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THE NORTHERN STAR. SATlJa:J>AY, APRU. 28. 1849.
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REG i^TER'. REGISTER! REGISTER! Sow 7\'Vi:shed, and ready for circulation, by the >.ATi0XAL Election axd RegisTEaiios Committee,
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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A COMPLETE HAM ) BOOK AND JHl GUIDE TO REGISTRATION , compiled from tho . Reform Act aud other Parliamentary Papers , waking the subject of Registration so plain and simple , as to bring it within the capacity of all classes . Published by James "Watson , 3 , Queen's Headpassage , Paternoster-row , London , and seld by all booksellers in the United Kingdom . Price , only Three Pesce . May also be had of the Secretary , James Geassbt , £ , JfoiuYs Ark-COUrt , Stangate , tambetb .
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Xowltead / , a Sew Edition of MB . O'CONNOR'S WORK ON SMALL FARMS .
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THE LABOURER MAGAZINE . Vols . 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , may still he had , neatly 1 » und , price 2 s . 6 d . each So . 4 , the Number containing Mb . O'Cokso&'s " Treatise on the National Land Company ;" Ko . 10 , the one containing Mb . O'Cossoa ' s Treatise <• On the National Land and Labour Bank in connection with the Land Company : "HaVe lately been reprinted , and may be had on application , Price vi . each . Imperfections of the * labourer Magazine' may still b « bad at the 1 ' ublishers .
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In a neat Volume , Price Is . 6 d . " The Evidence taken by the Select Committee of the House of Commons appointed to enquire into the National Land Company . " Ihii Volume ought to be in the hands of erery Member of the Conqmny , as it striiriugly illustrates the care and economy iliat hare beea practised in tlie management of the Funds of the Company , and proves , beyond contradiction , the practicability of the Han which the Company was established to carry out
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Just published , So . III . Price Skpejce , o ? THE COMMONWEALTH . "THE COMMONWEALTH" trill be tlie Representative © f the Ch ; . rtists , Socialists , ana Trades' Unionists , in the Monthly 1 ' ress . contests : 1 . What is to be done Trith Ireland ? 2 . The ' Weaver ' s Daughter . 8 . Extinction of Pauperism . 4 . Popular Cause in Europe . 3 . Social Effects of Peasant Proprietorship . 6 . The Hero . 7 . Events of tlio Month .
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IfiZPOSTAKT PUBLICATIONS . Proceedings of the National Convention , which assembled at London in April , 1848 . Thirty iivo very large and solid pages ; price only Threepence . The Trials of the Chartist Prisoners , Jones , IFassell , "Williams , Vernon , & Looney . Twenty four very large mid full pages : price only Threepence . SoUl ? J . \ f atson , Qfleetf s Beaa Passage , Paternosterrow , Lort'lon ; A . Ileynrood , Oldham-street , Manchester ; and Iavv : vnd Co ., 5 , Kelson-street , Glasgow . Am- by all Booksellers hi Town and Conntry .
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POLITICAL EMANCIPATION . A PUBLIC MEETING OP THE LVHA 3 ITAXTS OF THE TOWER HAMLETS Will be held at the bkitisii school rooms , cowper-stheet , CITi ' -KOAD , Cs WEDNESDAY , MAT 2 m > , 1 S 49 , 5 -For the purpose of considering tlie propriety 6 f adopting "A Fef Jtiun to Parliament in Support of the Principles of the People ' s Charter . "
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TO TATARS . By approbation of Her Majesty Queen Alctoria and His Royal Highness Prince Albert . Xow Rcadv , THE LONDON and PARIS SPRING and SUMMER FASIHOXSfor 184 i » , bv Messrs . BEXJAMIViJEAKaudCo .. 12 , Hart-street . Bloomsburv-square , Ixmdon ; and by OEOHGE BEltGElt , HolytwU-street , Strand ; a splendid PHIXT , elaborately finished , and superbly coloured , the LANDSCAPE , a correct view- in tlie Queen ' s Boianicil Gardens , London , ( by special permission , ) the most magnificent place iu Europe . This beautifhl picture will Ik accompanied with the most novel , good fittiiijr , and fashionable l > ress . Riding , frock , and Hunting Coat Pauerns , both double and single-breasted ; Hussar ' s or Youth ' s round . Jackets , plain and with skirts ; single and doubltf-lav-isted Dress , Morning and Evening Waistcoats ; also the most fashionable and newest style Habit Pattern ; every pai-ticular part of each pattern fully explained , and ' an illustration of everything respecting Stvle and Fashion ; price 10 s . Sold by liead jind Co ., 13 , Hart-street , Bloomsbury-sqiuive , London ; G . JSerger , Holywell-streeti Strand ; and all Booksellers in Town and Country .
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nreTAXT EASE-LASTING CURE . Price Is . pet Packet . BBAXDE'S ENAMEL , FOR FILLING DECAYING TEETH , and REXDEULYG THEM SOU > "D AM ) PAIXLESS , has , from its unquestionable excellence , obtained great popularity at home and abroad . Its curative agency is based upon a TRUE THEORY of the cause of Tooth-Ache , and hence its great success . By most other remedies it is sought to kill the nerve , and 80 Stop the pain . But to destroy the nerve is itself a very painful operation , and often leads to very sad consequences for the tooth then becomes a dead substance in the living jaw , and produces the same amount of inflammation and pain as would result from anv otherforagn body embedded in a bring organ . BKASDB'S ENAMEL does not destroy the nerve , but , by RESTORING THE SHELL OF THE TOOTH , completely protects the nerve from cold , heat , or chemical or other agency by which pain is caused . By fol . lowing the directions , INSTANT EASE is obtained and a LASTING CORE follows . Full instructions accompany every packet * ve
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CIRCULATIOJf-THIRTY-FI ? E THOUSAND J rp HE FAMILY F B I E JS T > - * - a Movnuvr periodical , U 5 IUVALLED IN CIIEAPXESS . INTEREST , AND
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TO BE SOLD , A FOUR-ACRE PAID-UP SHARE in the National Land Company , for £ 2 10 s . All applications to be made to Joseph Sweetlove . at the National Land Office , 144 , High Holborn . . -
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TO BE SOLD , TWO PAID-UP FOUR-ACRE SHARES in the National Land Company . Any reasonable oflfer will be accepted . Immediate application requested , as the parties are about to emigrate in a few days . Apply at Mr . Sturgeon , 27 , Willow-street , Paul-street , Fmsbury .
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J . Sweet acknowled ges the receipt of the following sums for the Victim Fund ( sent herewith ) , viz .: —Jlr , Knott , 3 d . ; Chipindale , Cd . ; from the Colonel Hutchinson , 5 s . KttKDALE ( Jaoi , April 23 rd , 1849 . —Mr . Editor : —Please to announce to your readers that all future communications for the imprisoned Chartists at Kirkdale , near Liverpool , should be addressed for George White , James Leach , John west , or Daniel Donovan , as we are now iu a yard to ourselves , and have no connexion whatever with any other parties . There is no need to go into any particulars . Our friends will obli ge by acting on this announcement Yours truly , Geobge White . Mr . P . Ramsay , Granton Quay . —Received . Mr . Maesdes , HoUnfirth . —The notice would be chargeable as an advertisement Mr . T . M'Lauchxak . —You should have enclosed tlie advertisement duty . Kikkdale Pmsonees . — Thomas Ormesher has received from Rochdale , per Mr . Baker , 10 s ; Crage Vale , per John Smith , 6 s 9 d ; Manchester , per W . Roach ' s book . 2 s 2 d .
The Bradford Belief Committee have received 10 s . from Bingley , being the proceeds of a lecture given by Mr . T . Shaw ; 5 s . of this sum was given to Mr . Shaw for his expenses , but he kindly returned it for the wives and children of the Bradford victims . The _ Soran IS asters Rao . way CoMPAirr . —We Lave received a communication which states that from 200 to 300 hands have been discharged by the Company , but from the very vague manner in which the letter is written , we cannot state the particulars .
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PUBLIC MEETING IN THE TOWER HAMLETS ON WEDNESDAY NEXT , THE 2 nd 03 ? MAY .
Mr Friends , I shall have great pleasure in attending the meeting in the School-room , City-road , on Wednesday next , there to revive the old animal ; and I trust that the building will be crammed , to give me a good vapour bath ; and that the Government reporters , detectives , spies , and informers , will muster there in strong force ; and I also trust that my friends will appoint a judicious committee of
management , and a discreet chairman . I also hope that Thomas Cooper will attend , that we may shake hands upon the platform . And I now have to express an earnest hope that all Chartist squabbles are at an end , and for ever , and that our revived agitation will be characterised by prudence , firmness , and resolution , as , belie / e me , that no power on earth can save the working classes from the increasing power of capitalists , save and except a thorough union and perfect understanding amongst themselves .
I had an invitation to attend a meeting at Brighton on the same night ; but , as I am not like Sir BoyleRoach ' S bird , and cannot be in two places at the same time , I must decline the invitation of my Brighton fi'iends ; and I take this opportunity of thanking the O'Connorville Dinner Committee for their invitation to me for the 1 st of May , in commemoration of their location ; but they uiust bear in mind , that upon that night Mr . Hume brings his motion forward for the " Quadruped , " and I could not be absent .
I am obliged to forego the publication of my trip to Paris , as well as my reply to Robert Owes , as well in consequence of the press upon the columns of the " Star" as upon my own time , every hour of which is , I assure you , occupied . I hope there will be a thundering meeting in the School-room in Cowper-street , on Wednesday , and that Cooper will be there . Your faithful Friend and Brother Chartist , Feargus O'Connor .
The Northern Star. Satlja:J≫Ay, Apru. 28. 1849.
THE NORTHERN STAR . SATlJa : J > AY , APRU . 28 . 1849 .
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THE LAND . "BE UP AND DOING , AND THE DAY IS OUR OWN . " Last week we congratulated our industrious followers upon the conversion of our dayscholar ef Printing House-square to that policy which for years we have expounded , and to accomplish which , we have endeavoured to rally the industrious classes ; and it is our pride this week to adopt the maxim of our Sunday scholar of Fleet-street , which stands at the head of this article , and with which his commentary of last week is concluded . Jfot that our pupil is the inventor of the motto with which we have made our readers familiar , but because we are always ready and willing to pass over long and stolid ignorance , when truth is ventilated through the most stupid brain .
As is our custom , when we comment upon the writings and opinions of others , we lay those writings and opinions unmutilated before Our readers , in order that they may put their own and not our construction upon them ; and with that view we here submit the principal portion of the article in the " Dispatch " of last week which runs thus : — But the intellect and social progress of the English people have outlived a dispensation which was framed to govern serfs , villani and vassals . The upholding of the feudal theory in this Nineteenth Century is rapidly destroying the elements of our society . An hereditary aristocracy and the domination of great families are only practicable b y perpetuating entail and primogeniture , by concentrating
the territory of the empire in the hands of a few noble houses , and by surrounding a selected class with , artificial political privileges abhorrent to the existing state of public opinion , and incompatible with the prosperous condition of the great body of the nation . To uphold a territorial nobility , we have systematically detached the masses of the people from that soil the property to which forms their guarantee for loyalty to the institutions of the country . We have no yeomen tilling their own farms , They are all eaten out of Wise and land that the name and family of some feudal chief may overshadow a whole district . There are no small freeholders to maintain the political influence of the masses in the counties , which are handed over to the dependents of the great landholders . Farm after farm is consolidated—cottage after cottage is unroofed or pulled
down . All Ireland is but a desert ; ruined , wrecked , swallowed up by the incubus of feudal predominance . Minister after Minister has cobbled , and patched , and plastered it in vain . Administration after Administration has been split upon this sunken rock . Protestant ascendancy , that impudent and braz en humbug , never meant anything else than the maintaiiiingof the British nobility in the dishonest plunder of Irish confiscated estates , and the portioning off "ifF sons alld sons-in-law upon the fat livings of a church wmch , both in England and Ireland , is neither more nor ™ * ? % ^ of genteel outdoor relief and theological poor rate for flie benefit of aristocratic ineffectuality , and a refuge for the imbecility of " foolish lords , " who are untrri £ * fiZ ?? ? l ^ * exercise of their addled S ; ^ ? « ingourpeoplecrowded and crammed buted over the country to make it more productive , them-
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selves more independent and virtuous , and the masses more contended . Whatstops the way ? The institution of a privileged class who can only main tain their ascendancy by crushing all the rest We want a register for deeds , and a simple transfer of , and title to , land . Who hinders the attainment of that which is already in the possession of every other civilised nation ? The aristocracy , who would conceal their mortgages , and who would perpetuate the curse of a system of jurisprudence which feeds their younger sons and props their own frail power . We want men of business , thoroughl y acquainted with the details of human affairs , to manage the public estate . Where is the hindrance 1 It simpl y lies in this , that every public office is filled with the nobility and their dependents , who , utterly
unacquainted with the management of business , have , in the Woods and Forests , in the estates of Royal duchies , in the Admiralty , Ordnance , and fiscal departments , displayed tuch utter incompetency and such criminal neglect of duty , or downright corruption , that there is scarcely a single transaction in which they have officiated which has not ended in a heavy loss to the nation . Our foreign relations and embassies , our colonies , are almost under the exclusive management of the nobiUty . To what one diplomatic or colonial transaction can we turn without shame and disgust at the contrast it presents to the official aptitude of the untitled agents of the American Republic ! Look at a whole island , the most fertile and the most favourably located in the world , whose inhabitants have been made
paupers by the nobility and maintained with the hard earnings of the English people—a kingdom depopulated of its subjects , and left almost tenantlcss to its lordly proprietary . If we have rebuked the insane violence of Irish rebellion—if we have denounced the irrational and disloyal treason of Chartist leaders—if we have , above the Babel noise of conspiracy disorder , awl rapine , raised the warning voice of peace , law , and order—if we have maintained the ascendancy of constituted authority , and . stood by the established foundations of the Constitution , it is not because we have been less , persuaded of the necessity of lawful eflbi-ts to reform abuses , and a peaceln ] , intelligent , and orderly agitation for organic change . The aristocracy arc even now preparing for a great coup d ' etat They think that a
maionty in tne House ot Commons is a converted public opinion , and that if they can secure the predominance of votes , they can do without the suffrage of the nation . Thev are to turn the Ministry out , not because they do not go far enough , but because they go too far ; and it now becomes essential that they should be taught a lesson which they never can forget . The Jews must emancipate themselvesthe Dissenters must work out their oimi political salvation —the Irish , to be free , must , with their own hands , strike off their fetters—the Free Traders and Financial Reformers , to hold their own , and make head-way , must give " war for war , controlment for controlment . " Combine these forces , and who can resist them 1 Let them fail to bind themselves together , and they will be broken one by one , like the bundle of sticks . lie up and doing , and the day ' s our own .
The above , taken as a whole , famishes the strongest justification for popular agitation , which has merged into Chartist agitation , and we rejoice in the conversion of our former opponent . Meanwhile , for the instruction of our own readers , disciples and pupils , we must analyse those passages which aro most striking and conclusive , and we may say exculpatoryif not commendatory of Chartistenthusiasin;—nay , even of Chartist violence . Our pupil , anxious to float with the middleclass current , propounds , advocates , and supports our every social and political principle ; while , fearful of insulting the tender feelings of that order , he would make Irish rebellion and Chartist violence , the cause—instead of the effect—of aristocratic misrule , and middle-class monopoly .
Howbeit , as Home was not built in a day , and as every beginning is weak , and as old prejudices must be rooted out before sound knowledge can be inculcated , we bail the conversion of this pupil of our Sunday-school , as last week we rejoiced in the conversion of our day-scholar of Printing Houae-square . It would not do to denounce feudal and aristocratic misrule , without throwing out a bait to that aggregated power and intelligence by which alone they can be destroyed ; while—as is the case with all political writers , our pupil broadly hints that it is to be done for the people and not by them ; while our motto has been —and is— " Whatever is done for the people , must be done by THE PEOPLE . "
True , J ews , Dissenters , Irish , Free Traders , and Financial Reformers may present a bold front , and an overpowering phalanx , against thcundisciplined and disunited feudal and aristocratic army ; but let it be remembered , that the battle is to be fought not by the skeletons , but by the ranks , and that the representatives of Jews , Dissenters , Irish , Free Traders , and Financial Reformers , who would contend not for general or even class equality , but for an equally destructive class superiority and preeminence , are but the skeletons ; while the people—who would 6 e equally oppressed under their rule , if not enfranchised and
free—composed the body , the main army—who , if the thing is to be done , must do it for themselves . Far be it from us to treat the conversion of our bitterest opponents , either socially , politically , or reli giously , with sarcasm , illnature , or harshness ; upon the contrary , seeing the indispensable necessity of union , as the only means of accomplishing true Democratic liberty , we seek no apology for past errors— 'no reparation for the manifold injustices we have received at their bauds ; and if , after sudden conversion , they have not the grace to ask forgiveness , we freely grant them absolution , on the condition that they will " go and err no more . "
As is our custom , we shall now analyse the salient points of ourpnpil ' s "Theme . " He says , firstly , "But the intellect and social progress of the English people have outlived a dispensation which was framed to govern serfs , villani and vassals . " True , good child . The English mind has emancipated itself from all such thraldom , and it has passed from the Press of bondage to the Press of freedom ; but , good child , do you give your tutors and instructors no credit for nationalising that for which you , and our other nowreformed pupils , were in the habit of
scctionalising , and thus rendering inoperative , whileupon its very weakness , was established that feudal and aristocratic system of which you now so prudently and justly complain ? And are you not aware , good child , that until we established that Memoria Tecnica , by which n-e familiarised you and others with the injustice and folly of governing a civilised people by barbarous laws and institutions , that the public mind and feeling of this great country was sectionalised and divided , and capable of being marshalled within a very limited area of agitation , androusedtomaduesaupon aBighwayBill ,
a Turnpike Bill , a parochial dissatisfaction , or village squabble ? Are you not aware that the large towns of Scotland—yea , of England and "Wales—were only known to those of other districts by name ? That no identity of feeling existed—that no identit y of interest was inculcated—until we , seeing that disunion was strength , and that if the feudal and aristocratic system of barbarism was to be destroyed for the people , it must be destroyed by the people , and not whimsically transferred from its prosent representatives to Jews , Dissenters , Irish , Free Traders , and Financial Reformers , and , therefore , we told the people to BE UP AND
DOING , andtheDAY WOULD BE THEIR OWN . Secondly , our Sunday-scholar , not to be outbid by our day-scholar , launches into a most eulogistic commentary upon the sub-division of the soil , which , doubtless , every reviler of the much reviled Land Plan will read with sorrow and dismay , while every member of that noble institution will peruse it with surpassing pride . He says ;— ml
., \ ? ^ temt ° nobility , we have systematically detached the masses of thepeople from thatsoilthepropcrty in which forms their guarantee for loyalty to the institutions of the country . We have no yeomen tilling their own tarms . They are all eaten out of house and land that the name and family of some feudal chief may overshadow a whole district There are no small freeholders to maintain the political influence of the masses in the counties , wlrieli are handed over to the dependents of the great landholders * arm after farm is consolidated—cottage after cottaee is unroofed or pulled down . " b
Meantime , it becomes our duty to point out the sli ght error into which our Sunday-scholar has fallen , when he makes the possession of county freeholds the prominent feature of the Land Plan . Here , again , with Jews , Dissenters , Irish , Free Traders , and Financial "elomiers , » s the skeleton of tho reforming army , he altogether loses sight of the body of the army , who , if in possession of the Jand to that extent which would make them independent of the skeleton , would have gained the victory ^ and reaped the fruits themselves ; while , if they rely merely upon the
Dredominant legislation of these five classes , the veritable workers would then be subject to five masters instead of one , and each as griping and more griping than the one to whose injustice they we dot subjected—and , there-
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fore , we counsel thepeopleto look forthepo * less on , not of a sufficient amount of land Serely to establiBh the political ascendancy of those five classes , but fora fluent amount to make all independent of all classes , so that Jews , Dissenters , Irish , Free Traders , and Financial Reformers may fraternise together , each being his own producer and his own consumer ; independent of Free Trade , the Navigation Laws , and Financial Reform ; reqmnng Ho Rate in Aid to sustain life-requiring no butchers to preserve peace—and independent nftlie legislation of monopolists , who create
wholesale destitution , starvation , and death , by the inability of the consumer to check the monopoly of the retail dealer in his food . Good child , the small freeholders that would maintain the political influence , not of the masses , but of the money lords , would then become substitutes for the feudal lords , as it is evident , although obliged to grasp at the general principle , you wouldconfinetheapp licationofthe soil to the mere establishment of a rural constituency , sufficiently powerful to create a
middle class labour-tramckmg ascendancy ; while we go farther than the mere creation of the middle class balance of power , we go to the extent of locating every surplus hand , made surplus by new inventions , restricted markets , foreign competition , and European revolutions , upon the land of their birth ; thus saving the industrious classes over twenty millions a-year in poor laws , military and police establishments , and quibbling litigation We say the industrious , because were it not for industry the feudal lords would live upon grasp or perish , and the cotton lords would not even have a meal of raw cotton , as without the application of industry they could not purchase the raw material ; while , upon the other hand ,
if the Land were legitimately applied to its natural purposes , the property of the landlords would be increased , the markets of the cotton lords would be extended , and the national resources of the country would be cultivated by the standard of national requirement , and this will be accomplished when the people are up and doing , and then the day will be their owh . But , good child , why , in developing those great principles , or , rather , foreshadowing them , did
you not apologise for your incessant and unmitigated abuse of the Land Company ? Were you fearful lest its members should not be susceptible to the " soft impeachment" of the Jews , Dissenters , Irish , Free Traders , and Financial Reformers , for whose elevation to political power , we fear , though not bold enough to admit it , you have ventured upon the advocacy of our system ? Good child ! Thanks—a thousand thanks
—yea , a million thanks—for the following noble-minded , although not original , passage . You say : — "In place of having our people crowded and crammed together in huge towns and city cellars , we want them distributed over the country to make it more productive , themselves more independent and healthy , and virtuous , and the masses more contented . " "What , then , most welcome convert—most precocious pupil—have you tasted the foetid atmosphere of our large towns and unhealthy cellars ? Have you beheld the attenuated frames of the artificial serf , the depraved habits
of the ornaments of the world—women ? the emaciated bodies , twisted limbs , and distorted features of the little younglings , who are consigned to those large towns and loathsome cellars ? and have you come to the conclusion that the cultivation of the soil would be a more profitable employment , and the country air a more healthy atmosphere ? But when next you behold these revolting groups of impoverished Christians , bear in mind the Jews , Free Traders , and Financial Reformers have
coined the man ' s sweat , the woman ' s virtue , and tho child ' s gristle into gold , and that they live luxuriously ; while the creators of that gold pine away , and lead a lingering and tortured life , and are prematurely consigned to the cold grave , for want of the proper application of the Land , which is GrOD ' s gift to man : and have you now discovered that the vegetables you eat , and the meat you consume , are produced by the Land , and not under the huxter ' s stall or the butcher's block ?
We pardon you for having adopted our words , a thousand times printed ; and we ask you , for the one thousandth time , to show us twenty acres of land in all England cultivated to one-fifth part of its capability of yielding ; whilst—strange anomaly—we are looking for the produce of other Lands , not upon the Christian principle of humanity , but upon the Free Trade principle of monopoly ; as those who traffic in labour are conscious that it can be . most easily procured—and at the cheapest rate—from an impoverished and dependent Labour class , who will yet bo up and doing , and the day will be then their own .
Again , our pupil concludes with a most striking passage . He says : — " If we have rebuked the insane violence of Irish rebellion if we have denounced the irrational and disloyal treason of Chartist leaders—if wo have , above tho Babal noise of conspiracy , disorder , and rapine , raised the warning voice of peace , " law , and order—if vre have maintained the ascendancy .-of constituted authority , and stood by the established foundations of the Constitution , it is not because we have been less persuaded of the necessity of lawftil efforts to reform abuses , and a peaceful , intelligent , and orderly agitation for organic change . "
Alas ! with what strange facilities magicians convert pigmies into giants , or mountains into mole-hills . How well we remember the profound sarcasm with which our pupil treated the pigmy Irish rebellion , which his constitutional ardour has now charmed into a martial giant . Falstaff ' s men in buckram were no parallel to his original denunciation , while his fervid imagination is now wrought upon by Free Trade necessity . And then the molehill of Chartist revolution is nursed to
mountain size ; while the very article ;—a portion only of winch we have extracted—would , have justified Lush rebellion , and English revolution , if anything could justify the act . But what is it that thus hauuts the genius , and frets the mind of our converted pupil ? It is the conviction that neither Jews , Dissenters , " Irish , Free Traders , nor Financial Reformers can now , as of yore , urge the united Chartists of England on to madness when their struggle requires Chartist co-operation , or soothe them down to mean and subservient sycophancy , when their enthusiasm has transferred landlord feudal power to cotton-lord political monopoly .
So much for our head pupil of Fleet-street ; and now a word on the letter of our friend " Caustic , " who has also written , in the same number of the " Dispatch , " most enthusiastically upon the Land Plan . We would remind our friend that he lives hi the age of reason and quick progress , and would , therefore , point out the error of basing hope of location upon the new plan , at so distant a period aa twenty-five or twenty-seven years . But to use our friend's words . He says : —
" If he is a young man , for a home in middle age ; if a middle-aged man , fora shelter when he has left of work ; if an old man , for a legacy to those whom h « tlKQ cares more about than himself—for his children . If he is unfortunate , and cannot continue his payments , his mone j i 3 not lost to him or his . He may have it back on due notice , without interest , and he serves the society by leaving it , since that use of it has sutoa » e * d their progress , and ho claims none of the reward . " Now , our answer to the above is , " Live horse and you'll get grass ; " while we much doubt if our friend ' s love of posterity will , in anywise , induce him to abridge his present comforts , in order that his successors—whether children , or grandchildren—should reap the reward of his frugality .
In conclusion , we rejoice in the conversion of our Sunday-scholar , and no doubt tho article upon which we comment is hut tho text of many long sermons yet to be preached upon the COBDEN-SCHOLEFIELD
FREEDOM FOR THE MILLION'S plan , and to the success of which we shall cheerfully contribute , not forgetting to remind our pupil of the slander we received at his hands for attempting to convert a civilised class of town-iuhabitant s and cellar-occupants into RURAL RVSTI 0 SAVAGES . How-
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ever , as The folly of to-day may be the wisdom Of the morrow , " wC rejoice that our folly has imparted wisdom to our pupil , and we assure the mating classes that nothing short of the application of the soil to the sustainment of these who have been made an artificially surplus population will ever lead to Imti peace , to Chartist tranquillity , and national happiness ; and that nothing will ever accomplish such an appropriation oftheland but the adoption of .. < , (!« .. ' Aii .. nC tn-dov m . w ho t . hfi wis .
THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER ; and , therefore , we conclude in our own words , adopted by our own pupil , " Let tho people be up and doing and the day is their own ;" but they must be up and doing for themselves , and uot merely for Jews , Dissenters , Irish , Free Traders , and Financial Reformers .
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which was , the ejectment of from three to i hundred thousand families , at that time c stituting more than a-fourth of the populati when they ceased to be political engines in i hands of their taskmakers . These small ho ings were knocked into large farms , the hove iu most instances built by the serfs themselvt were levelled to the ground . " The . blackness of ashes then marked where they stoi While the wild mother screamed o'er her famishi brood . " No compensation was given to the serfs for tl k ., i , !/ , 1 i ne . ihp . fl 7 fictmfiiit otirom three to 1
improvement of their holdings , and they coi stituted the basis of a great pauper populatioi Thousands—yea , hundreds of thousandsdriven from their homes , fled to Saxon land there to compete with the Englishman in th British labour market—the fact which has re duced the amount of English wages by ove ; thirty millions a-year , or more than would pa ^ g for Army , Navy . Ordnance , and Church Es tablishment . But yet not an influential voice was raised against this atrocity , because those who trade in the industry of others realise fortunes by this destructive competition .
Next came the Reform Bill , when a ten pounds interest in a fourteen years' lease was established as the lowest standard for the rural franchise ; and the landlords , again hoping to make merchandise of their serfs , made leases of small farms for fourteen years : but the term haying expired in 1847 , and the landlords not being able to coerce that class of tenants , ejected them ; and hence has this second class of paupers been created . The occupants preferring—and naturally—to emigrate to some foreign land , rather than remain at home to endure torture , and finish their existence by starvation .
Hence we show , indisputably , that the mismanagement of the Land in Ireland has led to the misgovernment of Ireland—to the poverty of Ireland—and to the murder of the Irish people ; whilo it has tended to debase the English character , and to depress the English labour market . Ireland is now coerced ; the Gaoler-Genera is the great magician who holds that im poverished country in servile thraldom . Bnt let us appeal to the sense of feeling of their Irish brethren , having a little more liberty in Saxon land . And shall we appeal in vain ,
when we ask them to aid their countrymen , by their yet comparatively free voices ? and to get up such an agitation in Saxon land for the Repeal of the Union and Real Justice to Ireland , as will compel the haughty oppressor to bend his proud neck ? How often have we told the Free Trade cormorants , that Ireland , if properly governed , with her land productively cultivated , and her people productively employed , would be a better market for English
manufactures than those numerous colonies which are now upheld at such a frightful expense , and attended with such insignificant profit . In the long run , self-interest- —if not justice—will open the eyes of all parties , and then we shall hope to " see the Green Isle inde * pendent of English misrule ; when the Irish people will prove that they areneither assassins , robbers , vagabonds , nor idlers , but will furnish the world with an example of industry and self reliance .
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . The Navigation Bill has at last passed through the Commons , and stands for debate in the Lords on Monday next . What its fate may be there is yet doubtful . The majority by which it was finall y carried in the Lower House had not increased . The Protectionist party mustered as strongly as they did upon the second reading , and , as far as numbers go , the Peers have a fair excuse fov throwing out so important a measure , which has obtained such a narrow majority . The only question is , Avhether Lord Stanley and his party are prepared to take the consequences of a successful
hostile demonstration ; namely , the resignation of the present Government , and their own advancement to power , with all its responsibility and difficulties . Lord Stanley has been not inappropriately called the Rupert or Mubat of political lite . He is a bold , dashing , impetuous , and impulsive leader . It may be doubted , however , whether his discretion is equal to his intrepidity , and hence , as far as his individual character and feelings are concerned , we believe that he would face the cares of office without fear of the combination of antagonists against whom he would haveto
contend , was it three times as strong as it will be , It is not , however , from his opponents—though these would include Peelites , Whigs , and Free Traders—that he has most to dread , should he take office . He would be deficient of what ia most essential toa working Government , namely —men accustomed to the practical administration of public business . Peel has carried off all the practical executive talent of the party ; and , however able Disraeli may be as a rhe « torician , he has yet to show that he possesses administrative ability . With the exception of Mr . Herbies , the Protectionist ranks possess
scarcely one man experienced in the actual management of public affairs ; and , under these circumstance , even if Lord Stanley should gain a victory , the formation of a Government would be a matter of infinite difficulty ; and , if formed , its duration would be exceedingly brief . A General Election , upon some broad and intelligible principle , is the onl y method b y which the present complication of parties can be unravelled , and a Ministry which possesses the confidence at least of a majority of the Electoral body , andof the Members returned b y it , will alone be able to carry
on the business of the country . At present it is at a standstill , because parties mutually check-mate each other ; and the Cabinet is prevented from falling to pieces , not because of any cohesive power in itself ; but by the mere pressure upon it of opposing parties from without . It is said that Stanley is beating up for proxies , and intends to show fi ght in earnest . We hope he will . Anything is preferable to the present state of things , and if his policy has the effect of giving a vigorous and capable Administration to the country , no matter how that may be obtained , his countrymen will be
indebted to him . The debate on the third reading , in the Commons , was of a much higher , more earnest , and more interesting character than any that has taken place this session . Nearly all the speakers were men of note , and all spoke well for their respective parties . Mr . Walpoie ' s speech contained an admirably reasoned and ably expressed resume of the arguments on the Protectionist side of the question . Sir James Graham , who speaks but seldom , but who , when he does , is listened to with universal
respect and attention , gave an equall y p owerfill and eloquent exposition of the Free Trade policy ; and Mr . Disraeli closed the debate with one of the happiest and most powerful addresses he ever made in the House . Sir James fairly threw down the gauntlet to Lord Stanley and the Protectionists , on the question of reaction and retrogression towards a Protectionist policy . These two ancient allies are henceforward determined opponents . On the first ni ght of the Session Stanley frankly declared that he adhered to Protection and would attempt reaction . Graham , last Monday night , quoted this intrepid
declarationand met it by a counter-statement , in which he as openl y and uncompromisingly " took his stand on this ground—opposition to reaction and support of progress . " The two parties are fairly pitted against each other , and the natural cause of events , in future , will supp ly them with aixroje materials for frequent contests . In tHe meantime , while the Free Traders resolutel y maintain their gronndf their tone has somewhat lowered its haug htiness—their promises are less glowing than the were of yore . Instead of pointing with exultation to the realisation of the blessing *
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THE SEA-BOUND DUNGEON . While commissioners , placemen , pensioners , stipendiary magistrates , soldiers , policemen , spies , detectives , informers , gaolers , turnkeys , masters of workhouses , lawyers , captains and crews of transport vessels are making merchandise and living luxuriously upon Irish destitution , famine , and death , the representatives of that sea-bound dungeon arc squabbling , like Kilkenny cats , as to the mode of raising tho paltry pittance of £ 250 , 000 a-year , for two years , to preserve the lives of those by whose unwilling idleness , unnatural subserviency , and
dependence , famine , starvation , and death have been engendered . The Irish squabble in the House of Commons has assumed the tone and character of a Protection and Free Trade Controversy . The landlords , unwilling to contribute the smallest modicum to the reparation of their own wasteful and unproductive management , contend for an Iucome Tax ; while the traders , merchants , and shopkeepers support a sixpenny Hate in Aid , not upon principle , but as the means of relieving themselves from taxation ; while the Government sit tamely by , holding the balance of power based , as ever , upon Irish dissension and
disunion . What Englishman , or what Irishman in England , can read the following heart-rending scenes of misery and suffering in a land—according to the true admission of Mr . Bright — capable of sustaining double its population , without coming to the irresistible and inevitable conclusion , that with the Government or with the Irish landlords—or with both—the crime of death has originated and the perpetuation of national misery fostered ? Does the sole duty of a Government consist iu extracting an Exchequer out of the weak and disunited millions , to uphold a military establishment and police force , for the sustaining the idle sons of a bloated aristocracy upon the old feudal system ?
Here follows the picture of Ireland , not drawn by an interested demagogue , by a Catholic priest , or a political journalist , but by a Clergyman of the Established Church , and addressed to the Prime Minister of England , the representative of the head of that Church : — The Mayo Constitution , received this morning , says" During the Quarter Sessions i \ J Westport we witnessed a scene which we believed no state of misery or suffering could have brought about . It was that of hearing seventeen unfortunate creatures , convicted of various crimes , imploring the Court to transport them from their native country , as their only refuge from the horrors of death from hunger . " The average deaths in the poorliouses of Weatpovt a * e set down at iOO per week .
The following is an extract of a letter from Ballinrobe : — " On Monday , tlie 10 th inst ., I regret to inform you , a case of cholera occurred in the workhouse here , which proved fatal ; since then it has raged through the town most fear , fully ; few ( if any ) ouce attacked , have recovered . The mortality in the workhouse is awful . What with fever , dysentery , and cholera , the people are dying like rotten sheep . " ' The Famine . —The most afflicting accounts of the condition of the western districts are daily received . All classes are suffering dreadful privations—the poor are perishing in numbers , whilst those who had struggled against adversity , up to this time , are on the gulf of bankruptcy .
' the Rev . James Anderson , rector and vicar of Ballinrobe , and Protestant chaplain of the Ballinrobe workhouse , lias addressed a letter to Lord John Russell , describing the horrible scenes which he is hourly compelled to witness . "Can it be possible" says the reverend gentleman , "that we are to be left to die , and be lost wholesale in this truly wretched country ? Mere now the cholera has reached us , and no wonder , for really language cannot express tlie deplorable condition we are in . We have a workhouse built but for 800 ; Uovr often do I find over 2 , 000 stuffed into it ? Besides this , tlie auxiliary establishments , temporarily got up , are crowded to a frightful excess : the paupers , of
course , dying in awful numbers , and even on the public roads at noon-day . In fact , death has hurried multitudes away who mighthave been saved had small timely aid been afforded , and his disastrous work still progresses with increasing power . For a year anil more the workhouse hospital and fever sheds have been crammed to overflowing with patients . I myself , a few days since , saw in one bed ( five feet three inches wide ) ten large children , five being , I may say , the common ' complement . Hence hundreds of persons lives are being continually victimised , and their places again filled up in quick succession with fresh candidates for the grave , while the nurses and officials are all down in their turn . Misery is thus concentrated , as it
were , in the workhouse , but , alas ! it is widely spread , and spreading faster and wider than ever , all over the country in everv shape and circumstance ! I beseech you , my lord , that you will find out what is to be done , as something must , ana uiat speedily . Your lordship may perhaps say , ' Why not get in the rates and feed and clothe the people ? Put all the medical aid and appliances in requisition—strike new and higher rates—multiply auxiliaries , &c . In God ' s name , let us have no such mockery now , for the country itself is bankrupt—the lands are wasted—the proprietors ruined—no rents coining in , and the better classes all flitting to other regions . Surely , my lord , if things proceed in this calamitous way we shall only find a parallel to our own case iu the plagues of Egypt !"
' The vice-guardians are acquitted of all blame by the Ilev . Mr . Anderson , for they labour to their utmost from morning to night . The tax-collectors are in hopeless ar . rear ; for , after the most perilous exertion their books show a deficiency of £ 7 , 000 . Some of the creditors of the union , who cannot obtain payment for the supplies already furnished , are themselves on the brink of starvation . ' Englishmen—Englishwomen—what think you of the above picture ? Have you read it without being moved to tears ? Can you contemplate upon it without being roused to desperation ? To those who have originated , encouraged , and fostered such a state of things , we would say , — " Stand on the brink of it , dissolute man ; Think of it—drink of it—then , if you can . "
How can Ministers go to the Treasury upon Qnarter-day ? How can they reconcile to themselves the monthly payment of murdering soldiers and bloated bludgeon-men ? By what rule of right do they preserve the income of parsons , and the salaries of officials , according to that standard at which peace and plenty established them , in the midst of such weeping , and wailing , and gnashing of teeth—and that in a country for centuries subject to British rule , ' and for forty-nine years subject to exclusive British dominion ? What say you now to your Tootinsr Tragedy , -when you hear
of TEN LARGE CHILDREN being huddled together in a bed five feet three inches wide , or six inches allowed for each child ? Does it not call to your recollection that passage in the old play , where the Pjrince says to the assassins : —
"My GOOD UUEFIANS , what ' s your demand for killing two small children ?" Can you not imagine an official saying to an underling : — " My good Ruffian , what ' s your demand for killing TEN LARGE CHILDREN ? " Would it be possible to draw a more horrifying picture than is furnished in the above accounts of Ireland ? Think of seventeen men , whose virtues have been thwarted into vices by misgovernment , asking —nay , imploring—as a boon , to be transported from their native country , while the land of their birth is loudl y demanding the application of their industry . And think of many hours
of the time of the House of Commons being spent in conveying a vote of thanks to Lord GoUGH and his army , for the massacre of men called rebels for boldly defending their country against the invasion of usurpers . Ireland is truly a sea-bound dungeon ; and let us now see if we cannot trace , if not the origin , at least the fri ghtful augmentation , of Irish poverty , from its prime and original source—the deprivation of the people of their land . When it was necessary to carry Emancipation for the aggrandisement of a few leading Oathohcs , the measure was onl y granted upon condition that the Forty Shillings Fraubise hould be destroyed , and the result of
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APRIL 20 , io 4 y . 4 THE NORTHERN STAR- _ — __ _ . .-__________ i ^_____^_____^___^_______ ———*^ ¦ ' —
Reg I^Ter'. Register! Register! Sow 7\'Vi:Shed, And Ready For Circulation, By The ≫.Ati0xal Election Axd Registeaiios Committee,
REG i ^ TER ' . REGISTER ! REGISTER ! Sow 7 \ 'Vi : shed , and ready for circulation , by the > . ATi 0 XAL Election axd RegisTEaiios Committee ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 28, 1849, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1520/page/4/
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