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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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ae character we A eutured to < dvo ifi , forehand . It mf ^ t haTP ^ 2 ^\ - be ~ simple paragrapit 4 us J « r ?? " * one lave laid beJe ^ S } o ? l ?\ Estimates we much obliged to X ^ 7 ? "" ^ y H-S ^ SS it away before the yeJ ^ Sf ^ to SW € e P gentleuKn ^ vecaJotmSS redSn S ^ s ^^ jr ^ f ^ ,:.. _ . forehand . T * « , !„! . « . i- ¦ . 2 "' ° it
be-Oivestedof the cumbrous , confUsed , aud circumlocutory verbiageof Sir Chains Wood J is true that that worthy juggler v £ h figure tried to throw dust in Ve ^ oute country , by feldng great credit to the Govern meat for having made verylarge saving "Sauthe lastfcro years . He bJaste o / Sing effected a retrenchment of 2 , 340 , 1557 . in that period ; but this is mere moonshine . It is done—as we have said-by a juggle , Sir Chains compares Ms present estimate Avith his estimates forfonner yearsand because the
, one is lower than the others , coolly tells us he has economised the diflereuce ! Ifhis Budget he contrasted with those previous to his bemcr made a Chancellor of the Exchequer bv the grace of Eael Grey , it wiU be-seen that even his present Estimate is nearly three nil lions sterliug ahove the last Budget of Sir JR . Peel . The Estimate for 1845-G was 49 , 400 , 107 ? . ; and , be it remembered , that was when Peel had commenced his far-sceiii " and well-devised measures for meeting the impending famine in Ireland . In the
succeeding year , when his policy still influenced the expenditure , and the IViii gs had not had time to get into their usual ivasteful habits , ihe Estimate was 51 , v 08 , o ? lZ ., an increase of more than a million and a quarter in round numbers , but still far below ¦ what . Sir Charles "Wood boasts of as an economical Budget this year . It is only by comparing it with Ms own extravagant expenditure the last
, during three years , that he puts a plausible face on this state of affairs , and certainly when fifty-two millions is contrasted [ with fifty-five millions , in 18 i 7-8 , and the estimated deficiency of two or three millions on a Budget of £ 53 , 287 , 110 , in 1818-9 , there is room for congratulation , but no thanks to the Chancellor or the "Whigs for that . The recuperative energies of the countr y have home it thjough the difficulties into which an
extravagant and nnhusiness-like set of men had plunged it , although it will still carry with It a memento of those difficulties in the shape of a permanent addition to that frightful millstone round its neck—the ^ National Debt . Iu one word , with all Sir Charles ' s boasting , tre have to pay as much as ever for being "wretchedly misgoverned . The Lords are revenging themselves for being obliged to pass the . Navigation Bill b y throwing out almost every other important measure sent up to them b y the Commons .
In a Tcry cool and summary manner they have dispatched four measures on ivhich the lower House has spent the greater part of the session . Two of these had reference to agricultural matters : namely , Mr . Pusey's Landlord and Tenants * Bill , which aimed at placing these parties in more equitable relation with each other , aud the Eating upon Rack-rents , ivhich was designed to remedy some injustice hi that respect . Two others were intended to remove civil disabilities on account of peculiar religious opinions . One Bill proposed to substitute Affirmation for Oaths iu all cases -where
persons conscientiously objected to take an oath . The other to amend , the form of the Oaths takca by Members of Parliament , and especially to alter them in such , a way as to ninni Jews into the Legislature . Both of these the Peers rejected , the last for the second time . It appears , however , as if they "would he obliged to swallow the nauseous dose at last , for Barox Rothschild , by resigning and presenting himself afresh to the citizens of Iiondon as a candidate , has appealed from the Peers to the people upon a great
constitutional question . TVe cannot doubt as to the oature of the response to that appeal . Putting aside the question as to the religious liberty involved in tlie struggle , there is a very hnpcrtaat constitutional privilege at issue , wMch it concerns the people not to y ield to the hereditary and irresponsible "branch of the legislature . It is not to be tolerated that the Peers shall virtually dictate to the electors who they shall send to Parliament to represent them , and yet this is precisely what they are doing . The electors of the City of London returned
ROTHSCHILD to the House of Commons ; tnat House has twice , by large majorities and after full deliberation , declared its readiness to admit him , and all who entertain similar religions opinions , who may be elected by the constituent body . But tue ' Lords step in and sav this shall not bo . "We put our veto upon the exercise of the rights of the electoral body , and also of the oilier branch of the Legislature . TVcsetyoa both at defiance , and , as tar as our power extends , will maintain every shred of intolerance to be found in our institutions . In
like manner , they interpose to prevent the pissing of a measure which is obviously just , aid the removal of an evil which shocks the moral senss of the community at large . A person who has a conscience sufficiently flexible and expansive to swallow oaths by the dozen , even where he means to atter falsehoods , is admitted as evidence in cases of the utmost importance : but those -o-ho entertain religious and conscientious scruples against taking these oaths are , simply because they are conscieniious persons , deprived of the power of giving
evidence , and may be imprisoned for reiuswg to viola te their honest convictions . 3 s o possible defence , either in justice or expediency , can be set up for such a glaring abuse as tins . It is at once a personal hardship to the individuals placed in sucha position , and a grievous evil to the community , because in cases where the evidence of such persons is necessary to the due enforcement of the law and the administration of justice , their exclusion prevents both . TheirLordships , iu thus rejecting every
liberal and progressive measure , which they think they can do with safety , by showing then- power of resistance only when they believe the parties to be benefitted are uninfluential or lew in numbers , and by succumbing , even upon questions to which they entertain the strongest and most deep-rooted opposition , are fast producing a conviction on the public niind anything but flattering to them , or calculated to maintain the continued existence and power of their separate chamber of legislation .
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™ 4 » i "ottee , complains of the distance from market , a consideration in future purchases worthv to be entertained , but thinks if the potato 2 should remain undiseascd it will place them b nn enviable condition as compared with the past Ah " Jientley , a four-acre allottee , is desirous to sell hi > lias fine crops of wheat , clover / potatoes and barley ; he purchased his for £ 70 and now W £ s ± 130 with the crops ; has a cow and calf remark abl y healthy a ? d he has paid all demands of the " on the estate . The whole of that portion of the other * ' 5 T - , f Messrs ' Webste * V Clarke , and St ™^ cultivated , and reflects great ciedit upon the several occupants . We next visited James Graham s four-acre allotment in the centre oi tne estate ; the crops bear a most luxuriant and piomisuig appearance , and , to use his own words , ue is now confident that he will do well . The most cneenng part of his nosition is . that he wnrkiul acre allottee , enmnhnr . * *>*• + ! . „ j :. *_ .. ^ * :..
Harder last year than this , with less probability of remuneration ; and here I may remark , that I feel comment that many who have prematurely left their allotments will , ere long . ^ regret their hasty retreat . My observation was next directed to the land occupied by the brothers Shutcr , who hold , by the right of purchase , one three acres , and the other two . Here I observed a mode of potato culture I never before saw ; the potatoes are put in whole , at wide distances from each other ; when up there are several reeds of haulm which are-spread out in a circular direction , and the soil placed in the centre , which makes a mound similar to a mole-heap , hut much larger , under which the potatoes grow ; they have nine ' pigs of various sizes , excellent piggeries , and he has nearly finished a bam , a most desirable
acquisition . He thinks the Land Plan capable of yielding the cream of human existence—liberty . Immediately by is a four-acre allotment , lately occupied by Renham , now vacant , with good crops of wheat and potatoes , but nearly choked with weeds . Here the hand of the Directory should extend its fostering care . Jlr . Honeychurck lias fine crops , and was busy turnip sowing ; he had two men digginjr , and one assisting to drill . Sly deduction was , that many allottees having more land than they can manage , without they have one or two strong boys , who are good as money , will be more likely to fail than those with less acres . The
next vissted was an original allottee , named Uoir ; ms land is in first-rate condition . In my presence he said a dealer one-twelfth part of an acre of potatoes , ready for market , for £ 4 ; thus the first crop produces at the rate of £ 48 per acre , with this additional provision , that the land should be left in a fit state to receive the next crop , which , of Swede turnips , is capable to produce two and half tons as farmers grow them . Mi-. Pratt , possessor by purchase , has excellent crops . Gray , an original allottee , has also good crops . Den ward , who purchased , has also good crops . Next is a four-acre allotment originally occupied by Petit , in an excellent situation , immediately behind the schoolhouse , and unoccupied for twelve months . Thus on
this estate there are ten acres quite barren and unproductive , and four acres , though cropped , choked with weeds ; consequently on this estate of 160 acres , as originally purchased , there are fourteen acres in a state of sterility . This must not be allowed to continue . Is there any necessity for this state of things ? I answer , no ; as there arc many members in my district willing to undertake the responsibility of the before-mentioned unoccupied estates . Gilder , from Bradford , occupying three acres , has good crops , with the exception of a small land of peas , which appeared not likely to produce much . This allottee had a great loss a short time ago by the death of his son , upon -whom he much relied . Mr . Porter , a Worcester man , and recently
made parish constable , showed us over his e ° -tate . He has been most industrious , and says , some pig stock to make manure would cause it to justify his every expectation . Mi * . Iinney is a first-rate boothand , and relies as much upon his trade as the land , he has as much work from the neighbouring aristocracy as he can perform . Our next visit was to the school-house ; a great contrast was observable , Mr . O'Brien being busy on the land , but I should have been more pleased could I have seen him moulding the mind of animate clay to the future objects of the Land and the Charter . But , alas 3 there are few , if any , scholars . In company with Mr . O'Brien we then proceeded to Snip ' s En < l and Moat Farms .
Here I cannot particularise ; suffice it to say , that it presents an appearance which those who ' saw it twelve months ago can scarcely be prepared to anticipate . There is one allotment on Snig ' s End not occupied . Being much gratified with what we had seen in this Cnlifornian region , we returned to the Lowbands , and wended our way homeward , much pleased with the estates , with the exceptions mentioned . Hoping I shall not be considered to have drawn any offensive invidious distinction , I beg your acceptance of the earnest regards of your devoted brother member , James Haudixg , Sub-Secretary , Worcester .
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RECEIPTS OF THE NATIONAL LANO COMPANY . For the Week Exddcg Thoksday , Juxe 2 S , 1 S 49 . SHARES . £$ . & . £ s . d . Worcester .. 3 0 8 Leicester , Xew-Xenton , Ayr .. OHIO ton .. 15 0 JIaidstone .. 01 G S Yarmouth .. 11-5 8 Stratford .. 0 IS 6 Nottingham .. 14 3 Uohnnrth .. 1 13 6 Abergavenny .. 3 1 ( 1 0 Headless Cross .. 12 4 B . Anthony .. 0 2 0 Edinburgh .. 0 5 0 S . Francis .. 0 10 0 Hvde .. -2 0 0 C . Dodhoo .. 0-5 0 Ilkslingden .. 2 12 O T . Hodges .. 0 2 fi Dudley .. 011 0 J . Shelly .. 0 5 0 ilahnslrary .. 1 12 8 K . Pattison .. 0 16 WJiittington and T . Gill .. 0 G 0 Cat .. -3 15 2 Accrmgton .. 1-56 JE 29 14 3 J . Vigurs .. 0 2 G == EXPENSE FUND . Worcester .. 0 9 0 Mis . Grady .. 0 2 0 ilaidstone .. 016 Yarmouth .. 0 2 0 £ L _ i _ TOTALS . Land Fund 20 14 3 Expense ditto ... ... ... 0 1-t 6 Bonus ditto ... ... ... 52 15 0 Loan ditto — 0 10 S Transfers ... ... ... 0 C 0 £ 81 0 5 W . Bjxox , C . Dottle , T . Olakk , Cor . Sec . P . ii ' GHATii , Pin . See .
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mmmsystem of quarterly returns will in future be dispensed with . Each remittance must , henceforth , be accompanied with a return of the names of the members who paid it . __ — : ¦ "
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THE CHARTER . BitOTiiEn Proletarians , On Tuesday next , the 3 rd of July , the lion , member for Nottingham will briug before the House of Commons the great question of Parliamentary Reform , in the shape of a series of declarations , affirming—severally arid conjointly—the principles of the Charter . The terms of Ik : O'CoNNOH ' s motion show that he purposes to base his demand for Justice to the unenfranchised class not on the paltry ground of financial misgovernment and the necessit y of Financial Reform , hut on the broad foundation of the following great principles : — " That Labour is the source of all wealth . " " That the People are the onl y legitimate source of poAver . " " That the labourer should he the first partaker of the fruits of his own industry . "
"That taxation without representation is tyranny , and should be resisted . " It would be superfluous to show ( to you , that which you are alread y well-informed of : ) the justice and incontrovertible truth of the above propositions ; suffice it to say they embrace the entire groundwork of political and social right . Those propositions may be cavilled at , sneered at , disputed , hut by fair arguments they cannot he opposed ; and if met by unfair arguments : the " no House" dodge j or the flippant and arrogant opposition of the PueiiiEii ; they will , nevertheless , remain unshaken ; eternal as Truth itself , of which they are the legitimate offspring .
Mi . O'Connor ' s motion will also possess the advantage over previous propositions submitted to Parliament on the same subject , of setting forth a scheme of Parliamentary Reform at once simple , just , and all-comprehensive . The member for Nottingham and his supporters ( if he finds any ) will not present the spectacle , so cheering to an opponent , of differing with each other as to the meaning and intent of the scheme of reform they severally profess to support . Lord John will have to oppose a principle , not so easy a task as professing his critical inability to understand whether a "householder" means a person holding a house , or one ¦ whom a house holds ! In
demanding " Manhood Suffrage" ( I submit to Mr . O'Conk OR the propriety of throwing overboard the ill-chosen , and now obsolete term " Universal , " as applied to theenfranchisement of the adult male population ) , the member for Nottingham will cut the ground from under the quibblers , who must either remain silent , or otherwise open their mouths to undertake the dishonourable task of proving wrong right , and usurpation a virtue . Again , " Mr . O'Connoh , by demanding the full and complete powers of citizenship for every man , will escape those damaging charges of inconsistency levelled by Whigs and Tories at the moderate Reformers . These latter have been often , and truly , told that their arguments find their projects most signally disagreed ; that whilst their speeches denounced class-leirislatiou , thoir schemes proposed to continue that evil in a modified form . Moreover .
they have been truly told that their-schemes , if adopted , would be still regarded by those -who remained unenfranchised as no more a settlement of the question , than the Moderates themselves consider the - 'Reform Bill " fi " settlement . " Thosamecaniiot be said of Mr . O'Co . vson ' s propositions . The plan of reform which they represent would emancipate all , and leave no excluded , _ branded , pariah class , justly discontented , and , therefore , armed with the best authority to agitate for a new measure of reform to put ' au end to then political degradation . In whatever light the member for Nottingham ' s propositions are contrasted with Mr . Hume's recent resolutions , all candid persons , whether friends or foes , must be constrained to admit the superior simplicity , comprehensiveness , and legislative wisdom enjoyed by the former over the latter . Should Mr . O'Goxxor fail , it will not be through any flaw in the torms of his motion .
But , my friends , it is too well known to you that a man may have the best of causes , mid may submit his views in the most laudable shape , and yet have but small chance of success in the llousc of Commons . Though he possessed the wisdom of all the seven sages of Greece , and though he had as just a cause as ever the martyr died ou the scaifold , or at the stake to defend ; still he would be powerless , and his efforts would be fruitless , wanting the almi ghty support of the " pressure from without . " If next Tuesday evening Mr . O ' Connor rises to speak for you , without adequate sustainment on your part , he will speak in vain . He will be asked ' " Where arc your proofs that you represent the wishes of the p ' eople V "What shall he answer if you fail to furnish some striking manifestation of your support ?
Xo one can be more sick of petitioning than I am ; nevertheless , 1 give my advice that you unanimously , and zealously , and immediately respond to Mr . O'Coxson's demand for petitions . Either the member for Nottingham should be strongly sustained by the unrepresented classes , or ho should have been advised by those classes not to attempt ahbouv they were not inclined to assist in . 1 believe Mr . O ' Coxxoithas not been so advised ; I believe , on the contrary , that he was advised some months ago , by those who spoKc in the name of the people , to make the Charter a parliamentary question . Acting on that advice the member for Nottingham gave notice of his motion for the 5 th oi this month : but subsequently , at the request of the
Manchester Chartists , he postponed his motion to the 3 rd of July , to give more time to the friends of Chartis t reform to ' liohrpubliu meetings and forward the adoption of petitions in favour of the said motion . Under these circumstances it appears to me to lie a matter of honour , as well as of duty , that good faith . should bo kept with -Mr . O'CoXSon , and that -lie should have that public support ho has a rig ht to expect . If you withhold t !; afc support , you will place the representative of your principles in a humiliating position , and give a triumph to those who oppress you , and who hate every man who has tlfe moral courage and honesty to vindicate your rights and expose ** f /<« r evil doings . ' Manv friends have written to me , stating that the
people are so disgusted with the llousc of Commons that no argument , will avail to induce them to petition that body again . I , too / am disgusted , lam sick and weary of mere petitioning , lecturing , and resolution passing . Without hinting at , or meaning violence ; and without absolutely repudiating-petitioning , lecturing , &c , for the future ; I , iievcrthelesss , say that—when Mr . O'Coxxoit ' s motion is disposed of ( we may anticipate how it will be disposed tfj—it will be necessary to commence a more vigorous course of action than the last twelve months have witnessed , if we mean to ever win the Charter . Even now—before Mr . O'Coxson ' s motion , 1 would gladly set my face against petitioning , provided I could advise any other course better calculated to add force to the attempt which will be made on your behalf on Tuesday next . Bnt I do not see the materials for any more effective manifestation of popular opinion . The question between petimode of action is not before
tioning and any other us . "We must petition or do nothing . Granted , that petitions will not furnish the member for -Nottingham with the best support ; still , wanting petitions , he will have no support at all . Should he ( wanting petitions ) be told that he speaks but for himself , or for a mere sect , to him will be the annoyance , but to you will be the injury . For these reasons I say , both to those who are too apathetic , and those who are too ardent to willingly petition—nevertheless , do so . It is the only mode of procedure open to you at this moment . The future ( I mean the immediate future ) will demand a more energetic course of action ; but in the meantimepetittmi . If you are wise men , and earnest men , you will make of Sunday , the 1 st . of July , a day for the assertion of Labour's rights and sovereignty . " , ' " : ; ; , , Thunder in the ears of your rulers your demand for the PEOPLE'S CHARTER .
I will not , on this occasion , say one word to you concerning your political and social wrongs by way of stimulating you to action . "Let willing slaves in galling fetters lie . " If all that you have heard and read , and , still more felt and experienced , has failed to satisfy vou o f the abundant necessity for a change , all that I could at this moment write would be of no avail ; nav I doubt " if you would be persuaded though even one rose from the dead . " Orpheus , it is true or rather , it is said ) inspired stocks and stones to action but even he could not have reached the dull brain and withered heart of a willing slave . Of your own wrongs , therefore , I will now say nothing , but let me say a few words on the wrongs of others .
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At tin ' s moment the Italian and German Democrats are engaged in a death struggle with their enemies ; the result of which , it is to be feared , will be the destruction of the defenders of Freedom , and the triumph of Freedom ' s assassins . Another : i : ition—glorious . Hungary—is about also to engage in the same kind of struggle ; certainly with better chances of victory ; although the combat will be on a . vast scale and the odds " against our brothers arc frightful . In this state of things the English Government stands with folded arms ,, and allows tlic leagued brigands to transform the half of Europe into a hell of horrors indescribable , without making the slightest effort , by deed or by word , to arrest the march of the assassins , and
prevent the butchery of the peoples . Indeed , there is too good reason for suspecting that though not openly marching with the tyrants of the Continent , our Government is secretly intriguing mi their side , and against the patriots . The present Government exists because it is the representative of the usurping classes of the State—landlords and money-lords . The sentiments of those classesinay be gathered from the tone of the '' respectable" journals , and the transactions in the moneymarket . The masked assassins who write in our " influential" journals proclaim , day after .. day , their murderous aspirations fur the destruction of the continental Democrats and the triumph of their
gore-reeking oppressors . Whenever news arrives of a victory gamed by the enemies of the people , t'lc funds rise ; but if news is brought that the Romans have repulsed the French , or the Hungarians beaten . the Russians and Austrians , forthwith the funds fall . The moment it was known that the Red Republicans were put down in Paris there was a burst of joy amongst our stock-jobbers , and an expression of their hopes that the triumphant betrayers of the French ltepublic would forthwith cut off the leaders of the French democracy ! The real , though veiled , course of a , Government , the creature of such men , may be readily and correctly surmised . '
But though Lord Palmeusto . v and his colleagues were as absolutely neutral in the present European struggle as they profess to be , that neutrality would itself be a crime . Never forget that there is but ono rule of duty for nations as for individuals . In both cases it is ' . a sacred , an indispensible duty , to take the side of-the- ' . oppressed against the oppressor . Away with the unmanly cant of , " Peace at any price . " Away with the . humbug of , " Non-intervention , " and " Non-connexion with foreign struggles . " Peace is not the greatest good . There are worse evils than war . There are worse crimes than those which are punishable in our courts of law ; and one of the greatest of crimes is that of seeing a people condemned to massacre and slavery ,
without stirring a hand to prevent the triumph of the murderers and enslavers . Next to the eternallyinfamous crime committed by France , of dooming her sister Republic to assassination , the crime of England is only secondary—the crime of permitting that enormous assassination . It was the duty of the British Government to have prevented the attack upon Rome , at any cost . Even now , had that Government a sense of . duty , it would launch the physical might of England to the rescue of the Eternal City . You cannot feel surprise at the conduct of the British Government ; but I think you will share my disgust at the conduct of the " Friends of Freedom" m the House of Commons ( God save poor
freedom from such friends !) , in consequence of the almost utter indifference they have manifested to the fate of the glorious Romans . What matters the paltry questions one or two of them have put twice or thrice to Lord Palmehston ? It is true , that on Fridaj night last Mr . IIoeuuck made a pretty good speech , but the speech was all . Why did lie not ( before Friday night last ) propose active and immediate intervention to save the Romans ? Had he done so , he would have had the support of popular opinion ; for though pretty far emasculated , the English people aro not yet completely
demoralised by pvohtmongering and humbug ; they have yet some sense of honour and justice ; and are not . yet absolutely indifferent to tbe claims of Humanity . It may be said the Ministry would have opposed , and the majority of the Commons would not have supported Mr . Roebuck . Very , probabl y ; still the Member for Sheffield might have vindicated the national character by testifying to Europe that the people—the misrepresented and unrepresented people—of tins country do sympathise with the heroic defenders of Homo , and do disavow the inactive , if not positively treacherous , conduct of the British Government .
But your sympathies and sentiments aro not represented in the llousc of Commons , nor will they ever be until that House is radically reformed . Your duty to Humanity demands that you siczo upon every opportunity to enforce your claim to the rights settorth in the Ciiarteii . L'AMIDU PEUPLE . June 28 th , 1849 .
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- 3 ^* ^~ THE PROSCRIBED DEMOCRATS OF FRANCE . Sin , —We have just sent the enclosed note to the journals of Franco , and not knowing whether our thoughts can be published in our country , from the brutal and shameful suspension of the grout number of the journals hitherto accustomed to receive our communications , we request of you the hospitality of your columns . Floasc to receive sir , the assurance of our homage . In the name of the Association of the Proscribed Democrats of France . Louis Blaxc . "While Paris is in a state of siege , and when most of the journals which represent our opinions are , by violence , condemned to silence , we believe it to be a duty owing to our party to convey to it , if possible , the public expression of our sentiments .
" It is with profound astonishment that we se 3 the organs of the counter revolution triumph over the events of the 13 th of Juno . Where there has been no contest , how can there have been a victory ? What is then proved by the 13 th . of Juno ? That under the pressure of a hundred thousand soldiers , Paris is not free in her movements ? We have known this more than enough . That the people at this day , is sufficiently sure of the future , ' and sufficiently master of itself to calculate its actions—to economise human life , and to deliver itself in full
confidence to the power of truth , which battles in its cause . This alone should confound—should strike with stupor , the enemies of progress . That in France there will always bo men ready 'to sacrifice , for the soke of that wbjch they believe to bo the cause of right , their position , thoir fortune , their liberty , their life . But in this , there is nothing , it seems to us , which should give to egotists the right of rejoicing . " The 13 th of Juno changes nothing , absolutely nothing , with re / card to the questions which the dav before had submitted to the public conscience .
" Is it true—yes or no—that the fifth article of tlio Constitution is thus laid clown ? ' The French ltepublic respects foreign nationalities , as it understands how to make its own respected . It undertakes no wars with views of conquest , and never employs its forces against the liberties of any people . ' " The 13 th of Juno does riot prevent the existence of this article in the Constitution . " Is it true—yes or no—that this article has been violated in sendmt an army into Italy , and in attacking there the lloman . republic without pretext ? The 13 th of June does not alter the fact , that there s in this both a flagrant violation of tlic constitution and a savage outrage against the rights of nations .
" Is it true—yes or no—that the power of majorities cannot proceed so far as to change the conditions of evidence ? The 13 th of June does not prove that there is less force in evidence than there is in a vote . "Now , as it has always been , the question is if by crowding Paris with soldiers and with cannon , by stifling with violent hands the liberty of the ] 1 ' jss , by suppressing individual freedom , by invading private domiciles , by-substituting the reign of terror for that of reason , by unceasingly repressing furious despair , that which there is wanting a capacity to prevent , the end will be attained of
reanimating confidence , of re-establishing credit , of diminishing taxes , of correcting the vices of the adminigtration , of chasing away the spectre of the deficit , of developing industry , of cutting short the disasters attendant upon unlimited competition , of suppressing those deaf revolts , which have , their source in the deep recesses , of human feelings , of tranquillising resentments , of . calming all hearts . The state of siege of 1848 has engendered that of 1849 ; the question is , if the amiable perspective of Paris , in a . state of siege every eight or ten months , will restore to commerce its elastic , movements , to the industrious their markets , and , to the middle classes their repose . .. . ;
" For us > in presence of these insane convulsions of a power , p i-eyed upon by the delirium of its own impotence , we believe more intensely than ever in the sovereign efficacy of our doctrines , and of their approaching fulfilment . " That some of us should have fallen , for hayin <» fought without being assured : of followers , this is , undoubtedly , "' a great misfortune ; but if the sadness with which ifc penetrates us were a discouragement , we should be little worthy to be the servants of truth . Never has the destiny of a noble cause been dependent upon the Me of one or other of its defenders . . To those who are borne away by the storm others succeed , and every just idea , the hour of which is arrived , creates for its triumph the men of whom it has need . The excesses committed after the month of June , 1848 , produced the Socialist elections of 1849 . : This is thefact to which we recall the attention ot our friends , as well as of our
enemies . "Serenity , sustained moderation , unflinching firmness , these are all that are necessary for us ; and with these we have only to march straight forward , modifymg thus a celebrated sentence of
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Sioyes , " We are more to-day than we vrcre yesterday . ( Signed ) " Louis Blanc , President , " Cazavant , Secretary . " Caussidieue , Collkv , Millmid , ' . Adai «\ Bowia , Louis Mexakd , Duroxr , Couktait , Members of Committee . " " London , 18 th Juno , 1840 . " . :
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THE 130 MBARD . MEPT OF ROME . 10 THE EDITOR OF IHE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —Will you allow the insertion in . your columns of the enclosed copy of a petition . The original I have forwarded to Colonel Thompson , fur fho House of " Commons "—not , certainly , with any hope of influencing that corrupt assembly , but none the less as a protest against our foreign policy of " non-intervention , " which is nothing more than a plea for never helping the right . If French bayonets had gone to help the Romans , by an attack upon Austria , or upon King Bombshell , Lord Lunsdowno would not have said that " We have nothing to do with it . " The conspiracy against freedom will soon be notorious enough . One never doubted the underhand complicity of the Whigs : but we hoped better things , were it only from the experience of even the present shop-keeping ascendancy iu France . Tfie price to Louis Napoleon is to be the Imperial
Crown , to which the shopkeepers will not objectfor the present . What price may make worth while the infamy of those who follow him hi this worst of outrages upon heroic Home—what gilding shall hide ' the loathsomeness of the Cossack ' s accomplices , the statesmen , generals , soldiers , and people of France , who submit to be the tools of the Czar , one is at a loss to know . Ono thing , at least is certain—that history chronicles no fouler outrage than this most scoundrelly assault upon the lloman Republic , and that it is the duty of every honest man—the world through—to protest against ifc , even though ho be not wise enough fco see its direct bearing upon his own interests . Be sure they do not tighten the Italian chain without straining ours at home . I am , Sir , your obedient servant , Mitosido , Cumberland , W . J . Lixion . June 19 th , 1849 .
TO THE HONOURABLE THE C 03 DI 0 NS OP GREAT BMTA 1 N ASD IRELAND I . V PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED . The Petition of the Undersigned , Sheweth , That your petitioner , an Englishman , though unrepresented ( being disqualified by change of residence ) is not regardless of the honour of his country . That your petitioner has heard with indignation and dismay , the assertion of the Trench government , that in their conduct towards the Roman ¦ ltepublic tliey liave been in accord with England , meaning by England ( your petitioner supposes ) "Her . Majesty ' s Oitice for l ' oroign Affairs . " That such assertion accuses th « Foreign Administration of this country of being an accomplice iu a course of p o licy ( that pursued by France towards Rome ) whose villany is scarcely paralleled in history .
That your petitioner cannot help calling to mind the foul practices of 18 « , when , the Foreign Office being in accordance with Austria , . English Ministers were employed as informers and tools of the Austrian police to track tlio steps of the brothers Bandeira , and therefore your petitioner fears that such assertion of Eng lish comp licity with France may be but too generally credited iu Europe , more especially as the policy of our Foreign Office bears on it no character of consistency , no impress of any guiding principle sufficient of itself to contradict the likelihood oi such complicity . That the effect of a belief through Europe that the
English government have , connived at French viUany towards Home , must be to brand England with dishonour , - to damage Iier reputation and destroy her influence , to damp the hopes of the Liberal par t y throughout Europe , and to encourage , and so assist the despotic powers in their endeavours to trample upou right , to prevent the growth and progress of humanity . That such a belief in English complicity would have the further tendency—by accustoming t ' ne minds of Englishmen to suffer dishonour abroad—to lower the standard of honour at home , so demoralising the people , and paving an easy descent to the utter degradation and ruin of the British empire .
That though the assertion of English complicity with the guilt of France may be false , yet it has gone forth , and needs to be absolutely contradicted , not merely b y the formal denial of the particular fact , but by open manifestation of such principles of policy as shall assure Europe that England cannot , now or evermore , either aid , abet ) or permit so gross an outrage upon justice—upon the rights : and liberties of nations . Yourpetitioner , therefore ,. praysyour "honourable"House that , in ovder so fur us possible , to prevent any future doubt ov mistake as to the rectitude of England , your "honourable" House will forthwith assume the control of the Foreign Office , and that , irrespective of precedents , you will assert , and cause everywhere to be asserted , such a course of foreign policy asshall be consistent with the high mission of England—with her duty to humanity , a nd i n accor d ance wit- ; those princip les of freed om a nd prog r e s s which , u ntil tbcfKto Act of Lord John Russell " to suppress felonious speaking , " were ever upon the lips of EiiglL-h putriocs , and the most time-serving of diplomatists and statesmen . ' And your petitioner , so far as in duty bound , will ever pray . ( Signed ) W . J . Linton .
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SYMPATHY FOR , THE ROMAN REPUBLICANS . —A WORTHY EXAMPLE . TO IHE EDITOR OF TUE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —Ifc probably may be unnecessary for mo to wish to take up a small space in your paper in stating the amount collected among the AVesfc-cnd Mcn ' a Men Boot and Shoemakers' Society of London , on behalf of the Romans , to assist them in their present struggle for the thorough independence of their famous and beautiful country . Mr . Holyoake , ou the occasion of ihe late public meeting held at the Institution in John-street , mentions the fact of a certain sum having boon handed over to the proper receiving parties , and that , too ,
in a way highly complimentary to the trade in question . However , as one of the two individuals on whom the pleasing duty devolved of paying over the amount collected ( £ 5 3 s . 7 d . ] , perhaps you will allow me the opportunity , both for the satisfaction of the subscribers , and as an example to other trades or bodies of the industrious classes , to sec the sum so paid acknowledged in the Star—a , journal which is so extensively circulated amongst working men , and , indeed , the chiel advocate of their rights . Yours truly , June 21 st , 1849 . Jojix M'Yeioh .
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LOWBAXDS . The occupants at this place , have for some time past , been exciting themselves to send the produce of their little farms to the Birmingham market , and have almost completed the arrangements for that purpose . The want of a good market has been sorely felt by the people hero since their location , but it is hoped that in future this will bo remedied ; as the cost of carriage trill not be so much as ivo have formerly paid to spud our things to Led bury , a distance of only six miles . After the business connected with the above subject had been disposed of by the occupants , at a meeting held in the school on the 10 th inst ., the
case of James Driver was taken up , and the strongest feeling of indignation expressed at his conduct . The occupants , were unanimous in coiidcmuin < r his false testimony , find nftor tho muttoi had boon fully discussoii , the following resolution was unanimously agreed to : " That a committee of three persons bo appointed to write a letter in answer to tho evidence of James Driver , on the ti'ial of Gubbins sisr . inat Pciirgus 0 ' Connor , and that the letter be signed by the occupants . " Lowbands , Itcdmai'ley , June 19 th , 18-10 Respected Sin ,
Truth and justice call on us to address this letter to you , for tlio purpose of exposing the false statements made by James Driver , on the trial at Northampton . What ho states with respect to us is false , lie says , " . 'flic generality of the tenants were not satisfied ; the last report I had from them was very bad . " The fact is , that the man has had no report from Us at all , nor did we hear anything of him till we read his false testimony in the newspaper . It is equally false that the " generality " were not satisfied . There were a few dissatisfied , but , like Driver , they went away . Again , he says , " I have heavd that all the tenants wanted to Sell , but could not got customers . They wished they could have srot out as well as I did . " Now with
what he " heard , " we have nothing whatever to do , but dony tlio truth of tlio assertion . According to tho report ho seems to say , of his own knowledge , that we wished to " get out , ' " ' as well as he did . Driver must have known at the time tlat he was uttering a falsehood , for there w-as no wish on our part to sell . We are astonished at this man ' s evidence , especially when we consider the true cause of his leaving . He left entirely on his wife ' s account , and not because ho thought he could not get a liviDg from the land . During the twelve months that he was hero his wife made him as miserable as possible , by her opposition to his wishes , and was alwavs at him to leave the -place ,
until she succeeded . If lie thought he could nofc succeed here , why did he express so much regret at leaving , and even cry like a child because ( ns he said himself ) " his wife compelled him to leave ?" At one time he was so incensed against his wife , because she would not remain here , that he threatened to leave hov and go to America by himself . This we had from Driver , and that , wo think , explains tho cause of his leaving . As to what he says about '' doing well , " we do not profess to understand tho meaning of the words . We leave to Mr . Driver and the well-paid shoemakers of Northampton the definition of them . You are at liberty to make what use you please of this . Yours respectfully , Stephen Cure , W . A . How , See ., II . T . Haskard , Thomas Lee , Wm . Addisojt ,. Edward Gray , II . Porter , Wm . Pratt , John Linnet , James Graham , Henry Tanner , John Geldard , James Smith , C . Payne , ¦ Josbpu Dennis , Jambs Hellewili ..
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NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF UNITED TRADES . The Central Committee of the above institution , availing themselves of the renewed permission of the editor of the " Northern Star , " propose to resume their " Reports of Progress " from timu to time , for the information of its members , iuid for that numerous class who still watch with interest the proceedings of an Association , which , from various causes , they have hitherto stood aloof from . There are strong reasons for thinking that this class of vuvcrers will rapidly diminish , and that the growing prestige in favour" of the Nationa
Association is attributable to the fact of its having maintained its position in despite of the causes which have proved fatal to so many other movements equally well-intentioned towards the working classes , aud conducted with at least equal zeal and dovotedness , and possibly a much larger amount of active individual talent . When a ship successfully survives the buffetiiigs and perils of a continued series of storms and hurricanes , with her timbers and framework substantially unimpaired , there is in that fact strong presumptive evidence of her seaworthiness , aud she takes her position A 1
on Lloyds' Book . In like manner the National Association , just emerging from the unexampled and unanticipated difficulties which hare attended and materially obstructed its progress during the last two years—but particularly during the past year—appears before the public but little damaged from the perilous struggle it has passed through , but rather seasoned and strengthened by tho severe tests and trials its principles and policy have been subjected to , under a combination of the most discouraging circumstances . That the National Association should then assume the rank A 1 .
amongst existing institutions having claims upon the confidence of the working classes , will not excite surprise , and it is presumed few will be disposed to dispute the justness of its claims . Among the * ' great facts '' which the experience of the past has demonstrated is , first—the inefficacy of previous Trades Unions to maintain their position as protectors of tlie wages of their members in the face of any severe depression in trade . Second—that the strike system is an unalloyed evil to all parties concerned in it , and that the sooner some more rational and more economical mode of dealing with Trades disputes cau he devised , the better for both employer and employed , but more particularly the latter .
It is a most pleasing feature in the experience of the National Association , that in many instances the wages of its members have been maintained intact , while tho wages in . similar trades , in the same locality , of persons not being members of the National Association have suffered serious diminution . Other instances—and important ones—are on record , whore Trades have not only
maintained their wages , out absolutely obtained an advance while knoion to be connected with the National Associations but whether from apathy , or a mistaken estimate of their own strength , having withdrawn from its ranks , not only has the advance previously obtained bceu lost to thorn ,. but they have been precipitated into a protracted and unavailing struggle , to prevent , a further serious reduction . ' Can there
bo stronger evidence of tho salutary influence which the very name carries with it ? And is it net desirable that a movement , having so powerful a prestige with the employers , should receive all the aid and strength that numbers can iinimrc to it —and that its protective powers be reduced from a possible speculative theory to an undisputed demonstrative reality ?
The successful eiloiis which have been made to supersede tho strike system , by a policy more consonant with reason , and more in harmony with the advancing march of intelligence , is another distinctive feature in its principle , whicli has a strong tendency to neutralise the natural repugnance of the employing class to everything bearing the name of union , in connexion with Labour . The testimony
boniG by some of the most respectable employers to the efficacy and superiority of the mediatorial system of the National Association , which lias terminated successfull y for Labour , in a proportion of more than seventy-five per cent ., is another fact unexampled in the history of Trades combinations . The Central Committee point with confidence to these facts , upon which they are content to rest their claims for the support and confidence of their order ; they will not condescend to appeal to
the prejudices or the passions of thoir fellowworkmen , still less will they attempt to deceive them by coloured statements , or exaggerated boasts of advantages whicli may not be realised ; but referring them to established proofs of what has been accomplished by comparatively very limited resources , they leave them to solve the problem for themselves , what great and glorious results might be achieved by such a multiplication of its powers as the working classes might accomplish ^ wi thout any personal sacrifice .
The Into Conference at Liverpool was an epoch in tho Association ' s career , which was looked to with deep interest by numerous bodies of working men . ' The __ Central Committee felt that upon tho issue of that Conference hung the existence , perhaps , © f the Association . They had the most unbounded faith in tho elasticity of tho Association , and its ability from the excellence of its principles , to adjust itself to the varying and irregular influences which all popular movements are subject to . They were prepared to hear from tho assembled delegates , doubts and fears
for the future—and to combat them ; but they wore not prepared for the magnificent display of unanimous , unimpaired confidence , which tho delegates vied with each other in recording . as to tho ultimate and S 2 ) oedy resuscitation of this important movement . Their generousminded prophecies are being realised . The preliminary measures , such as reprinting the rules , getting out tho report of Conference , &c , has prevented the Central Committee from giving that quick response to tho numerous invitations they have received from various parts of the country which their own inclinations would have prompted . But this necessary business being now nearl y completed , in a few days two members of the
Committee will leave town . One direct for Neweastlo , where the miners of Durham and Northumberland , and other trades , are waiting for that full information which an experienced member of the Central Committee is best adapted to impart . The other will proceed first to the Midland Counties , and thence to the metropolis of labour , the city of Manchester , where a phalanx of the most enlightened and faithful of the sons of Labour are prepared to assist iu a thorough agitation of that important district . Other localities will be attended to in turn , and every effortwill bo made by the Central Committee , at home and abroad , to give effect to the reaction which is now manifesting itself throughout the kingdom .
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A BAT AT LOWBASDS ASD SNIG'S EifD . Broiher Members , —Believing that a truthful and disinterested account of ihe progress of the allottees on these estates , and the general appearance if the crops , Will be acceptable to those-members ^ ho have not seen them , I have resolved to give a S ^ t ofmydav ' s observation , de I termined nothing ^ & « S 5- «? ft S ? m { ^ smmm
If n ^ ev from ^ ottin ^ mn , proceeded rouna we 3 Ir i m ney , i ™ gide presents a barrenness ^ iSs r ^ -eainorestringentsuperyis m W ^»™ rt of theairectory than at present adopted ; on the part « " £ ? ^ of the estate being irooccutffo house s on tnispmwwi ^^ p ied , their several occnpante iia ^ S ^^ ^ Ind of last ^ 3 Jj Jg . Sater ' ,, whose to ^ to «^ Sv ft TOMi »« s » striking conlonse is anmediat ? V fig ! " £ 5 * flying his trade SSSSSBrfte-.
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PUECHASB OF MATHON . SHARES TAKEH AND PAET PAID £ s . d . £ s . d . IV T . ... 323 0 0 P . A . X . ... 25 G 0 0 W B , B . ... 32 0 0 T . K . ... 123 0 0 E . M . ... 123 0 0 E . S . ... 04 0 0 \ 35 . ... 123 0 0 VrT . 1 \ ... 12 S 0 0 G 15 . ... 123 0 0 C . T . ... 123 0 0 T G . ... 123 0 0 jy . II . ... 32 0 0 j w . ... 323 0 0 W . G . ... 8 0 0 T . G . ... 123 0 0 I . C . ... 8 0 0 W . G . ... 223 0 0 E . G . L . ... 10 0 0 Crispin ... 61 0 0 J . S . W . ... 33 0 0 J . 31 . ... 40 S 1 J . T . ... 3 0 0 0 M J . ... 40 0 0 IV . M . ... 30 0 0 J W . ... ISO 0 0 J . C . ... 1 10 0 J . M'F . ... 12 S 0 0 J . H . ... 20 0 0 W A . ... 128 0 0 W . P . ... 43 0 C j B ... 50 0 0 T . B . ... 192 0 0 M S . B . ... 256 0 0 T . C . ... 250 0 0 ^ ' j ^ i ? A considerable portion of the aoove sum has been already remitted .
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EXECUTIVE FUND . HcceiveabyS . KiDD .-Padiham , Is . ; fto ^ gSfe ^ ZT Received by J . ARSOTT . -Tiverton , perWm . Kibbey , «* . VICTIM FUND . Received * y S . KTi »> .-2 r « vcastle , Craig ^ a Palmer 2 s . Ad item appeared last week , ltippondcn , 3 S . Cd ., it SHOUW have been 5 s . Cd . Iteceived at LiSD OrncE .-3 Ir . H . HopMns , Is . W . G-, Cd . ; Lincoln , per Foster , is . M'DOUALL'S CASE-FOB WRIT OF ERROR , ( OB OTHEEWISE ) . Keceived by W . Ktoee . —A Red Republican , Is . G < 3 . FOR MRS- JONES . Received by TV . Kider .-D . MTntyre , Alexandria , 5 s . ; J . sSSd , Hofljeri 1 ain , ls . ; W . BuUoek , Biggar , ld ^ Not-WMm Tier J . Sweet , 6 d . ; T . Cook , Norwich , us . ; W . and J- C ' erJ . Gaue , and J . ' Ham , Wedmore , Amerset , 2 s . ; siSrl afew Fr iends , perJ . Ward , 7 s . — -BeceivedI at r S £ nc £ - Lincoln , per J- Foster , Is . ; Mr , Bland , 60 . ; jiSassonTls . ; 3 fc George , GcL : T . Buckndge , Is . ; a Femajf ^ L ; J . Crocker , 63 . ; T . G . Crowtuer , is . ; T . J . Crowther , Is . FOR WIVESTAND FAMILIES OF VICTIMS . Iteceived by W-. Hideb .-T . Stone , Uewbury , Gd . ; LonflmTT ^ rader-Yard , proceeds of a shoe , presented bv Mr . Icoit ^ 17 ^ odTmt to , Philanthropic Society of Ladies ' S ta held at Mr . Scotter ' s , CaUenaer-yard , per Mr . Shoemakers ^ new _ « tu u ^ hems , Queen-S £ S 35 &ffi « sr * £ ! mittee , per K . Barker , 9 s . ........ NATIONAL VICTIM FUND . Received by J . ABNorr . -Wm . Muir and John Chanee , Dudley , 10 s . 60 . ; Six "Old Guards , " d ^ * . ; . ltaw * m , 2 er 3 ! r . Kibbey , 9 s . ; Ernest Jones , Iocali « y . PerJ . M' \ ei S h , Star , 9 b . 2 d . ; Mr . Rider , as per Star , £ 3 . bs . M ,,, U-otvn and Anchor , V I" TdtuX , 3 s .-Tptal , £ 4 Us . 9 d .
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— iv Notice . All branch secretaries who have sent monies ior anvfund to the National land Company during the anS ending June 24 th , 1849 , must forward to SSSe eWreturns in the ensuing ™* . The
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LETTERS TO THE WORKING CLASSES .
" Words are tilings , and a small drop of ink Palling—like dew—upon a thought , produces That winch makes thousand !; , perhaps millions , think . " Hvnuv .
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NOTICE . A notice having appeared in last week ' s Star relative to the National Co-operative Benefit Society , without our consent , we being engaged in going through the accounts merely for the satisfaction of the Directors , we think the notice was uncalled for , as we have not yet made our report . James Giussby , " ^ William SnuiB , > Trustees . James Pearce , J
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A . v old lady , who was very anxious respecting a favourite nephew , a student at Catherine Hall , enquired of his tutor how iie conducted himself . "Oh , " replied the latter , " very well indeed , madam , ; he sticks to Catherine Hall . " " Sticks to Catherine Hall , does he ? the young reprobate—but his father was just like him , always fond of th « girls !" '
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The Irish Representative Peerage . —LordKilmaine has been chosen by a majority of votes to be ' he Peer to sit in the House of Lords . ,
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' ¦ ^ Z " ——— E ——————j une 30 , 1849 , NORTHERN STAR . 5 ' ¦ ' " , '" —— hi « .- »^ ... r .. . _ . ¦ ¦ . ¦¦ .. . ¦ m . i _
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 30, 1849, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1528/page/5/
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