and will succeed in effecting a large reduction in the public
burdens ; yet experience has shown that economy will not become the rule of government , nor the necessity for continued agitation be done away with , until the taxpayers obtain a more direct and complete control over the House of Commons , by the amendment of our system of representation . This meeting , therefore , p ledges itself to the constant advocacy of the principles of Parliamentary and Financial Reform , viz ., the Extension of the Suffrage , "Vote by . Ballot , Triennial Parliaments , Equal Electoral Districts , founded on the basis of population ; the adoption of a simple . and suitable system of taxation ; extensive reduction of the national expenditure ; 'the abolition of sinecures , and the abatementof pensions ; and to support all practicable measures for their accomplishment , by petition to the Legislature , and otherwise to advance the Reform Movement . "
The mover believed there was an unanimity of feeling between the middle and wdrking classes , which he thought would be attended with favourable results . Mr . Palliser seconded the resolution . Mr . Octtjum , a member of the-St . Luke Reform Association , and one of the conveners of the meeting , then stood forward , and said that he could not support the resolution in its present vague and undefined form . He was in favour of telling the world in plain language WhaVth ' ey ' meant , no would not lie ? purtj- ' to to * " practice of delusion , The peopbj
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tf pre disgusted with such tactics in agitation . If tl , e j ,. principles were just , why shrink ftom their definition ' - Mr . Outtram concluded a brief , but manlv and indei ;? ndent speech , by proposing as an amendment , that the" words » Manhood Suffrage " be substituted for the W'ds " Extension of the Suffrage . " Mr . Howard seconded the amendment , amid the hearty cheers of the immense assemblage . Some altercation here took place among the gentlemen upon the platform , as to the propriety of the course taken by Mr . Outtram , he being a member of the committee that drew up the resolutions , when : Mr . OcTiRAM said that he submitted the same amendment to the committee , when it was lost by a majority of one . Mr . AI'Gratii being upon tho platform , was wuuiy uiea ior irom 01 ine ——~~ = ^"'— " "
u ; an parts meeting , ne said that he thought the amendment , infinitely preferable to the original resolution , because it set lortLin uiHnistalLoable language , the opinion of the meeting on the Suffrage question . The time had come when reformers to be respected and trusted by the people , must eschew reservation and equivocation . These were devices unworthy the advocates of political justice to the millions ; and altogether incongruous with the lirank and open character of the British people . Every one of the speakers that he had heard could support Mr . Outtram ' s amendment ; for they supported the same Suffrage principle therein embodied . The amendment had the superior merit of clearly saying
wimt tne resolution vaguely meant , and had therefore a stronger claim to the adoption of the meeting . Two other speakers expressed themselves amid much disapprobation in favour of the ambiguous policy . "When the chairman put the amendment to tho vote a douse mass of hands was immediately exhibited ; he then put the ori ginal resolution , when some six or seven hands were held up , the members of the committee on the p latform even declining to vote . The result was hailed with the warmest cheering . The Ghaibman then said that he refrained up to . that moment from expressing an opinion upon the matter in dispute . He would , however , do so now , and his solemn opinion was that the meeting had done what
was right . It was all very well for a few memBers of parliament to meet and agree among themselves to go for a diluted or minor measure of reform , but with ihe people the case was very different . His advice was , that they should notabate onetittle of their just demands . They should not lowertheir flag a single inch . They should satisfy their consciences as io what were the demands of eternal justice , and allow no consideration to divert their attention from them . Whether in or out of Parliament , he should be found the friend of full political justice to the millions . A petition in accordance with the amendment was then adopted , and sent to Mr . "Wakley for presentation to Parliament .
The chairnicin then recommended to the committee to consider seriously tho vote of that immense meeting , which Mr , Palliser promised should be attended to . After an enthusiastic vote of thanks to the chairman , the meeting disolved .
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VIOLATION OF THE TEN HOURS FACTORY ACT . Ashtox-under-Lyne . —On Thursday week a pub " lie meeting of factory operatives was held in the large room , Town Hall , on the subject of the relay system , violation of the Ten Hours Act by the masters , and in favour of the adoption of a uniform system of working ten hours a day . Mr . Richard Oastlerwaspresentattho meeting , which was densely crowded . Many hundreds of persons remained outside , being unable to find standing room in the hall .
Edward Darwex ( a factory operative ) was unanimously , called to the chair . John Him . ( factory operative ) moved the arst resolution , which was as follows : — " That this meeting expresses its deliberate conviction that the violation of the Factory Act in these districts is flagrant and notorious , and has been the fruitful cause of evil by disuniting those whose interests are identical , and by creating a feeling of dissatisfaction and discontent which must , ultimately , if persisted in , lead to the most melancholy and perilous results . " . . ....
Jose ' pii EpwOrth ( factory operative ) seconded the resolution . . Mr . Oastlbh , on rising to support the resolution , was received with loud and long-continued cheers . He was summoned to Manchester by his old mend , their representative in Parliament , Mr . Charles Hindlev . ( Hear , hear . ) He obeyed that summons . ( Hear , hear . ) He heard that the law was violated , and he went to Manchester to inquire if it were so , and if it were so , why was it so ? He did not nnd the reuels in Manchester amongst the operatives , he did not find the rebels amonst tho shopkeepers , ho did not find the rebels amongst the ministers of religion of any sect or party . No . He did not find that the mill-owners were all of them rebels , out
he found that the bench of magistrates of Manchester , although headed by a loyal subject of the Queen , had , in defiance of his ( Mr . Maude s ) explanation of tho law , in defiance of the explanation of the law bY the Attorney-General and Solicitor-General—in defiance of the explanation of the law by their ( the magistrates ) own clerks—that tho magistrates of Manchester had themselves rebelled against the law . ( Hear , hear . ) Whilst he was m Manchester lie received a letter from his old friend , Mr . Luke Swallow , telling him that the factory lads of Ashton wanted to meet their old king at a tea party , and he told" him ( Mr . Swallow ) that if he would collect them together , he ( Mr . Oastler ) would come and see them . That , then , was the reason why he
was there that night at their own bidding—invited from his home to Manchester by their own representative . They had petitioned for years and years again for that law ; at last they had got it , and if they liked it , let them hold up their hands like men , and if they did not let them keep them down . ( A forest of hands was immediately displayed , amidst vehement cheering . ) Since ho was there last , they had had strange times . They had , indeed , alarmed them all in London ; they had had an outbreak . ( Hear , hear . ) That outbreak , as he understood , was caused originally by the want oi bread —( hear , hear)—and the ministerial office of the magistrate was used to put that outbreak down . Now . all that he wished to remark on the subject
at present was , that if there were laws to put the people down when hunger urged them to weak the law , there must be power to put the magistrates down from the bench when they became the breakers of the law ; ( Cheers . ) He had had , since he came down to Manchester , conversations with the law gentleman who represented government in the late cases before the magistrates at Manchester , and the first suggestion that he ( Mr . O . ) made to him was— "Why , sir , we must apply to parliament to have a stronger clause inserted than the one which the magistrates now overrule , so that there may be no mistake hereafter . " His friend ' s answer was , and he hoped this answer would go to the ears of the law-officers of the crown and to her Majesty , —
"Mi- Oastler , it is impossible for any words to be more explicit than the words of that clause—they were put into that act for the express purpose by Sir James Graham , and the English language does not possess words which could make it more demonstrative . ( Hear , hear . ) But the fact was , the magistrates would not have it so . " If we were to have a free trade in bones , sinews , and flesh , and if they were to despise the law that protected property , he wondered whether the hands in the mill or the magistrates on the bench would stand the chance of suffering the greatest loss . But let them see whether , there were not other laws broken . The law to which he referred was the New Poor Law—he did not like it , but it was the law of tho land . He had
been told that it was the habit now in Ashton to eke out the wages of the people who worked in factories by payments out of the pockets of the ratepayers . ( Cries of " That's true , " that ' s correct . " ) That ' s true , was it ? ( Cries of " Yes . ") Well , it was not so before the introduction of the New Poor Law . ( Hear . ) It seemed , then , th at the factory interest itself , a mighty interest which then overruled every other interest in this country , could not crawl along without going on its crutches to the poor-box , and asking the ratepayers to eke out the wages for the work done in the mills . ( Hear , hear . ) He should like Lord Brougham to hear that—that would bring him down in the House of Lords with a vengeance on the factory masters , ^ ell , there was another law which required the
factory masters to pay their workpeople what they agreed for week by week m the com of tho realm Now , he would ask them , and let them be careful how they answered .-Did their masters regularly pay their wages in the coin of the realm to the amount due , on the Saturday night ? ftd they or did they not ? - ( . Cries of " No . " ) They kept something back for the vents- {« leg , yea i" a voice , « miTk" ) -and fineMa voice , ' yes , and meat , another voice , " and for cheese . " ) Well , now , that was breaking the law , and it ought not to be . Mr . nw . W timS commented at great length upon
Baron Alderson's speech at the Chester Assizes and after havin * stated the duties of the rich to their poorer brethren said , he should 1 ft * to know how the-» oor labouring man , forced to use- long before the sun and to work long after svffirset with on y hmf intervals of rest during the to and only half food , and part of th »* eked out of the tills of those for whom he was-not working , —he should like to know how that man could havcHtiia body , Jmind , or soul in a healthy state , to aspire after the worship of hia God , to give tho firat fruits of his life to the Author of his boing—it * ffas utterly impossible . ( Hear , hear . ) The law of man had been laughed to scorn and trampled , upon often on ( hat bench where he
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Sn ? h »? , od ;"~ Oh ! thil * ci ) Ul (! rC ! lch tllc lirai'ts of W * Bsi : ^ ' &T £ S ^ ffiftK ^ w . w » s * : sriairatsssfts'siffs Rev . J . »• Stephens , read an excencnt IoM - the llev . O S Bull , of Butomgham , on the Ten Hours Bill , which was received with loud cheers Mr . Oastler then resumed his address . He rel mombered when that neighbourhood was not like what-it was then , and Tic remembered that it was a very happy , decently conducted neighborhood in his boyhood . Since then it had grown ui ) into what they saw it . and he was ahonf . tn v r
— — — — — - ---w - * - ^ n ^ b ^ r ask them a few questions , not only for his own information , but as he saw gentlemen of the press kindly taking notes of what he said , he was about to ask them some very serious questions . Now , had they got comfortable homes ? ( Cries of " Xo , " and a voice , " Some have no homes . " ) Had they got healthy labour ? ( . "i \ o , no . " ) Had they got good wages ? ( "No , no . " ) Had they got regular and certain employment ? ( " No , no . " ) Had they , got clothes enough for their wives and children ? ( "No , no ; " voices , " There are very many without shirts ; " The clothes are all at the popshop . " ) Had they food enough ? ¦ ( " No , no , " and a voice , " Some not above a meal a day . " ) Had they decent furniture ? ( "No . " ) Had ' they time to walk about at proper periods in the morninsr and
evening ? (" No . " ) Had the father time in tho morning to assemble the wife and the children in order that a prayer might be offered up to Almighty God for a blessing on the day ' s labour ? ( " No . " ' ) Had they time and strength in an evening to assemble their families around the family altar to thank bod for the blessings of the day , aud ' topray to him totako care of them during the night ? (• '• No , " and a voice , "Our hearts are broken with working . " ) Then as to the Sundays—how did the people generally spend thoir Sundays in these districts ? ( A . voice , " Some cowering at home , some in bed , and some iu cleaning the machinery . " ) "Well , then , there -was another law broken . They had had already three laws broken—the factory , the truck , . and the poor laws , and now thev told ' him that on
Sundays some of them were employed in cleaning the machinery—was that true ? ( Cries of " Yes , yes . " ) Then was also broken the law against Sabbath breaking , not only the law of man , but the Divine law . Were they robust and healthv—he did not ask how they looked ? ( ' No , we : ire sickly , consumptive , " ) Was the bond of union , tho sympathetic feeling of love from heart to heart , and from class to class—brotherly love—was that predominant amongst them ? ( "No , no . " ) Were malice , hatred , and ill-will prevalent among them ? (" Yes , yes . We are full of bad thought . ) What a condition of misery , destitution , and crime ! Such then is the result of the absolute dominion of those who demand to rule this mighty empire ? Let them be careful ere they allowed that dominant faction which now attempted to lord it over them to become
the lords of God s heritage . ( Hear . ) He would exhort all to do to others as they would that others should do to them . He would exhort his countrymen of every district to weigh the matter well over in their minds before they consented to give the sceptre of , authority into the hands of that power winch by their verdict that night was proved to bo unworthy to reign over freemen . ( Loud cheers . ) The resolution was carried unanimously , as was also the following : : — Moved by Edward Kkiay , seconded by Tiiomas Johnson , and supported by the Keverend J . R . Stephens : — " That in the opinion of this meeting it is of the utmost importance that the executive government should exerciso the power with which it is intrusted to vindicate the Jaw , and thereby to the rich thit cannot
prove . they commit injustice with impunity , and demonstrate to the poor that the laws of England were intended to aftbrd them protection , security , and contentment ; and that this meeting resolves to give every support and assistance to the officers appointed by her Majesty ' s government to carry the Factories Regulation Act into effect . " Mr . Stephens then addressed the meeting , after which the following resolution was moved by Thomas Kexworthy , and seconded by John Owex , factory operatives , and carried unanimously : — " That tho boat tlmnks of this meeting are most earnestly given to Mr . Oastler and Mr . Stephens , for their long services on behalf of the factory operatives , and their continued exertions in the cause of justice and humanity . "
Moved by Mr . George Johnson , seconded by Mr . A . Swan , and pnssod unanimously : — " That this meeting desires to show its gratitude to Lord Ashley , Mr . Hindlcy , and other gentlemen ; who have supported the Ten Hours Bill , and return their public thanks for their long and persevering labours to the cause of the factory operatives . " The meeting continued crowded to its close , at eleven o ' clock , when the people quietly retired .
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Axti-State CnuBCit Association " . —A mootin g' of tho members of this association was held on Tuesday evening , at the Lecture Room , Suffolk-street , Borough ; Apsley Pellntt , Esq ., in the chair . The Rev . W . U . Bonner proposed the first resolution : — " That the union between Church and State in this country is productive of almost insuperable obstacles to tho diffusion of Christianity among all classes , and more especially among the masses of our working population . " The resolution was carried without a dissentient . —Mi . J . Thwaitcs moved the next resolution : — " That in this , as in other
countries , the endowment of reli g ion by the State is , politically , socially , and financially , an intolerable evil , therefore this meeting rejoices in the rapid progress of the principles' advocated b y the British Anti-State Church Association , and desires to express its unqualified admiration of tho courageous , upright , and self-denying course recently taken by the Hon . Baptist Noel , in seceding from the Church , as by law established in this country . "—Mr . G . Izod seconded the resolution , which was passed unanimously ; and thanks having been voted to tho Chairman , the meeting separated . Repeal of the Mam Tax . —Meeting of
Agriculturists at Battle . —On Tuesday , a meeting , convened by requisition of a number of tho malt and hop growers and loading agriculturists in East Sussex , was held at the George Inn , Battle , for the pumose of considering the propriety of adopting measures to procure the repeal of the malt duty , and in support of the financial reform movement . The meeting was numerously attended , and comprised several of the landowners of the district , but was composed mainly of farmers . On the motion of H . M . Curteis , Esq . M . P ., J . V . Shelly , Esq . was called to tho chair . —Major Curteis moved the following resolution , which was seconded by Mr . Selmcs . and carried : —" That the malt tax is
unjust in principle and oppressive in operation ; that it possesses all the elements of a bad tax r and that it is peculiarly oppressive on the industrious classes , inasmuch as it is a tax on an article " of daily consumption ; and that it is unjust to the tanners , the demand for whose produce is greatly limited , nofc only by the decreased consumption of beer but by the restrictionn imposed by the malt duty in the feeding of cattle . —Mr . T . Smith moved a resolution condemnatory of the hop duty , which was seconded by Mr . Noakes , and carried . —Mr . J Smith stated that he was a free trader ; but when they had free trade the farmers were entitled to free trade at home , to grow what they pleased , and use it . as thnv nloased : and he moved a resolution to
that effect . —Mr . Orton seconded , and the Kev . Mr . Imago supported the resolution , which was carried . —Mr . Reeves moved , " That this meeting declares their willingness to co-operate with all classes and associations who are friendly to the views expressed in the foregoing resolutions . "—A resolution was . passed that a requisition be signed , calling upon thenigh sheriff to convene a county meeting , to take the foregoing resolutions into considoration . A vote of thanks to the chairman closed the proceedings . DrODBT ' S CnlIiD- ? ARMlKG ESTABLISRURNT . —A . public meeting was he'd on Wednesday evening , at the Literary Institution , Edwaid-street , Portmansquare , to consider the lamentable destruction of human life at Drouet ' s establishment at Tooting , and the reprehensible conduct of the boards of guardians and the Poor Law board . Mr . A . W . Hoggins in the chair . —The Chairman eonsidered that sufficient evidence had been addueed at the inquest on the children wha had died at Mr . Drouefis establishment , to show that tho unardians of the unions to which these children had belonged were eulpable ia the highest degree , and he thought that some steps should be forthwith taken to prevent the recurrence of such scenes as those recent y witnessed at Tooting , Mr . Char'es . Gochrane moved the first resolution : — " That from the painful disclosures aosBectetl with the awful destruction of life at the child-farming establishment at Tooting , from thejsry oa the inquest relating te > tbe deaths of the innocents 3 n question
having returned a verdict of manslaughter against Mr . Drone * , and from the circumstances that the Bysteia under which the childrea's lives were de * stroyed has from time to time met with the approval of the guardians of the poor , and existed undei ? th& cognisance and saaetion of the Poor Law Commissiottero , this meeting conuckrs the inhuman tre $ t « ment inflicted upon these children to be iisseparable from the spirit and essence of tha New Poor Law , and that this law being repugnant to every feeling of humanity , and a monstrous and enduring violation of the decrees , of our holy religion , ought to be utterly and immediately abolished . " The resolution was seconded and passed . —Mr . W . Carpenter moved , and Mr . Marsh se- ¦ conded , a resolution to the effect that petitions should be presented to both Houses of Parliament ftr the anolition of the New Poor Law . . Carrie ^ - ( The third resolution , which gave the Hihanka of'Che \ * meeting to Charles Lnsuington / EEfl . ^ WWi ^ g * a petition in the House of Common ^ jsp ^ nFWrmu W Tooting catastrophe , having been !« p $ : ^ ' | € a meeting separated , tiy ^ iVty flJ £ " ' - ¦ iL&y ^
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IP ¦ —— ¦ ^ buast 17 ; 1849 . _ THE NORTHERN-STAR . - : ., „ . . ,, .. : . . % ^ ' — * ¦ . *——*— " ¦¦ ¦ i ' . . __
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 17, 1849, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1510/page/5/
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