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THE NOB THEM STAB. SATURDAY, ItIAR£E9 31, 1S49.
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&o crameuoffircnt**
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HAPPY LAND.
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jmct^ ^^ —— — -- _ —n TO TAILORS. I'.v r.:.3rooaf5<>n of Her Ar<ja»'y j.io--!' "."•.•iorfa and His IJoyal intuits* riiure.ilr-ort. Xow Kc.t'.v,
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
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TVS . LONDON and PAIMS SPRING ..-: -. ; . ! . \ i ; - ; i ; i ~ . v ;; uu . vsf r > , ? . ; . - Mc ^ r ? . i : i :. \ JAJI ! ¦ : -- ;!> n ;! tCi \ , 1-. ii : ; 5 t-s : v .--.-t . Jjloi >! nsiiurr-S ! pia : v , Loll < k » : i : a ! i >! l . y IH 2 <) ls'ji ; jijii {<> Ki ! , llijvnoll-sireoi , Sln . si- ! ¦ :: sjk ;> Hl i'iliXT , il ; il ... j- ; iii . iv finished , anil suj > crliH ... l ..-: r--I . tlu-LAXl-iSC-WE , si correct viewLj the Quti ¦ : - liu ' .:: i : c :: l Gardens . London . ( l > y special iitnnksion ill iaq « t ui . i ^ uulcent > ihee iu Eura » c This beautiful ] -h-. tiic will he accompanied with the most novel , s ood fittin-, - . : i : sd fashionable itress , llidin ? , Piouk , and Hunting CoaS 1 ' i . tuiiis , l .-c-iii tiouble and siii ^ e-brwisted ; Hussar ' s or Yii : i * ,: i ' s roivid Jackets , vlain and with sldrts ; single and dOilMe-lu-eastoJ Dress , Mori ! iii au . l Evening Wai&tcoute ; also the - . Mostfjishionable and newest sty le Habit Pattern ; every jwiticu ]; :-.- part of each pattern fi-Jly explained , and an aiustration of everything respecting Style and Fashion ; price It's . Sold by Read and Co ., 12 , Hart-street , Bloomsbury-s . juare , London ; ti . Berger , Hulywcll-street , Strand ; and all i : ookseaersi : i Town and Country . _ „ . _ . ,
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FOB SALE , 0 KE OR TWO PAID-UP FOUR ACRE fr ? i \ KES . rricc £ 3 10 s . each . AjijiU io A . B ., 28 , Great Warner-street , Clerkenwell , liOndoii .
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LAND AXJ ) COTTAGES . 0 OTTAGES CONSISTING OF TWO zr . iiiil rooms on the ground floor , with fifty feet frontage by <••» . hundred feet of garden ground , may now be Iraa < jt : ' Ijkiscs for ever" at £ i per annum . Additional laud tv ' .-rj fertile ) may also be had iu the nest field but one , ai die rate of £ i per acre , also "for ever ; " but £ 2 per acre only will be charged fur the first three years of the tv . -: c . Ko .-. ds capital , water delicious and abundant , Tithts - . id rates about as shillings per acre . The stipulated w . iis , « f course , never to be raised , and the tenants to have ' . Tie right of redeeming them by entirely votusTAar IN-= rTA !_ -4 ? - \ TS .
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GREAT BARGAIN . TO BE SOLD , FOR THE LOW SUM <• " Twelve Guineas , a FOUK-ACRE ALLOTMENT ( indu'Iic : * Scrip } , drawn iu November , 1 S 37 . The purchaser will be- entitled to early location , and can have the scrip trans cr . ^ d to Iris own mune on re ceipt of the cash . Innm liaw application to be made to Mr . T . Glahk , 144 , High liviborn . London .
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CATJTION . Unpri ' -iciplcd persons , ' taking advantage of the celebrity of " i 'II LOCOCK'S WAFERS , " attempt to foist upon the public v-srious Pit . t . s and SIixtdbes under nearly similar name . ' - " . i The r . Jjlic is cautioned that all such preparations are spurK'US and iin imposition : the only Genuine . Medicine , lias , { .--sriles the words "Da . Locock ' s Wafehs" on the Stamp , xiie Signature of the proprietor ' s Sole Agents , Da Silva « t Co ., on the Directions given "with every bos , without which none are Genuine . IWDER ROYAL PATROXAGE .
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TO Mn . PROUT , 229 , STRAND . ' Xo . 20 S , Piccadilly , London , Oct 19 , 1 S 47 . " Sib , —It is now three years and a half since I was sorely afflicted with Rheumatic Gout , the suffering from which induced , me to try all the proposed remediei that extensive medical experience could devise , without obtaining any satisfactory relivf irom pain . During oneof theparoxvsms a friend advised me to try Blair's Gout and Khemnatic Pills , observing that he had in some severe cases taken them himself , and they proved very successful . I instantly adopted his advice , and to my joy the excruciating torment soon began to abate , and a few boxes restored me to health , since winch I have had no return of the complaint . I trust you ivill give publicity to my case , that sintering ' humanity may know how to obtain a remedy for this distressing disease . —! am , Sir , your obedient humble servant , illCHAEL XASMTTH . " The above testimonial is a further proof Of the efficacy Of Blair ^ s Gout and Kheuinatic Pills , which afford speedy relief to those , afiticted with gout , rheumatism , lumbago , sciatica , tic-doloreus , pains in the head and face , aud all analogous complaints .
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The Britasxia Beidoe Mubdeb . —At Carnarvon on Wednesday , fiefore Mr . Justice Cresswell , John Pritchard , was charged -with the mlM murder of J . Rowlands , at the Britannia-bridge , on the night of the 29 th of July last . After the examination of BCTeral witnesses the learned Judge ably summed up , and the jury returned a verdict of " Sot Guilty . "
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THE CHEAPEST JBOITIOX EVER PUBLISHED . Prieels . fid ., A new and elegant edition , with Steel Plate of the Author , of PAJNE'S POLITJOAL WORKS .
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TO THE DEMOCRATS OF GREAT BRITAIN . THHERE Tr ill fce UlSPOSED OF , by -L SUBSCRIPTION , ou the principle of the Art-Unions , TWO BEAUTIFUL PLAIDS , OF O'CONNOR AND DUNCO 11 BE TARTANS . They are of the finest quality , are suited for the wear oi either Lady ov Gentleman ; and will lie , foi inspection , at the shop of Mr . Richakd BrniKm , stationer , 177 , Fountain Bridge , Edinburgh . They will be forwarded to the successful subscriber by such conveyance as he may desire . Tlieuhscription Sale will take place in Boss ' s Univer . sity Temperance Hotel , 59 , South Bridge , on the 21 st of March , at Seven o ' clock in the Evening . Proceeds to be given to the Victim Funds of England and Scotland . Subscriptions : —Sixpence each , to be paid or remitted in Postage Stamps or Post-office Orders , to Mr . Burkett , as above .
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Mr . J . IIatxon , IMme , — You should pay the postage of your letter , when you want gratuitous advice . Mr . Bckkett , Edinburgh . —Too late . John Ladd . —We were compelled to omit the latter portion of your letter , it being chargeable as an advertisement Thomas Ormesiieb lias received for theKirkdale prisoners : Swineshead Clough , near Todmordcn , per Richard Barker , 17 s lid ; Katclifte Bridge , per Richard Hamer , 5 s 6 d ; AV . B . K . ( from a few young men ) 11 s 6 d . [ We have not room for a Ions list of Id , 2 d , and 3 d subscriptions . If the book is signed by the treasurer , it will be sufficient guarantee for the integrity of the collector . —Ed . N . S . ] J . Sweet acknowledges the receipt of the following sums , sent herewith , viz .: —For M'Dobai . i . 's Wbit op Error . — From Kirkby , Is 3 d ; Mr . lees , 3 d . Foe Defence Fcxd . —Mr . T . Fox , 2 d ; Mr . Smith , 6 d ; Mr . Brown , id . Fox Victim Fom—Mr . lees , Gd ; from , the "Colonel Ilnicliinson , " 5 s 5 From Hyson Green , Is 10 d , Mr . Kibd ' s letter , through press of matter , is unavoidably postponed . The Sew Year ' s Gifts . —The Mends at Bolton , Bilston , and Chippenhain will please to appl y to Hie Land Office for what is awarded them . Jons Abxott , Sec .
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TO AGENTS . The Agents' Accounts -will be rendered this day , which , terminates the quarter . Subscribers will kiiow tbe reason why they do not receirethe "Northern Star" in certain places on the following week ; as we have determined that those vrho are in arrears , and continue to trade with Mr . O'Coxxoit ' s money , shall do so no longer . We endeavour to be punctual ourselves , and we . are now resolved to have none as Agents who are only punctual in sending promises .
The Nob Them Stab. Saturday, Itiar£E9 31, 1s49.
THE NOB THEM STAB . SATURDAY , ItIAR £ E 9 31 , 1 S 49 .
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" Happy Land" and " Merry England " have , of yore , been street phrases in the Englishman ' s mouth . There was a time when " Church and King" was the rallying crywhen the village church was the rallying poini —when the village parson was the honoured pastor— -when each villager plied his own shuttle , worked jithis own loom , milked his omi cow upon the common that has now been stolen , cherished his partner , and loved his children , because he was co-partner with the master wlio employed him , and because lie saw the full value of his labour stamped upon
his handiwork . Then , he rallied to the cry of " The Church is in danger ; " then he was ready to eifiist in the service of his King and ever , volunteered to become a DUCKER , or , if necessary , the executioner of Jacobins . And wh y ? Because gaunt want and famine never stared him ia the face , threatened to separate those whom God had joined together , orto drag him from the fireside and family-board , and commit him to the tender mercies of a Poor Law Bastile . No ; in those days there was a
pretext for loyalty , when the villager or the cottier had his ghare of the common landwhen tho laws , though feudal , were mitigated in severity , it did not require fatted bludgeonmen to enforce the edicts of the privileged . Then , the National Fund , extracted from the land for the maintenance and support of tho poor , waa the nation ' s Exchequer , and constituted a capital to supply the industrious with raw material to compete against the master in the market .
"Was it wonderful that England should then be happy—that her people should be merry and loyal to the laws that so protected them ? But now , alas \ how changed , the scene . The landlords have stolen the land , the capitalists have stolen the Exchequer , and both have monopolised legislation . The staticians , the PoliticalEconomists , and Reformers of the day , would point to the improved condition of the working classes since those times , but they invariably fail to remind them of the fact , that the improvement in the middle and upper classes has gone on with ten-fold , nay , a thousand-fold , speed .
Once upon a time , John Hanson , of Huddersfield , waited , as one of a deputation , upon the celebrated Fkank Place , the Free Trade tailor . The object of the deputation was to impress upon the tailor tho deplorable condition of the working classes , as compared with their order in olden time 3 . " What ! " ( said the Free Trade tailor ) "Can you complain of the present times ? Did your father or your grandfather wear such a silk waistcoat as you sport 1 " John had not a ready answer , and the deputation waa rather flabbergasted . But he might have replied : — " True , air , but
neither your father nor your grandfather ever sat with his feet on a Turkey carpet , in such a room go furnished , and , though idle , surrounded with luxuries , supplied by the labour of others . Neither did your father or your grandfather wear such a waiscoat as this , because , according to the then price of the necessariea of life , my father and grandfather received five , yea , six times as much for manufacturing this article , as I can now earn for the same work . Your father and grandfather ,
and the fathers and grandfathers of your class , did not drive in their carriages from their rural mansions to their city shop 9 , to make unlimited profit of the labour of my father and grandfather by mere superintendence . My ancestors of old , as well as your anceetora too , had the . power to elect those -who made the laws by whom both were governed , and then , being upon an equality , if I waa poor , the law supplied me with raw material to employ my labour , and thus compete with other
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_^ MwMMM ^ | MMM ^ ggaM w « i """ —' ' "i—¦ ¦ ' ii m 4 . i-jMrwT ^ iiji , iMlt , ij ¦ muni _ " — ' ~~ " ¦ manufacturers in the market , instead of , as now , compelling mo to bo one of an unwilling idle competitive reserve , for your class to fall back upon , as tho means of reducing the profits of my order . ' * Few , save the emaciated OLD GUARDS —the old and honoured Hand Loom Weavers , with straight grey hair , emaciated frames , and dejected countenances and tottering limbsremember those good old times ; but , honour and thanks to them , they are our schoolmasters , and from them we have gleaned all the useful and practical knowledge that we possess . England , then , was happy England , merry England , and Englishmen proudly cbaunted the good old English
song" BRIT 0 X 8 NEVER SHALL BE SLAVES . " But , though melancholy tho task , let us pourtray England and Ireland as they are . England inundated with pauperism , while industry is called upon to replenish the Exchequer , to be expended upon useless armies , navies , drones , officials , placemen , pensioners , and fatted bludgeon men , to hold the starving in subjection : Man competing against his
brother to secure the scantiest means of subsistence ; thousands , yea , hundreds of thousands , seeking the means of expatriation or transportation to some foreign land , as the means of preserving a miserable existence for another hour of misery , while the Land of their country is calling for their labour ; gaols full of political offenders—bastiles full of unwilling idlera—streets full of paupers—the inventive mind of man full of device for the substitution
of the mechanical and artificial for manual labour—the cottage full of woe—and the proud Englishman driven to the dread alternative of starving or living in idleness ( as a prostitute ) upon the wages of his wife and little p hildren , sweating in a rattle-box , while care , grief , and sorrow urge him to kill his grief in the gin-palace or the beer-shop !—Tributary to all , dependent upon all , his alternative is mendicancy , the bastile , the gaol , the transport , or the gallows . Who can read the long and melancholy catalogue of trials for murder , reported during tho present assizes , without coming to the conclusion that that system which provokes , nay , encourages it , is vicious , execz'aWe , damnable , and should be abolished ?
Then turn to Ireland , the graveyard of England , that sea-bound dungeon , and what do we find there ? The Land all but depopulated —the peasant ' s cottage levelled to the ground — . workhouses so full that pestilence is dail y increasing—shipowners unable to supply a sufficient TRANSPORT MARINE of crazy barks to consign victims to a foreign land , or a watery grave—prisons so full of industrious men , called criminals , that the British Minister is compelled to seek a new colony for the reception of system-made rogues — political offenders abounding to an inconvenient
amount—the expression of opinion , even to the amount of sympathy for the sufferings of the oppressed , suppressed — landlords flying , but still loyal — fanners absconding —labourers starving — one grave containing hundreds , we presume upon the principle of political economy — criminal laws increasing in aeverity ¦— landlorda refusing to pay sixpence in the pound to alleviate the distress they have caused—parsons of an alien church living sumptuously in the midst of this destitution , while the pastors of the Irish flock are all but starving from the poverty of their
tribe , the electors so reduced by death , that even the Whig Government , in its liberality , ia compelled to propose a measure to substitute living for dead voters ; the country swarming with red coats , and the efficiency of the loyal Catholic police , the greatest boast of the English Minister—whilst the Saxon Viceroy can Bpare time to visit the British metropolis to have the honour of the GARTER conferred upon him as the reward for his Irish services . Now , in sober earnest , wo would ask , whether the rulers of these countries really hope to govern a people thus impoverished—thus
plundered and driven to distraction , when they may prefer death in any shape to the endurance of that lingering torture imposed upon them by the injustice of class legislation 1 We have always shown the impossibility of maintaining a pampered alien State Church in Ireland upon the fruits of Catholic industry ; and although the argument may hold good in England—that the possessors of property hold it subject to Church tribute ; yet the same argument does not apply in Ireland , inasmuch as the Irish people look upon every Protestant steeple as a badge of conquest ; and as we have ever contended we still contend , iliat Church property , like poor's rate , is the property of the people , and not the property of
the State , as the people now constitute no portion of tho State , or of the landlords or parsons : and presently the plundered people , both of England and Ireland , will begin to reflect upon the fact , that the amount of property thus usurped , for what is called religious purposes , but , in reality , for giving strongth to a pampered aristocracy , and supporting a vicious system—would be more than ample to locate every unwilling idler upon five acres of land , and a comfor table cottage ; while the improved system would insure an abundance of work for labourers in the artificial market ; and then , when that great and good work is accomplished , the English people may boast a "Happy and Merry England" —they may
sing : " BRITONS NEVER SIIALL BE SLATES . " and the Irish , instead of banishment , may secure a happy home in fatherland—may speak without the fear of a dungeon or the transport , and the labourers in both countries will be the first partakers of the fruits of their own industry .
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ONE LAW FOR THE RICH AND ANOTHER FOR THE POOR . Not only is there one law for tho rich and another for the poor in this country , but there is also one mode of making laws for the rich , and another mode of making laws for tliepoor ; and of this fact we had ample and sufficient proof on Wednesday last , in the instance of two Bills submitted to Parliament—the ono to secure the more easy conviction of prisoners —the other to secure the property of tenants from the lust of landlords . The Bill affecting
the liberty , or , perhaps , the life of tho poor man , contained forty long clauses , with as many formal schedules , each complicating the Bill , and passed through that honourable assembly , clause by clause , in less than two minutes ; while two words— " SHEEP" and " OIL-CAKE "—in the Landlord and Tenant Bill occupied the House for over three hours , the debate throwing Irish questions wholly and entirely into the shade—not an English landlord omitting to take his full part in the
discussion . The object of the Landlord and Tenant Bill , introduced by Mr . Pusey , the member for Berkshire—a humane man and practical agriculturist—was to allow the out-going tenant compensation for money expended in building , and other improvements ; and inasmuch as the land , in its uncultivated state , is but a mere raw material , to which Labour is the most valuable capital that can be applied , nothing could be more fair or just than that the labourer , or the tenant , if he employs labour , should be compensated for his expenditure .
It is an extraordinary fact that , throughout the various discussions upon the Repeal of the Corn Laws , and upon the Irish sixpenny Rate in Aid , the English and Irish landlords , with an assumed generosity , philanthropy , and love of justice , have appeared in the character of advocates for their tenant-clients ; all thought of self was thrown overboard , and consideration for the industrious tenant aloneeonstituted the grounds of their opposition : but when they are asked to g ive a practical illustration of
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their foolings for their tenants , then we find " self" standing prominently forward . Wo arc aware that the question of Land , and of the mode of dealing with it by landlords , has not , as yet , assumed a prominent position in the mind of the working classes of this country ; but , inasmuch as we wish to bo before our time , and to use the present as a moans of foreshadowing tho future , and
bccauso we feel convinced that those who have seldom or never seen a green field , have not yet felt the effects of Free Trade , we consider it our duty thus to Aram them of the coming evil ; an ' evil which never will be removed , and never can be removed , until Labour — which cultivates the Land , and makes it valuable—as well as the Land itself , is represented in the House of Commons .
The agricultural labourers—as we frequently predicted—are beginning to receive their share of Free Trade , in a reduction of wages from nine to seven shillings per week , or over twenty per cent . ; and every other class in the agricultural towns who depend upon the wages of the agricultural labourer for subsistence , must experience a like depression ; and , finally , every manufacturing operative , every mechanic , artificer , and artisan will como in for his share ; and , ultimately , the manufacturers , merchants , bankers , brokers , and shopkeepers will come in for their share ; for the poor—represented by the rich—may rely upon it , that
those who have the power to make the laws will be thelast to suffer , and will obstinately persevere in this course of injustice and oppression , until the trodden worm at last will turn upon its tormentor . England is now in a position that she never was in before . She is at peace with the world , and stands in no dread of domestic revolution , if the angry passions of an insulted and impoverished people are not too far tried ; but there is a point beyond which hnman endurance cannot go ; and we would urge upon our rulers the necessity of stopping- in their progress , ere they arrive at that crisis .
Is it not anomalous—nay , monstrous—with the admitted fact , that all articles of consumption are considerably reduced in price , that the salaries of paid officials should still remain at that standard at which thoyworo fixed when those articles of consumption were some double , and some treble , their present price ? In the realisation and practical working of the principle of Free Trade , is not the fact established , that there is one law for the rich , and another law for the poor , when we find landlords justifying their tenants' reduction of agricultural wages , in consequence of the cheapness of food ? while the same landlords receive the proposition of Mi . Hume , to reduce the salaries of officials by the- same standard , ¦ w ith a , sneor .
England—tho rich maw of tho world—is now open to the competition of the world , and the English labourer should never lose sight of the fact , that every manufactured article imported into this country , is a competitor against the labour of this country 5 and yet , melancholy to say , each trade , and each craft , has neutralised the power of all , by merely Booking protection for its ovrn section j whereas , if all crafts had manfully combined and honestly united , as their oppressors have , they would have beentlie last , instead ot the first , to suffer .
Have our readers perused the admirable speech of Mr . Mukxz , in which he showed that Birmingham traders were advertising Gorman manufactured articles at sixty per cent , lower than the Birmingham manufacturer could supply them ? And have the Birmingham butchers , bakei' 3 , clothiers , hatters , tailors , shopkeepers , merchants and bankers , ever reflected upon the effect that this competion must inevitably have upon their trade ? No ; they have not , as yet , because those dealing in the retail market have not as
yet experienced the benefit of wholesale reduction — they are wholly at the mercy of those who supply them ; until , at length , the grievance will become so general , that a majority of the people will see the necessit y of becoming their own producers ; thus opening a wholesale market so large and general , that huxters can no longer traffic in monopoly , by forestalling the necessaries of life , and retailing them at a capricious price , measured by the narrowness of the traffic , and tho necessities of the consumer .
For these reasons , we rejoice in the efforts of Mr . Walton and his associates , to establish Home Colonies , and the principle of cooporation thug throwing all claasos upon their own resources , and making the employer and the employed mutually dependent upon each other ; when the free labour market is opened for the free and unfettered exercise of man ' s industry . But , then , these experimentalists must not rel y upon a Government loan for the realisation of their plan , nor do they need it . " God helps those who help themselves , "
and let tho Trades of England—we mean the whole industrial population—HELP THEMSELVES , and then they will not need an application—to be followed by a refusal of funds . We shall not resort to the old system of measuring their love of liberty by a penny a week , or twopence a week—nor shall we enter into a consideration of tho effect to be produced by the application of Trades funds—now uselessly expended in preventing strikes , and supporting unwilling idlers—to the purchase of
land and the developement of our national rosources by the application of our national industry : but we do invite them at . this season of tho year , when nature is budding , and the country becomes inviting , even to the artificial hothouse plant—to bestir themselves , to call a parliament of their order , to developo their plan , and to invite the co-operation of their brethren in carrying it out , It has been too much the system of the Trades to hold themselves apart and distinct
from the FUSTIAN JACKETS , THE BLISTERED HANDS , AND THE UNSHORN CHINS ; they have sought a little distinction by keeping their own particular questions and interests separate and apart , both in Parliament and out of Parliament ; they have feared the taint of Chartism . But we are happy to find , however , that they have at length tacked the political question of the Suffrage , to the social question of tho Land , and we have onl y to repeat our earnest hope that this recruiting party may , ere long , muster
an amount of labour-support which will make the labourer independent of criminal law , and landlord and tenant legislation . And , in conclusion , we would remind all branches of labour —that the workman depending upon the caprice oi his employer for his wages , and upon the caprice of the shopkeeper for the price of his food , has only had the first and a very small taste of Free Trade ; and we would advise them—in order to avoid the death dose—to rally in time , ero the disease becomes mortal and incurable .
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . The Ministerial measures on the anvil progresa slowly . Apparently neither the Rate in Aid Bill ; nor the Bill for the modification of the Navigation Laws , will reach the Upper House until some , time after Easter . The last-named measure was expected to have served as the instrument of a defeat in the Commons . Mr . Gladstone , in hia speech
on the second reading , after enunciating a clear and consistent policy on the subject , which contrasted most favourabl y with that of the Government—gave the House to understand , that in committee he would propose amendments , founded on the views he had expressed . Accordingl y , Friday night last was looked forward to with some interest . Expectation , however , waa disappointed ; the anticipated
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trial of strength did not tako place ; but , instead of it , we had a somewhat curious ami unexpected illustration of the mode m vJuch party-tactics modify the conduct and policy of those who take a lead in Parliamentary aflairs ; and , at the same time , another pi-oof of the inconsiderate and ig norant manner in which our Whig Ministry conduct business . At the commencement of the debate , tho President oi ? the Board of Trade rose up and threw overboard some fourteen clauses of a Bill containing only thirty-two clauses in all . These clauses had reference to a point on which
the Shipowners were strongly opposed to the Government . They enacted a partial opening of the Coasting Trade , and would have permitted Foreign vessels to compete with our own- for freights between Leith . and Newcastle , Hull and London , CrlaBgow and Liverpool . Of course , in the progress of the debate , such a proposition elicited much comment , and disapproval , from thoae who look upon our Coasting Trade as peculiarly a homo one , and who think that it is atthesame time the nursery of those sailors , on a due suppl y of whom our
naval greatness and superiority mamly depend . They argued—and , we think , not unreasonably—that such a case might fairly be made an exception from those sweeping principles of Free Trade , of which we hear so much now-a-days . But the President of the Board of Trade , and the Prime Minister , sublime in their lofty adherence to principle , and conscious of having framed a practical and a beneficial measure , would listen to no proposals for its alteration . On Friday night , however , as we have said , the wind suddenly shifted . Mi . Labouchere informed the House
that the Chief Commissioner of the Customs had informed the Government , that their plan would throw an insuperable difficulty in the Avay of collecting the revenue ; and , therefore , the Ministry had determined to abandon all that part of the measure relating to the Coasting Trade . He -took all ilie blame and responsibility of having introduced this impracticable scheme upon himelf , and he hoped that he should hear no more about it .
This kind of conduct is so characteristic of the present Administration , that people have ceased to he surprised at it . To blow hot and cold—to say and unsay—to do and undoseems their vocation , and they are wonderfully expert in it from long practice ; but it is no joke to the interests which are doomed to suffer from their reckless blundering and ignorant meddling . Surely , it might fairly have been expected from the commercial MiiasTEit of the country that , before introducing a measure affecting so large a mass of property , and
such a numerous body of persons , as the ships , sailors , and trades , engaged in our Coasting Trade , he should , at the very least , have ascertained that his scheme was a workable one . Even , if unpalatable to the shipping iuterest , it Avould , at all events , have shown him to bo a man of business , whereas , he now stands convicted , on his own showing , of being not less ignorant of the practical working of the measure , than reckless as to the injury it might inflict upon the interests and property of these engaged in this trade .
Mr . Laboucheru , having thus thrown over his Jonah , and lightened the vessel to save it from sinking , Mr . Gladstone followed with a ionff description of his plan , - and a statement of the reasons which induced him to think it was better than that of the Government , and concluded by stating that , though he was fully convinced of its superiority , it was not his intention to move it as an amendment . He said he had no dosiro either to embarrass the Government , or to delay their measure . Had he proposed his plan as an amendment , the probability is , that it would have been
supported in Committee by the Protectionists , as a fairer one than the Ministerial measure , if they were to have free shipping at all ; but , on the third reading , they would have voted against the measure as a whole . So Mr . Gladstone said he had seen reason to fear that his proposals " would be supported by a number of gentlemen not accepting them with bona fide views , but who would employ me as a tool to damage the measure , and after having so employed , then they would leave me and my proposals on the third reading . " Not exactly relishing this prospect , and being more
desirous of having tho question settled in the way proposed by Ministers than not settled at all , he withdrew from any competition with their plan . This twiu break-down , afforded Mr . Disraeli an opportunity , in the course of the night , for pouring forth a torrent of sarcasm on tho "two right honourablo gentlemen " who had thus " given up the children of their fond adoption . '' Messrs . Gladstone and Labouchere replied to the attack rather smartly , and with this " passage at arms " the Bill went through Committee at an earl y hour of the night ,
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Huntingdonshire . —Proposed Statue of , ^' L Cromwell at St . Ives , —Measures are likely 10 taken by a committee at St . Ivcs , to appeal to country for funds to erect a monument to memory of the Protector . St . Ives wis the pi- f at which Cromwell resided at the commoncemew ^ his public career , and his signature still e . upon the church books . Slope Hall ( the site 01 « house ) has just been pulled down , and a poin the inhabitants think that upon the spot Uie uw
ment should be erected . - —0 & Worcestershire . — Destructive *«>*• ^ Tuesday night , a fire broke outat some ;*?»* r , " The as " the Braids , " between Oldbuvy and Dudley . ^ manufacture carried oh is chiefly in st % , tjon » wares , and such was the nature of the con . ias r ^ that at one period fears were eatert » io ; edUj " ^ immense rango of buildings aa < l Ma *'" " "; hoff ' have fallen a sacrtfee * Bj great r ^ uo ^> a ever , the $ re -was got vroAwj tart t ' loss vlu > toileted , exceed 47 , 000 *
&O Crameuoffircnt**
&o crameuoffircnt **
Happy Land.
HAPPY LAND .
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DEFEAT OF MINISTERS . Thursday Night . y \ stop the Press to announce the cheering intelligence that Ministers have just been defeated upon two important divisions connected with Government liability to parties depositing thoir monies in the Savings Banks . A strong and vigorous attempt was made to screen some of the most nefarious practices connected with Irish and Scotch Savings Banks , and the Government was evidently , and not unnaturally , under the
impression that the disclosure of frauds of enormous magnitude , connected with these institutions , would tend to shake the confidence of depositors , as contrary to the received impressions of the poor -who invest their little all in Savings Banks . The Government was compelled to confess that parties so investing their money had no security , save and except in the honesty of the Trustees , who are not legally responsible to the depositors—an announcement which we opine will have the effect of destroying confidence in those insti « tutions , heretofore supposed to bo established upon Government security .
In tho different Savings Banks there arc Thirty Millions of money , while the poor have no guarantee as to how much is placed to t-lieir credit , and to what extent the Government » liable . The Government struggled » ard against the appointment of a Committee to inquire into nefarious practices connected « 'itu these institutions , although last year tlie ? were but too anxious to submit the affairs o » the National Land Company to the searching revision of a Committee .
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A swarm of small Bills have progressed through several stages , but none calling for anj particular comment .
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The Rate in Aid Bui also " drags its slow length along'' in a most painful manner . It is evident from tho shyness which Ministers evince on this measure , that they wish most heartily they had never proposed it . It has raised an incipient rebellion in Ulster , and whatever may be thought of the loyalty or the good feeling of landlords , merchants , manufacturers , and farmers , who have , one and all , proclaimed themselves determined to resist the measure should it crer pass into a law , it ia no pleasant prospect to Lord John Russell to look forward to the alienation and open
opposition of the only well-anected—and , at the same time , the most wealthy and powerfulprovince in Ireland . Besides , it would appear that , in this instance , also , the same deficiency of practical knowledge , and the same hasty , inconsiderate , and reckless spirit , has been at work . We have seen that nearly onehalf of the Navigation Law measure has been excused , because it was , on the authority of the Chief Commissioner of Customs , totally impracticable . The Chief Poor Law- Commissioner in Ireland , Mr . Twisletoit , is of precisely the same opinion respecting this Rate
in Aid measure . After giving evidence of the strongest character against it before the Committee , and finding that his views were not attended to , he relinquished his situation , rather than take the responsibility of enforcing such a measure . This is certainl y ominous as to the future fate and success of the plan , should it ever pass into a law . In the meantime , Lord John is trying his old system of largesses . By way of propitiating the Irish members , and bribing them to hold their tongues , he proposes , on going into committee , to move for an advance of £ 100 , 000 from the
Treasury , for the relief of the existing distress , on the security of the projected Rate in Aid . This shows , in the first place , that the £ 50 , 000 lately granted has been already absorbed , and it is quite possible that—with the urgent pressure of extreme destitution on the one hand , and the tempting bait of Treasury gold , on the other — Lord John may succeed in detaching a few votes from the strong Irish party , who have hitherto opposed the Rate in Aid . Apart from this speculation , however , ' we cannot help directing attention to the grossl y unconstitutional nature of the proposal itself . While the measure is yet under debate—in fact , while it haa not
passed through half its stages in the Commons , and has yet to be considered in the Lords it is gravely proposed to advance money upon its security . Is this not dictating to Parliament , and fettering its actions in a very extraordinary manner ? What right has Lord John to assume thathis measure willreall y pass , especially in the face of such a strong opposition both in and out of Parliament ? If it does not , the secunty on which the £ 100 , 000 is proposed to be advanced will not be worth more than a bit of waste paper . If the Prem i er can devise nothing better for Ireland than a series of Treasury advances , he had better give up his place altogether . The system is a costl y one to this
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country , and altogether mischievous to Ireland , in the meantime , it is ploasantto get a glimpse , however transient or deceptive it may be , of butter things in store . The "Times" announces that Sir liOBiniT Pkel is occupied for several hours daily in maturing and in vorkiu ^ out all the details of his scheme for ro-colonising the west of Ireland uponnewprinciples . The country knows enough of tho Right Hon . Baronet to boliove , that when lie seriously betakes himself to such a task lie will persevere with it , and produce a working and statesmaulike plan . It is admitted ou all hands that
there are great difficulties to be overcome , but there are none which can seriousl y obstruct a resolute and cleai ' -headed mau . Should Sir Robekt bring forward his scheme , it will be the redeeming point of the present Session , and impart a loftiness and breadth of purpose to it , which no mere Whig Parliament will ever attain , The general understanding is , however , that the ox-Piiemier is firml y resolved not to accept the responsibilities of that office again , and even were his plan adopted by the Legislature , it would require his personal superintendence to carry it out .
. No man could possibly understand it so well , oi * be equall y well prepared to meet and provide for unexpected difficulties . If it would not be against the etiquette in such cases , for a statesman who has held the office of First Minister of the Crown to accept the office of the head of the Commission to which he proposes to remit the practical carrying out of the measure , it would be most desirable that ho should fill that position . He has already linked his name with all the greatest reforms of the day— -whether as regards the relaxations of our Criminal Code—our religious exclusionsor our commercial restrictions—and it would
be the crowning- glory of his career , the SUreSfi guarantee of enduring fame among that " posterity' ' to which the Honourable Baronet , perhaps ^ more than any politician of the day » looks forward , if lie could claim the honour of having converted a desolate pauperised , into a populous and p rosperous , country .
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Mr . FaGan brought an abuse , connected with the Irish Established Church , before an exceedingly thin House on Tuesday night . Up to that time , the benches were pretty well filled , on a motion of Mi ' . Adderley , respecting transportation to the Cape of Good Hope .
The colonists , not unnaturally , protested against converting , what Mr . ADDERLEr styled " an unpolluted colony , " into a receptacle for convicts . Sir Cr . Grey entered into an elaborate explanation , from which it appears that the usual number of transportable cases in Ireland averages about COO or 700 annually . There were 2 , 000 additional cases last year , and , in order to get rid of the surplus , some 300 or 400 have been sent to the Cape . It is quite clear that this large addition was the result either of political excitement , or of the destitution
caused by a season of famine , and , in either case , argued no inherent or confirmed criminality on the part of the individuals thus brought under the cognisance of the law . Sir George Grey , therefore , argued that the " pollution , " if any , was not very great ; and added , that if the colonists should continue their opposition , the propriety of discontinuing the transportation would be considered by Go « vernment . On this pledge the motion was withdrawn , and , as we have said , the benches were nearly deserted when Mr . Pagan' rose io make his motion . Its subject was the stipends to the clergy in a certain number of towns in Ireland under the head of
Ministers' Money . An analogous injustice exists in two towns of Scotland , namel y—Edinburgh and Montrose , under tho name 01 Annuity Tax . In Ireland , however , we believe nearly 600 Ministers are supported by means of this tax , at a cost of about £ 15 , 000 a-year—and , as in Scotland , it is exceedingly obnoxious from its obvious injustice and the oppressive manner in which it operates on the inhabitants of the towns who are subject to it , Mr . Fagax proposed to shift the burden on to the funds at the disposal of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners . Mr . Grog an and Mr . Napier stood stoutly up for Old Mother Church , and all her abuses . It was the law —it was as old as Charles II . What would
those spoliators be at s Did they wish to destroy the Protestant Church in Ireland ? Mr , OsisonxE frankly responded " Yes : " and he was backed by several other members who , ono and all , declared that that church was a nuisance , and its abolition an essential poriion of any really effective scheme for the regeneration of Ireland . Sir George Grey was very sorry to hear such censurable opinions , He quite agreed that tlio tax was
most obnoxious and unjust in its operation , and would not defend it , but , in the meantime , ho did not see where they could find a substitute for it , and therefore he would move the previous question . Of course the members representing the Anglo-Irish Church and the Treasury hacks were in the majority , and Miuisters' Money is left among ' the list of causes which spread disaffection and heartburning in unhappy Ireland .
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4 THE NOHTHERN ^ l ^ R ^^^^ ———— - — - ^^^
Jmct^ ^^ —— — -- _ —N To Tailors. I'.V R.:.3rooaf5≪≫N Of Her Ar≪Ja»'Y J.Io--!' "."•.•Iorfa And His Ijoyal Intuits* Riiure.Ilr-Ort. Xow Kc.T'.V,
jmct ^ ^^ —— — -- _ —n TO TAILORS . I ' . v r .:. 3 rooaf 5 <> n of Her Ar < ja » 'y j . io-- ! ' " . "• . iorfa and His IJoyal intuits * riiure . ilr-ort . Xow Kc . t ' . v ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 31, 1849, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1516/page/4/
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