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LETTERS TO THE WORKING CLASSES , xxxvi . • " Words are things , and a small drop of ink . Falling—like dew—upon a thought , produces T 2 i . it which makes thousands , perhaps millions think . " bibon . THE THREE GLORIOUS DATS OF FEBRUARY . BliOTHER PltOLETATJAXS , This Day ( February 24 th ) twelve months ago , a perfidious Kixg , . "with the CADf-mark of liis people ' s blood upon his brow , fled in terror from his palace , and Liberty lighted her torch at the flames of Royalty ' s funeral LETTERS
pile I February 22 nd , 23 rd , and 24 th—glorious and immortal days ! Though the paid parasites of Tyranny scoff and lie , they cannot cffiice / flC / 5 from the page of History ; and History , even though written by the enemies of the People , Trill be compelled to acknowledge the heroism , the chivalry , the sublime ( though ill-requited ) generosity of the heroic p opulation of Paris during those ever memorable days .
Happily , the historical department of Literature is no longer monopolised by such venal creatures as those who , not long ago , prostituted their pens to glorif y a Tallies and calumniate a Robbspieure . The people have at least one historian , vrho is as incorruptible aa he is mentally powerful . Even the enemies of Louis Blasc acknowledge his purity , and pay unwilling homage to his genius . I antici pate from his pen a -worthy monument to the glorious heroes of February .
Twelve months ago the friends of Democracy in this and every other nation in Europe stood , as it "were , on tip-toe , "with beating hearts , watching the progress of events at Paris . Restless anxiety , alternate hope and fear , agitated the breasts of myriads , fromLondon to Vienna , —from Berlin to Home . " The Banquet is forbidden !—The Opposition have succumbed I—The People are assembling !—The barricades are raising !—The struggle has commenced ! — Guizot Is dismissed ' — The
£ 6 nflicfc thickens !—The troops are fraternising ' . —Locis Philippe has abdicated and fled!—The people have rejected the Count be Fauis : —The Red Flag flies over the Tuileries —The throne is burning on the site of the Bastille!—The Republic is Proclaimed ! •" O jr > y of joys ! Rise from your slumbers , 0 yc nations ! Turn pale , ye kings and statesmen—brigands and hypocrites , oppressors , cheats , and liars—the handwriting is on the wall ! You arc weighed in the balance and found wanting , and Justice , long weary of
your iuiquitous reign , demands your fall . lioused by the trumpet-voice of liberty , sounding from the banks of the Seine , the cations confronted their oppressors . Bloody contests in some countries—feeble and ineffectual efibrts against the people in other statesresulted in magnificent triumphs , which were only incomplete because the people foolishly put trust in the fear-extorted pledges of then * rulers . On the other hand , in England and Ireland popular debasement and bourgeoistreason enabled the aristocracy to tighten the " villain-bonds , " by which the few hold the many in thrall .
Turn we again to France . In the very hour of their victory , the people unhappily sowed the seeds of their own ruin , by allowing a set of knaves and intriguers to take possession of the Government . With the exception of four , the members of the Provisional Government were either disguised Royalists , or political babblers , who , whiktmouthmg Republicanism , prcrc intent only on their personal aggrandisement and the continuance of bourgeois rule—a Republic of slaves and profit-mongers . It is notorious that some of the " Provisionals" had
supported the scheme of a Regency within a few minutes of being appointed members of the Republican Government . When the list was read in the Chamber of Deputies , a student of the Polytechnic School exclaimed : " You see that some of the members of your Provisional Government are against a , Republic . We shall be deceived as we were in 1830 . '' Prophetic words ! It is true the Republic sail exists in name , but it is the mere lifeless form of the Commonwealth . The intriguers , foiled on the 34 th of February , 1848 , are the masters of France on this 24 th of February ,
1849 . When that babbler Lajiaktixe persuaded the people to abandon their victorious red flag for the bourgeois tri-colour , the first blow was struck at the Revolution . The acceptance of the pretended " adhesion" ( to the Republic } of Messrs . TfflERS , Bugeatjd , and Co ., was a fatal error . The people should have learned from history , that popular generosity is always abused by the enemies of Justice . Above alL the permitting an increase oftaxationbythe Provisional Government , -was most ruinous . The peasantry , on being informed that they
• were required , in the name of " Liberty , Equality , and Fraternity , " to pay additional taxes tor the support of the Government , naturally answered , — "To the devil with your Republic . " This feeling , taken advantage of by the rich , and the intriguers generally , caused the election to the Assembly of so many enemies of the Republic . Ledru-Eolux ' s commissioners , even if they had possessed the eloquence of Demosthenes and
the strength of Hercules , would have failed , when forced to compete against the " forty-five centimes . " But it may he said that Louis PniLiPPE and Guizot had left the public treasury empty , and money was indispensable . Granted . But a polite request to the rich to supply an adequate contribution would have been attended to in the first days of March , and would have altogether set aside the necessity for demanding additional taxes from tlie people .
Any Revolutionary Government that , instead of diminishing , increases the public burdens , necessarily and deservedly becomes unpopular . " Liberty , " as Lamenxus has well said , "is not a mere-word to be -written on a placard and posted at the corner of a street ;" it is , on the contrary , a power whose beneficent influence is felt socially and politically . Woe to those Revolutionists who talk of Reform , but are content to make words supply the place of deeds . _ . __ . of 3 Iarch
It is to be lamented that the 17 th passed over without a new Revolution . The Proletarians were then masters of Paris , and might and should have purged the Provisional Government That day mig ht and ought to have seen the inauguration of the Red Republic . A month later it was—" too hie I " The manifestation of the loth of May-was a most unwise and unfortunate affair . The much more serious movement of June , though it must be deplored , may be justified . " What ! " it may be said , " justify an
insurrection against an Assembly elected by Universal Suffrage ? " I answer , that there ia a ri ^ ht anterior and superior to the ri ght of Suffrage—the rig ht to lite . " When the social compact fails to protect a citizen , he resumes Msnatural rig httodefend , personally , all bis rights . " It is &riher declared , hi the most perfect embodiment of the principles of the French Revolution , that " when the government violates the rights of the people , insurrecof
tion U for the people , and for every portion ^ epeop / e , &c , &c . " The Assembly had condemned the Paris Proletarians io pensh by ^ aune ; and , further , had passed an infemous measure for the purpose of stifling ihe expression of their just discontent . The Paris workmen had ample provocation for taking to the ^ cades . I can say nothing in favour of the P % of that course . The chances of success Were few ; andfit is questionable whether even success Trould not have produced most deplor-*« e ooseqiiawes . The 17 th of March was
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the day on which the Revolution should have been completed . The fierce revenge taken by the conquerors after the struggle of June had terminated , contrasts most vividly with the magnanimit y of the victorious people in the days of February . The French workmen did perfectly ri « ht in excluding Cavaigxac from the Presidency , whatever may be the consequences of the election of Louis Napoleon . the day on uliiili Ilii TTiiiiinli 1 lilinin
Thus far the consequences of that election have been most injurious to the Republican cause . Louis Napoleox I take to be a combination of knave and fool : knave , so far as he intends the destruction of the Republic ; and fool , inasmuch as he gives daily evidence of his blindness to the real desi gns of the Royalists , who use bun as a tool , but have no inclination to abandon then- own views in favour of a new Buonaparte dynasty .
Republicans crowd the prisons , public meetings are suppressed by brute force , the democratic journals are persecuted , the bonnet rouge is proscribed , and—climax of infamy—the organs of the Government announce an agreement on the partof the President—with England and Austria—to engage in an armed intervention in Italy , for the purpose of re-establishing the Pope , and suppressing the Roman Republic . Even in the worst days of the reign of Louis Philippe , France had not sunk to the degradation which at this moment renders her the wonder—though not the admiration—of the world . The moat gorgeous luxury characterises the President ' s balls and assemblies . The
rich are feasting , and revelling in the very wantonness of profligacy . The pulpits are announcing the speedy restoration of Royalty , and the stage resounds with scoffings at every public and private virtue . Can such a state of things continue ? I will not believe it . A change may not be at hand , but a Radical change must and will come . Brother Proletarians , believe not that the glorious victory of February was won in vain . Rather believe with me , that Public Virtue , though for a moment cast down , will
yet be found strong enough to crush the vampires who at present pollute France by their rule . The Red Republicans are not yet extinct ; their mission they have sworn to accomplish , and they will fulfil their vow . Let us encourage them by our sympathy and applause , for they are the pioneers of Progress—the champions of Universal Justice . Proletarians of London , duty to your brethren and to yourselves commands your attendance at the
Festival which will be held on Monday next , to celebrate the three glorious days ofFebruary . Governments hostile to the freedom and happiness of the people , are again leaguing together to prevent the march of Liberty . At such a moment it becomes an imperative duty for the true Democrats of all nations to unite , and , as far as possible , aid each other hi then * common pursuit of the one thing needful—JUSTICE , May the time speedily arr ive , when the reign of JUSTICE will be undisputed and universal ! L'Aan w Peuple . February 22 nd , 1849 .
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THE FRATERNAL DEMOCRATS OF LONDON TO THE TRUE REPUBLICANS OF PARIS , ASSEMBLED TO COMMEMORATE THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION OF FEBRUARY , 1848 . Citizens ajo > Bkothers , Anticipating that the glorious 24 th of February will be celebrated by you in a manner becoming the great events of that ever memorable day , we send you this friendl y greeting , to assure you of our fraternal sentiments , and our heartfelt aspirations for the triumph of the fr « e Republic—the Eepuhlique Democratique et Sociale I
We address these words to the " true Republicans , " because we must distinguish between hypocrites , and honest men — between disguised royalists , and veritable democratsbetween political babblers , and social reformers —between those who persecute the Republicans , and those who are persecuted—between those who are plotting for the restoration of Monarchy , and those who have sworn to live and die for the Republic . We take our stand by the second of these parties . In addressing ourselves to the " true Republicans , " speak to the legions of the Republique Rouge —the brotherhood of the Republique Demo cratique et Sociale I
Brothers , to you—to the heroic people of Paris—the world is indebted for the irrepressible stimulus given to the cause of Universal Liberty , by your victory of the three days of February . Accept the heart-homage of those who would scorn to flatter Kings , hut who are proud to testify their admiration of men of whom posterity will say—" They more than ' deserved well of their country ; ' they deserved well of mankind "
But whilst we rejoice with you hi commemorating the victory of February , we mourn with you over the terrible evils which too soon followed that day of triumph . The exiles who have sought refuge in this country—the prisoners of Vincennes—the victims of the military tribunals—the heroic martyrs of the barricades of June , claim our sympathy and our tears . Above all , we mourn the sacrifice of the principles inaugurated by the victorious
people on the 24 th of February . The solemn pledges given by the Provisional Government to the Proletarians , have been basely violated . Instead of the looked-for reign of Equality , Liberty , and Fraternity , there has been established the rule of Injustice , Brute-force , and Persecution ; and—0 ! matchless blasphemy — it is in the name of the Republic that the founders and defenders of the Republic are condemned to exile , chains , and death !
This ruin has fallen upon France because the victors ofFebruary adopted the fatal policy of " moderation "—because sham Republicans , intriguers , and babblers were fatally allowed to grasp the reins of power . Brothers , henceforth let the first political lesson you give to your children be the words of the immortal St . Just : — " They that make but half-revolutions only dig a tomb for themselves !" But we will not despair of the Republic . Although your Moderates have established a veritabfe Reign of Terror , their power will crumble and perish if you are but united . You have Faith—you have Energy ; add Union , and you will be again and finally victorious . the late Presidential
On the occasion of Election , we were grieved to witness division and distraction in y our ranks . We hope to see hi the approaching electoral struggle—one party—one flag—one aim : the election of the tried and proved champions of the Democratic and Social Republic . Such , we trust , mil be your policy , and that of y our brethren , the true Republicans throughout France . By the blood of the martyrs—by the sufferings of your proscribed brothers-by thehopea of the oppressed and struggling nations of every name and clime-we adjure you to unite and form one phalanx , invincible and irresistible . _ . . .. __ .
Accept our aspirations for the happiness of France . Glory to the Mountain « . Glory to the prisoners of Vincennes ! Glory to all our Buffering brothers ! Victory to the Hepublique Rouge I Vive la Republique Democratique et Sociale ! Salutation and Fraternity . ( Signed by the Committee ) William Shute , Chairman , Henry Ross , Edmund StallWOD , James Grassby , Edwin Gill , | Thomas Grey , John Arxott , John Simpson , John Milne , Sasiukl Ky » d , Charles Keen , ft . Julian , Harkey * Secretary ,
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i Mb . KYDD ' S TOUR . TO T 1 IE EDITOR OF HIE S 0 RTHERX STAR . ¦ Ubar Sir , —I left London early on the morning u if , ' ? 12 tU ins . - > and lectured in the Town mil of Nottingham in the evening ; Mr . James Sweet in the chair . The Hall was crowded , and I nave every reason to suppose that my address has had a good effect , so far as the advancement of sound political knowledge is of value . Some three- or four hundred of the stockingersare out on strike ; their demand being an advance of one farthincr per pajr During the protracted time of badtraaethe reductions have been considerable , and the impositions , oi ' the middlemen , in many cases , oppressive and vexatious . Trade is reviving , and tlie ¦¦
workmen demand att advance . One farthing per pair is such a trifling increase on the cost , to the consumer , that you would naturally suppose it ¦ would be instantly acceded to . The manufacturers , however , doggedly refuse to grant so small a boon ; and many of them—who by " tho way were out-andout Free Traders—tell the despairing workmen that bread is cheaper , and , therefore , their cost of living is less , and for that reason an advance of wages is unnecessary . No language is sufficiently strong to reprobate such proceedings ; yet such , is tho common practice among many of the manufacturing aristocracy , hi times of bad trade profits fall and a reduction of wages follow ; the workmen are promised an advance when trade improves . Trade
recovers , the advance is refused . A strike ensues ; if the workmen succeed in forcing their employers into a concession , it is at a sacrifice of time and money almost incalculable ; if they fail , their condition is fixed one step lower in the scale of existence , to be followed by a continuous depression in each succeeding panic . Their country increases in wealth—their industry is the source of the increase—they never rise m the social scale—their families increase in numbers—their -wages decrease —gaols and workhouses are filled—they complain —the government calls them seditious—they reason , and the Economists answer : " Supply and demand regulate the price of labour . " They are compelled to increase the supply , but have no power to increase the demand . Truly , this
supplv-and-demand theory 13 the " shabbiest gospel' * that ever was preached to any people . The capitalists , too , combine to oppress the labourers , Trades Unions are not confined to the operative classes . They may league together for a common purpose—the influence of centralised wealth is brought to bear against poverty-stricken and poverty-increasing labour , and gorged plenty folds its hands behind its back , and says to writhing hunger : " You live in a free country . You can please yourself . If you object to the terms I dictate , you are free to refuse ; hem . " What a horrible vassalage is this . How long will it be before men discover that all freedom is with the rich of monied England , and all serfdom is with their penniless dependants ? It is gratifying to know that the more intelligent
portion ol the ratepayers of Nottingham are favourable to the stocking-weavers , and a meeting will be held on an early day to consider the propriety of renting land in the neighbourhood , " with a view to their employment . This is as it ought to be . Low wages , increased rates , and decreased profits , are inseparable—and the shopkeeping classes show signs of improvement in determining on so wise and statesman-like a policy . On Tuesday , I lectured in the Town Hall of Derby —and , although one day ' s notice was only given by bill , the large and beautiful Hall was filled by a most attentive audience of workmen , the magistrates having granted the Chartist Committee the use of it , free of all charges . I did not omit to remark on the vote of Lawrence Heyworth , Esq the lately elected member for the borough , on tlu > s , iS .
> ension of the Habeas Corpus Act for Ireland . Had ar . Heyworth been committed to the Whig policy by previous associations in Parliament , his vote might have admitted of a party , although an unsatisfactory explanation . Mr . Heyworth was tlie outand-out advocate of civil and religious liberty , the very pet of the Dissenters . ITis first vote was in favour of despotism , and in opposition to the civil rights of his Irish brethren . Can such an act admit of defence ? Yes , on on ? ground alone—to wit , doing evil that good may follow—which simply means , doing evil to aid and maintain evil . Let men do good , and good will exist , and not follow . I promise tlie Liverpool Eadical , that the working men of Derby will remember his vote for years to
come . On Wednesday evening I lectured in the new Hall , Leicester ; Mr . Henry Green in the chair . The audience was not numerous ; but from information communicated to me after the meeting separated , I have reason to believe that the Chartism of Leicos - ter , if less noisy than in years gone-by , will be of more enduring interest . It is an error to suppose that numbers alono constitute strength ,- numbers without intelligence and defined purpose , oftener than otherwise indicate weakness
, irresolution a political movement like a house , must have a solid base and good corner stones , or it will never ) e a protecting shield in the storm—or an efficient harbour for the inmates . At Loughborough the meeting was as good as could have been expected , on an evening so near the close of the week as Thursday , the poor stockingers having but little time to spare . A long continuation of misery has broken the spirit of many workmen in this district .
" It is the daily drop by drop which wears The soul out , like the stone , with petty cares . " I journeyed en route by Birmingham , for Manchester . Chartism in this as in other towns , has suffered from past misfortunes ; the meetings have been meagre and almost spiritless . The committee gave due notice of my visil by placard . Tho People ' s Institute was filled , and never did I address a more attentive or a more intelligent audience . This augurs well for the future . The arrangements for this district are not completed ; and I solicit all localities desirous of my services , to write direct to Mr . Thomas Ormcsher , 52 , Little IMdgewaterstreet , Deansgate , Manchester , and remain as ever , your obedient servant . Samuel Ktdd .
P . S . I have to offer you the thanks of numbers of the factory operatives for your continuous exertions in behalf of the Ten Hours Bill . The letter recently published in your columns , and headed " Factory Workers , " met with their entire approval . S . K ,
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Dcblin . —Trial of Mi . Dum ' . —On Wednesday , the judges at commission overruled the demurrer to the indictment , and the prisoner pleaded not guilty . He applied for a copy or the panel , which was refused ; and then his counsel challenged the array . Triers were appointed , who found that the panel had been impartially arranged by the sheriff . One of the objections of the prisoner ' s counsel was grounded upon the alleged disproportion of Roman Catholics on the panel . Thursday was devoted to the swearing of the jury and the statement of the Attorney-General on the part of the Crown . The jury is chiefly composed of middle class Protestants , with two Catholics . At three o'clock ( post hour ) the Attorney-General was just beginning to state the case for the Crown . The general impression current amongst those most competent to give an opinion as to the result of the trial , upon looking over the jury sworn , is , that there will be a disagreement .
Telegraphic Communication between America AKD Europe . —Amongst the miscellaneous proceedings of the United States Congress are projects to establish a telegraphic communication across the Atlantic to Europe , to form a similar line across the American continent , and also a project to form a line of railway from the Lakes or Michigan to the Pacific . The Stowe Library . —The sale of the Stowo library has concluded after twenty-three days ; sum total realised , £ 10 , 355 . The manuscripts will be sold next month . A Hint . — The mind has more- room in it than most people think , if you would but furnish the apartments . —Gray ' s Letters . Cosnectixu Baiwat . —A railway round Paris , uniting the temini of the different railways , has just been completed .
. Americas Partridges . —Among the recent importations from the United States have been American partridges , in considerable number . Mart Qukbnof Scots . —Thursday , February 8 , iras the anniversary of the decapitation of the unfortunate Mary Queen of Scots , in 1587 .
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PUBLIC MEETINGS . BEDrjCTIOxV " oiF TAXATION ! Comffie ? wW ?? ' ? T ened b - v thc Executive Institution tS , " T the Litcra « 7 and Scientific ^ S ^ SS ^^^ ' -a Tuesday un ^ usl y calJatoS- chJ ! - ! ' ^ ^ dutvtosuhmft ? ff T 1 - le resol « tion which it is my KtSoffi , h UCet T' faaffinnativc of two disoflevv n " txtr a T , rcfere "cctothc mode what l > L i ' ! d th ? othcr is enunciative of mSt , ; gapdas th - c onl - v souml theory of parliamentary representation . It will be mv province to deal more specifically witn the first part of he resolution m which , t is assorted , "Don ' t be alarmed ' -t at direct taxation is the only honest mode of SK * " / oT ^ ** , SUppoid of ^ tional in shtut ons ( Cheers . ) This proposition mav be considered as an innovation , by those who nrofitbv "
if present swindling system , but I can show that in tfi „ ? n ls a A this time extensively practised the support of the poor imposed ? Directly , and in a great measure upon property . The same is true of llghway andpohoatasHM jinfact , of all assessed tr . xes But tlie difference between local and general taxa-, ion is , that the purpose for which each local tax is imposed , is distinctly and clearly set forth , and its necessity must , in some measure , ' be established betore any local government will attempt its imposition ; but in the case of general taxation , ninetenths of those who pay the taxes are not only ignorant ot the purposes to which such taxes are applied , but they ! ivo equally in the dark as to tlie amount which they pay- ( hear ) -and thus is one of the first rules of business violated , hv vrithhohlmt
from the debtor a knowledge of the amount which he pays to his creditor . The state inimposiusf taxes . j laCCS Itself m the relation of a creditor to those who m-cto pay and to withhold from such persons a cnowledge of tho amount which they each contribute to the state is , I repeat , a swindle ! ( Cheers . ) There never was a happier mode of plundering the million than the present method of raising the taxes in this country . ( Hear , hear . ) And one of my reasons for wishing to substitute it by direct taxation is , that if each man were called upon to contribute in proportion to his means , that a more searching inquiry would be made into the application of such taxes , when , if I mistake not , a considerable reduction would be effected in an our national expenditure . ( Cheers . ) l
I suppose you have all heard of the ( Pension List . " ( Hear . ) With direct taxation , would we not have a revision ?—fhear , and laughter)—with a view to a reversion . ( Cheer 3 . ) Doubtless , many royal illegitimates , duchesses , and other " noble " ladies—you know what I mean —( cheers and laughter )—would object to what I am proposing , because to impose the taxes directly , would be to depose the aforesaid " nobles" immediately , ( Cheers . ) Besides , I am strongly of opinion that the means to pay is the only fair standard by which to judge of the amount " which ought to be paid . ( Hear . ) I do not think it at all right that the poor needlewoman , ¦ who receives the horrible amount of six or seven farthings a shirt —( shame)—should be compelled to pay proportionately as much for lier quarter-of-an-ounce
of tea as the rich man , who has the advantages of wholesale purchases , pays for his pound . ( Hear . ) The avowed object of levying taxes is to maintain the institutions of the country—the institutions are designed for the protection of property , and , therefore , those who had the most property to protect , ought , in common fairness , to be compelled to pay a proportionate amount of taxation . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Clark , after a further elucidation of his views upon tho justness of his proposition , concluded by proposing the followin £ resolution ;— . " That , in the opinion of this meeting , the fiscal arrangements of this country are unjust and grievously oppressive ; inasmuch as the Revenue is chiefly made up of imposts upon the necessaries and comforts oi life . And this meeting
holds it to be the imperative duty of the Legislature to revise our entire fiscal system , to abolish all indirect taxation , and to levy the expenses of the government upon the property of thc country . This meeting is also of opinion that the present representative system is most defective in its organisation and will so continue till such a reform is effected as shall admit every sane and honest adult Briton to the exercise of those franchises which are now unjustly monopolised by an insignificant minority of her Majesty ' s subjects . " Mr . G . J . IIarnky seconded , the resolution . Mr . Stuhges rose in the body of the meeting and said he wished the word "insane" in the latter portion of the resolution to be expunged , as should
a man be insane for a time he did not think that that should deprive him of his electoral right , but , during the time of his insanity , ho thought some ono should exercise the privilege for him . Again , he should like the word " honest" to be omitted , neither did he think the inferior points should be mixed up with the Suffrage ; he conceived that the " Charter and So Surrender" prevented thosejoining or going with them who fully concurred with Universal Suffrage , yet differed with some of the inferior points of the Charter ; the Chartists were called thc interrupters of public meetings , but , for his part , he always found them giving the greatest amount of freedom and latitude for discussion . ( Loud cheers . )
Mr . Clark could not consent to yield any , even of the " inferior points ; " he had no objection to leave out the word "honest . " Messrs . SiALLwooD . andM'GiUTn objected to the omission of thc word "honest ; " and after a few words from Messrs . Clark and Harney , the resolution was amended , as follows , and adopted;—" Until such a reform is effected as shall admit every sane adult Briton , ( except such as shall bo immured within tho walls of a prison during the time of an eicction ) , to the exercise of those franchises which are now unjustly monopolised by an insignificant minority of nor Majesty ' s subjects . ' ' Mr . P . M'Giuth , in a neat speech , moved tho adoption of thc following petition : — THE PETITION OF TUB INHABITANTS OF THE PABISn OF 8 X 1 X PANCBAS I » THE BOROUGH OF J'ASTLEBONE , IN PUBLIC MEETING ASSEMBLED , To tho Honourable the Commons of Grant Britain and
Ireland , in Farliament assembled . Shewetii , That your petitioners consider that the exigencies of the British empire render pressing and paramount at tho present time two descriptions of reform—the one fiscal , and the other parliamentary . That your petitioners would remind your honourable House that those retmtchments so eloquently descr ibed and promised during the struggle for Reform in 1832 , by many members of your honourable House , and especially ( by the principals of the existing government , have never yet been accomplished . That the demands upon the resources of industry are now more extensive and burdensome than when Gatton and Old Sarum were represented in Parliament .
That your petitioners humbly conceiving that ono important duty of the Legislature is to make the pressure of taxation as light as possible to those who bear it ; and firmly , believing that much of the present expensive machinery of government serves no other purpose than to placo patronage at the disposal of the dominant faction , and lucrative situations in the possession of their friends anil relatives , your petitioners pray your honourable House to strike out of that infamous catalogue , the Pension List , the names of all those whose claims to national gratitude rest not upon honourable grounds . That your petitioners also consider that economy and
retrenchment might be applied to our monster wur establishments with perfect safety to the nation , and great benefit to the community . That the maintenance of the army and navy , in their present enormous magnitudes , cannot , in the opinion of your petitioners , be justified , either by the foreign relations of England , the position of the people at home , or their ability to beuv so enormous a burden . That your petitioners pray your honourable House to abolish forthwith all sinecure places , and to effect reductions in the salaries of government officials in all cases where the service rendered is not commensurate with the pay received . .
___ __ __ _ . That your petitioners consider the Excise and Custom duties now the principal sources of revenue , to be grievously oppressive to the people , and your petitioners are of opimon that it is in the power of your honourable House to create superior fiscal arrangements for supplying the exigencies of the State . That indirect taxation has a furtive and insidious complexion which renders the system detestable to the people . Your petitioners therefore pray your honourable House to create such arrangements as shall make aU taxation direct , and shall cause its weight to full where it can be best borne , namely , upon tlie land , incomes , and other properties of the people .
Your petitioners are impressed with the conviction , that the constitution of the House of Commons requires a thorough reformation ; and your petitioners are also of opinion that any reform short of universal or manhood suffrage , with sound details for rendering efficient that principle ^ vill fall short of justice to tlie people , and will fail in creating a representative body , which shall be the faithful index of the heart and mind of the British people . That your petitioners consider that tlie unenfranchised masses are both wronged and insulted by their exclusion from political immunity ! they therefore pray your honourable House to remove the stigma of thraldom from her Majesty ' s subjects by enacting that Parliament shall in future be constituted upon the principles of Universal Suffrage , Vote by Ballot , Annual Parliaments , No Property Qualification , Electoral Districts , and Payment of Members . And your petitioners will ever pray . ( Signed ) William Drxos , Chairman . Mr . Stallwood in aecondiner tho [ adoption of the
petition said , as regarded himself , he had long ago abolished the taxes on hops , malt , beer , spirits , tobacco , and snuff . ( Cheers ) While ho would not oppose the Liverpool Finance Reformers , or Mr . Cobden , he went much further than either of them , as he was desirous of sweeping entirely away all tho present taxes in existence , and substituting a graduated property tax , commencing , say , at property amounting to £ 500 per annum : and in this he thought the middle and working classes would cordiall y unite . ( Loud cheers . ) Aa to what the political reform should be , it was almost unnecessary for him to say : he was for the People ' s Charter , whole and entire . In conclusion he had the pleasure of informing them , that Mr . Osborne , ono 'of the members for the county , had last night presented the petition agreed to at their last meeting , and fully stated its contents to tho House , and ho must add he was highly gratified , by filing Mr , Osborno ' s name in
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the minority against tho third reading of the Irish Coercion BiH . ( Loud cheers . ) The petition was unanimously adopted , and ordered to bo signed by tho chairman , and presented to the House by Feargus O'Connor , Esq ., the member for Nottingham . A vote of thanks was given to tho cliairman t ^ c the meeting separated .
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Mw , „ ——« Mnr—a——thought t-hoy 6 U £ tht to be bound to pay tho w .-igcs o these persona ^ > om illC ) ' overworked when their health was gone , ^ nd he thought liitrj' C « C ] \ ° l bound to nay the wa ^ s of thc cripples whom tW made and be bound to paj- the wages of the families , the heads of winch wen ? forced bv them to America or some ottior foreiu- . nrV . mcs ' for the reasons stated- ( I , ear . hear ) - ^ hc thought the ? ought to be bound to Ly for the ¦ pXufi anl maintenance of those thieves , and of those contraband whisky-makers-evils which tlie cruelty of their system had cn-en ' dered m society . And ho said it , unhesitatimrlv that if a trade which they ( the masters ) so much boasted of , could not do without that protection ; if the factory masters could not make their trade profitable without levying such tremendous taxes on the products of the farmers , of professional geuflAMimi nnWnthppin 1 i . nhifn . Tifq nf + Kn unicrM ^ rfi'lirt ^ hJ \ / ltl — - ——«—_
LlUAliVlli «* Aftt ^ VfeBAfer * 4 ** & ***> V * h'l ** tb ' SA ^| IV Hl ^ I ^ lIlUlU WU € he said , unhesitatingly , that their trade was not worth having . ( Cheers . ) They had told him enough about their own poverty and the lowering oi their own wages . How were their masters—were they rich or poor ? ( Several voices : " rich . ") Ay , I know ono of them , or olso ho is belied , calls himself , " Stink-o-brass . " ( Ifear , hear , and cries of ' He is not belied , he is very rich , " and laughter . ) Xow that was a very curious kind of trade—a very one-sided sort of trade—that made the thousands smd tho tens of thousand ' s poor , and only thc few , the very few , exceedingly enormously rich ; it was a trade that no country ought to be proud of —( hear , ami cheers ) —and , at all events , that no country ousht to allow its laws to be broken in order to simnorfit . I Hear .
hear , and applause . ) How often do we hoar in London that tho factory masters are the sreat philanthropists of the day—that they takealf the care , all the anxiety , all tlie head-work ; it is they that find profitable and healthy employment for tlie hundreds of thousands of factory workers . My friends when I set out on this expedition I was not awaiC that the law had been broken in any county , save that of Lancas'er . But I now loam from last Saturday ' s papers that the law has been broken by the magistrates of Stockport . which is in Cheshire ; and at Upper Mill , near Saddeworth , which is in Yorkshire , so that the three counties of Yorkshire , Cheshire , and Lancashire , may be said , as far as the magisterial power Koe .- > , to be in a state of
revolt against the law of the land , in open rebellion against the sceptre of tlie Queen . ( Hear , hear . ) Where there have been other outbreaks , s peed v punishment hag followed on the otteudeia . I hope and tru-t , nay , I have that confidence in the authorities of this country—that I believe speedy justice will overtake those rebel magistrates , aiiil as great a punishment will be their portion . ( Applause . ) Before I proceed to tho further portion of my address there is one important fact I wish to impress upon tlie minds of Englishmen . I happened to be informed at Ashton that it was customary there for the payment of factory workers to be partly made up out of the poor rates . ( Hear , hear . ) Now , I scarcely believed it when I heard it ; but when a
public meeting at Ashton avowed that itwassn , of course I did _ believe it—that the factory masters protected their own trade by putting their hands into the pockets of their neighbours , ibe iarmtrs and shopkeepers , taking thcrenut money to psy a part of their factory wages . ( Hear , heir . ) Siuce then this document I as been put into my hands ; it is the authorised document if thc list of paupers of the parish of Ashton-under-Lyne , and there I find the thing is recorded ; there is no " if or " but " about it . ( Heir , hear . ) There is a column that gives the name of th « pauper—a column which givis the residence—another fo- the cause of lequiriug relief ; and I find throughout the whole of the pagis , one of the causes is ' insufficient earning . " ( Hear ,
hear , hear . ) I would just take the first half . page , in order that you may have some idea—I will not give the names of the nominal paupers ; no , I would rather give the names of the real paupers , the mill-tiwners-- ( cheers)—they are the paupers on the farmers and shopkeepers . " ( Hear . ) Mr . Oastler then proceeded t » read from tho first page of the brok to which he had alluded the following items t" Insufficient earnings , £ 3 18 s . ; insufficient earnirgs , £ 3 15 * . ; insufficient earnings , £ 3 18 s . "Good lumps those to come out of the pockets of the shopkeepers and farmers , to save the pockets of the factory masters . ( Laughter . ) No wonder ihelatter are so enormously rich . ( Hear , hear ) •'" Insufficient earnings , 7 s . Gd . ; insufficient earnings , Us . " This is only half a page , but it runs throughout the
book . I hope Lord Brougham will h « ar it , and take notice of it in the House of Lords . If we are not to have protection for British industry , we will not have protection for factory knavery . ( Applause . ) I perceive by the newspapers , thc fai-tory mastprs have now beaun in r ght good earnest to strive to > get a repeal of this Ten Hours Act . They have met at Stockport , and they very kindly state that they intend to obtain a bill which shall uwct the stopping of thc moving power . 1 wish they would—they would not find me opposing that . ( Hear , lienr . ) Let that be tlie first clause of theiv bill , avid I will use all my influence to g''t so much of it passed . ( Hear , hear . ) And then , they say , they intend to alter the present law from ten to eleven hours a day labour , and what do you think they do that for ? Not to put money in their pockets , but in order that the question may be " linally settled / ' ( Cries of II Oh " , oh . " ) Finally settled ! Now , I tell the
factory masters from tliisp ' ace that the question will not be "finally settled in that way . ( Hear , hear . ) We will not have it" finally settled ' " ' with a Eleven Hours Bill . We are content as we are—but if it is their will to bring a short bill into Parliament stopping the moving power , I will give them my word all my lads will p-tition their friends to say—Ay , ay . C Hear , h " ar , " andcheers . ) Butiftlvyg ^ further , and if they profess to settle , " finally settle , " thc question by an Eleven Hours Act , they will have such a nest of hornets about their ears as they are little aware of . ( Hear , hear . ) At present I am satisfied , and so are all thc operatives ; but if they dare to trt-nch a moment above ten hours a day , I'll raise the standard to eight hours , and you'll cany it . ( Tremendous applause . ) This morning 1 received a copy of a circular , which the mill-owners have caused their secretary to send to the members of their body . I will read it to you ;—
Association of Mill Owners , Manchester . Sin , —Your attendance is particularly requested at a meeting of the association , which will be held at my office on Tuesday next , the 18 th day t > f February inst ,, at tlivee o ' clock in the afternoon precisely , to consider the state of the Factory Lun ; and appoint a deputation to London to see the government on the subject . —\ V . IIeros , Secretary . This is the declaration of war . ( Hear , hear . ) It was not long before it came into my hands , and I have not been long before I came to meet it fairly , in a fair stand-up fight . ( Hear , hear . ) We kr . ow what they are going to government for- eleven hours a da y ; but we can go to government as well as they . ( Heir , hear . ) One more matter I have to ask you , and then I shall draw to a conclusion . I have been
in several districts , and I have been alwaj' 3 very happy to find that those officers who have been appointed as tlie resident offioevs of this district to see the Factory Bill properly attended to have the confidence of the working classes . It is the case in Manchester ; it is the case in Nottingham ami Halifax , and other places I could name . I have heard you have a resident sub-inspector—I don t know his name —( cries of " Davi-, " )—1 don ' t want to know his name ; but I want to ask you whether he enjoy * the confidence of thc factory workers ot this district ? ( Cries of "No , not a bit of it , and "He is more like an old woman than out else . " ) Can you tell wliy he does not enjoy your confidenc' ' ( Cries of " Because hc don't enforce the much
law " " He don't do his duty , as ho gets too , wine out on ' em . " ) Out of whom ? ( ' Out of the masters " ) What ! does an officer of the government , who is appointed to watch ovt-r the factory masters , and to see they do not break the law . does he get wine at the expense of the factory mastes ? Does he ? ( Yes , yes . ) Do you know that to be true ? ( Too true . ) 1 will ask no more—1 will leave the government to make inquiries . ( Hear , hear . ) I thought that his failing was that he was negligent—but if it be as you say , that ia another case into whw-h it is not my business nor my will to inquire . ( Hear . ) This finishes my discourse , excepting that I beg , before I leave this place , that it may be perfectly understood by every person who has heard me to-nig ht , that my great desire and wish and object is that there shall be no strike—no agitation-no ill-will between the workmen and the masters—no insult offered by
the people to the rebel magistrates . I do not wi 3 h the siigliteit public disturbance . You may depend on it these are awful times ; and if the rebellion or the magistrates should be fallowed by the revenge of the people , the state of this district would bo too horrible to describe . ( Hear , henr . ) Let all then be peaeeable and quiet and lovely ; leavo the dignity and thesacrednessofthe law to be upheld b . y those whose duty it is to punish rebels . But should the tocsin again sound , and bring me once more into the factory districts to petition for an Eight Hours Bill , which will be the case if the factory inasteM make a stand in Parliament against the present law-wheu then I come , if God should spare me , be ssady , boys , be steady , boysjor sucha broadsideagasut the pow . ers Of tyranny « tyrants never heard nor ielt before . ( Great applaus * . ) [ Mr . Outter thea resumed ba seat amidst the most cmhusiastie . and deafeiuag
plaudits . ] . . The resolution was then put aaa carried uaani . mously . Moved by Mr . John Avisos schoolmaster , and seconded by Mr Gkorgb Gas&i&s , slumkeepet : — " That this meeting feels itssik" reluctantly bound to declare and publicly record ifcs want of confidence in the official integr ity of the seagisterial bench of these districts in all matters in which the interests of the factory labourers are concerned ; and would moss respectfully direct the attention of the Lord Chance lor to the subject , that he may take such measures as he may deem expedient to insure a just and im » partia administration of the laws . " Mr . St « phsh 8 supported the resolution , vrlucU was carried unanimously . Shortly afterwards toe mcehns sepww .
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THE VIOLATION OF TIIE TEtf HOURS FACTORY ACT . Stalybihdoe . — On Monday evening , February 12 th , a public meeting of factor . vpperativeswas held in the Town Hall , Stalybridge , for tho purpose of protesting against tho violations of the Ten Hours Act by the employers , and in favour of thc adoption of a uniform system of working ten hours a day . The large hall was crowded to excess , Mr . Oastler and tho Key . J . R . Stephens were present .
Mr . J . IIaxdforth having been unanimously called to the chair , tho Rev . J . IIoldiso , assistant to the Rev . J . R . Stephens , in a speech of considerable length , moved the first resolution , which was as follows : — " That this meeting being fully sensible of the beneficial effects that would result tb tho health , morals , and social comfort of thc people ) y a steady adherence to the principles of the Factories Regulation Act , and deeply deploring the violation of that act in these districts , unanimously resolve to support by every moans in theiv power , the government and officers of the crown in their efforts to enforce its trulyhumano andsalutarv provisions . "
Mr . Joinv Cnosstuv seconded the resolution . Mr . OastIj >; r , on vising to support tho resolution , was received with loud and enthusiastic cheering . He said—It was a great many years since he first had tlie honour to plead before thorn the cause of the poor factory children . Since then his temples had been wreathed with a crown of laurels , by the victory and triumph obtained in Parliament , in that cause , to which they and their hundreds of thousands of comrades in England and Scotland , had been so true and faithful . ( Hear . ) Thc Ten Hours Bill , sinco they had met , had been voted by the legislature of tho country to bo the law of the land . lie ought to have been in the metropolis ; lie had other work to do than plead for thc law of En « lnn <]
that night ; lie had other work to do than to represent their cause onco more to the Legislature . There had been in the neighbourhood of London such scenes of murder , or as they called it , manslaughter , of the youths in the youthful slaughterhouses , as he called them , farming establishments that they were holding meetings in all parts of London and Westminster to denounce that horid crime . ( Hear . ) And they had dono him the honour to ask him to attend those meetings . They knew how his heart would yearn to plead the cause of those poor creatures , and to denounce that accursed enactment —but while ^ ii was the law of tlie land they must keep it—that accursed enactment the Jfew l » Law—( hear , hoar )—his denunciation would be to
induce every Christian man and every man of right feeling to petition the Legislature to repeal tho law , and not to ask the people to defy it . ( Hear . ) But when ho heard that his old " subjects" —( hear , hear ) —the factory workers—wanted his aid , lie was obliged to turn a deaf ear to all his London friends , and onee more to draw the sword of factory right in support of thc poor individuals who had been so lon ^ oppressed under factory wrong . ( Cheers . ) And now let him ask them , were they for or against tlie Ten Hours' Bill ? If they were for tlie hill let them hold up their hands deliberately , ( A forest of hands was immediately displayed amidst lou < l cheering . ) Let him see tho hands of those who were against it . ( No hand was held up . ^ Not ono . ( Chcers . \
The Queen did not intend that , when the Ten Hours Bill was passed , the fathers should be kept from their families at ni ght , and the poor mothers and children should have to wait sobbing and sighing wearisomely for their return . But it so happened that the will of the magistrates of Manchester and othcr places opposed tho will of the Queen and themselves , and opposed the law of the land . ( Hear . ) Some men would say to the operatives under such circumstances , " The best way was to strike , seeing we have got the law on our side , we shall be sure to succeed if we strike against the masters . " Don ' t listen to that kind of advice ; if they were to have a strike under present circumstances Ihey would endanger the stability of societv ,
and they themselves would gain nothing in the strife . No , no , they had got their enemies on tho wrong sidc- ; - ( hear , hear , )—the operatives were on the sunny side of the law , and they would keep in its glorious light . ( Cheers . ) One of the masters in that town said to a friend of his the other day , " Yoxi Ten Hours Bill men have been shouting before you got out of the wood ; you see wo have made a / u » 7 e in the Ten Hours Act already "—alluding to the decision of the magistrates ; as if these puisne men could make a hole in the law of tho land . ( Hear , hear . ) They had made a hole in their own characters , and he fancied they had made a rent in the bench on which they sat , so that it would not hold them much longer . lie happened
to be in company with a Manchester merchant a few days ago , and he heard him say that trade was improving famously , —that wages were rising , and that tho operatives were doing as well as they could wish . That was what this merchant said . How , he ( Mr . Oastler ) wanted to ask of them , his friends , were wages improving to their hearts' content ? ( Cries of " No , " and . " They arc lowering . ") Lowering , bating , at present ! ( Cries of " Yes . " ) That would astonish his London friends ; wages lowering , bating , and trade improving ! ( Yes , yes . ) Why , a merchant told him that trade was improving , that wages were advancing , and that tho operatives wore doing as well as they could wish . ( A Voice" I've seen a , master to-day , and he will never alter it . " ) Then hc ( Mi . Oastler ) was to understand that it was true that wages were lowering ? ( Cries of " Yes . " ) Now , if there wero a master there , and he dared say there were masters present , if the workmen were telling him an untruth , let
any master say so at once . Don't lot them have a false tale told . [ After a brief pause , and no answer being made , Mr . Oastler proceeded . ] Well , he never was so surprised : he could scarcely have believed it unless he heard the evidence himself . Then it would seem that they had not yet had their arms made long enough to get hold of that great big loaf that used to be paraded about theiv streets , on the top of a long pole . ( A laugh . ) They had not got it yet—it was coming , he dared say . ( A Voice : " Wait a little longer . " ) Yes , wait a little longer , as the Leaguer says . Well , then , they woula , perhaps , bear with him if lie asked a few questions of thorn . Was it the custom in that neighbourhood for the factory masters to charge rents for houses while the houses were not occupied by tho people , and deduct such rents from their wages—was that true ? ( Cries of " Yes . " ) Houses which were not occupied , let them recollect—was it the custom that a
fortnight or a month s rent was deducted from thenwages a fortnight , or a month , or six weeks before they got the key ? ( A Voice : "It is true , I have paid it myself . " ) Without having tho house ? ( "Yes . " ) Now , if that was not true , let the masters , for masters were there , speak out . He wished to ask another question : — "Were there a great many persons in that neighbourhood formerly Factory workers with them , who had left their country for this reason , because they could not boar to see their wives and children starve ? Did they know whether that was common forpeoplcin this country —for fathers to leave their families , loving them dearly , but not having the courage to stop at homo and see them starve—was that true ? ( A voice ,
" Yes , it is too true , amongst other 3 I have a brother that is gone to America for that reason . " ) Now , masters , if that is not true , say so . Now , would they be so good as to tell him who kept the families which were left behind ?—( Several voices : " Tho parish . " The ; parish ?—( " Yes . " ) Could they tell Mm whether any cripples weve thrown out of \ vovk by having their hands or their fingers broken , or any thins : of that sort in that neighbourhood—was it so ?—( Cries of " Yes . " ) Then when that was the case , who paid them ? Did the parish or the millowners pay their wages when they were crippled ? —( Several voices : " " The parish ; " and a voice " Unless his parents can support him . " ) The parish ; but the factory masters did not pay the wages if a
man was crippled , and if his parents could not support him ?—( " No . ") Now , there were many persons in that factory district thrown out of work entirely by becomin" too weak in consequence of the execssive labour they had to undergo , but they lived a good many vcars after being ib the prime of lifewho kept them , was it the factory masters kept them ?—( Cries of "No , no . " ) Who kept them ? —( A voice : " Thc ratepayers . " ) The ratepayers . Now there were many who could not find work , in consequence of previous over-work having overstocked the market , and who were driven to thieve . —( Cries of " Yes . " ) Who paid for the prosecution and maintenance of these ?—( Several voices : " The ratepayers . " ) The ratepayers again . Then there werra'rood many whose hearts were broken by
alternate over working and then no working , no wages , and who became drunkards , and there were those who became whisky distillers for the same reason . Who had to boar the brunt of keeping the drunkards in order , and of puhishing the wliisky distillers ? - { A voice : " Ihe ratepayers . ) - The ratepayers again . l » ow , ho asked these questions for a good reason , not invidiously , but in order that alf England might know what they ( the factory workers ) wero , and what they ( the rest of the people ) were likely to be if the mill-owners were to have uncontrolled rule- in this country . ( Hear , hear . ) They ( the mill-owners ) wero to a maxv almost against what they catted protection io British industry , and yet h » found that they were protecting their own interests on all sidea out of the pockets , of the ratepayers . ( Hear , hear . ) Now , he aft not tbM that v » 3 fair * ( Hoar . ) lie
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DR . M'DOUALL . TO TIIE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERS STAR . 25 , Mount-street , Ilulme , Manchester , February 20 th , 1849 . ¦ Sin , —I went to Liverpool on the 14 tb , to see my irother Chartists in prison . I found * them all well but Leach and Grocott . At the same time I made an application to the governor for leave to see Dr . M'Douall . He told me that no ono could spe him onl y his wife , and it must be on matter of importance . I asked him , ia thc name of thousands of friends , to let me see him . " Well , " hc said , " you shall see him . Walk this way . " At that time he
was taking his exercise in the yard . I shook hands with him . lie had tho prison dress on ; the same as felons and thieves . When I first saw him , my blood ran cold in my veins . I said to myself , " Is this the man whom I have seen in comfort and happiness V He was low in spirits . I told him that the people were doing all that could be done in his behalf with regard to the Writ of Error . The Doctor told me he had abandoned thc case . I told him that a good sum of moncy _ had been subscribed . He said , " Give it my wife—it will do her good . " The men of Liverpool have taken a house and shop for her to commence business in the grocery line . I am , sir , yours , &c ., Thomas Robf . rts .
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——— Timi FtoMT 84 , 1840 . THE N 0 RTgERN STAR ~ i
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 24, 1849, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1511/page/5/
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