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the good understanding which no \ r subsists ietveea them . After making a forcible-feeble attempt to decry the expediency and practicability of the modified propositions of the new association the " Times '' very generously proceeds to propound its views of reform , and to point out Trhat it flunks " sober-minded" people ou ^ ht to be content \ rith ; and having done this , ' returns to its dirty work of sowing dissension hy asking , "How long , does Hr . Cobdex really think he could keep company on the great question of Labour -with Mr . Feargus O'Coxsok ? " We presume the answer o fhn f ^ OOU nndCTSlSndincr \ vTiinh nnw RnliKicta
bot h these gentlemen to this question would be that ' * The great question of Labour" is not raised between them on this occasion . The sole point is , whether they can agree to cooperate for the attainment of a given reform in the composition of the electoral body and of the House of Commons . They have agreed that they can do this without , in the slightest degree , committing themselves as to the use to Tchkh either -would apply the newly-gained addition of popular power . But the leading journal in this case has had recourse to an old trick , and confounds two totally distinct things , in the hope of exciting alarm and producin g division .
Very different is the spirit in which the or ^ an of the ex-ministerial party speaks of the demonstration of Monday and the movement itself . How far the Peelites may be influenced in the tone they have adopted , by the fact that they are " the outs , " it is difficult to say , but this , at least , must he confessed , that it is perfectly in accordance with the progressire Conservatism , which is the essential philosophy -embodied in the career and policy of the ex-Premier .
TVe cannot do better than transcribe one or two paragrap hs of this significant and instructive article . Such statements are an ample compensation for the poco curante style in -which the writer tries to exhibit his own superior wisdom , and the air of lofty condescension with which he looks down upon some of the sayings and doings at the great meeting of Monday . For our own part { sajs the Jfarniiujr Chronicle ) , we have tio difficult ? in at once savins that ire ^ regard the present xnovementas being , toanotinconsMerable extent , agenuine one . Without fora moment imagining that any large portion of the classes wliose opinion constitutes /' public
opinion" nre prepared for the wholesale and sweeping changes indicated in the programme of the new League , we quite beliere that a conviction both of the safety and the desirableness of further electoral reforms is entertained by a numerous and increaHiig class ; and we are not at all sure that if . Ministers much longer refuse or neglect to take measures for satisfying this very legitimate popular wish , it will not eventually assume a shape at once embarrassing and formidable . For , say what we will , there is no denying that even the Drury-lane agitators are truer , practically speaking , to the spirit of the age and to the genius of the con * titurion , than a : i impassive and immobile Adminis : ration . The progressive adaptation and re-adaptation of our political institutions to new circumstances , new feelings ,
andnewn . "ants ; tiie correction of mischievous anomalies , and the removal , a ; opportunity serves , of gross and palpable inequalities ; the gradual extension of political franchise to classes of the people mentally qualified for their exercise , and eagerly solicitous for their enjoyment—in a word , the theory and practice of progress—are conformable to the spirit of the . British people , to the precedents of oar constitutional liistory , and to the temper of the times . Ho British . Minister , therefore , however skilful and conscientious in the discharge of ordinary orextraordinary administrative responsibilities , can be said to be fit for his Oiace if lie kno » vs not when and how , liy " measures irozn time to time suited to the occasion , " to realise the natural and healthy popular demand for the extension and
improvement of ] M > pular institutions . If , at a period when circumstances have given an unusual stimulus to these progresave and reforming tendencies of the national mind , and when likewise events have smoothed the way to moderate and rational change by impressing all prudent men with the Conservative efficacy of timely concessions to popular feeling—if , at such a period , a Minister is to content himself , ytar after y * ar , with mereverlial disclaimers , of the "finality" which he obstinately practises—and if any league or Association , avowing ultra principles and extravagant objects , is left to be the onlg visible representative
and organ of the nation ' s favourite policy of Progress—itis tout too proualue that we slull one day do in haste , not only many things that ought -to have been done at leisure , tut some things that ought not to be done at all . It needs m particular sagacity to predict , if the only two powers in the political arena , are , on the one hand , a tolerably numerous and energetic oody of agitators who know their own minds , and . on the other , a mere "Party of Order" without any policy but that of holding office on the easiest possible terms—that it is not the latter that win eventually carry the day .
The writer proceeds to say : We earnestly trust that the author of the Reform Act trill spend a considerable portion of the present recess , not in preparing philosophical parliamentary replies to Mr . Hume , Mr . Cobden , and Mr . Feargus O'Connor , but in demising some rational and practical way of meeting an extremely natural and perfectly legitimate popular demand ., And , after adverting to certain moderate and immediately practicable changes , concludes thus : — The grand desideratum is , to mate a beginning of some Mtitl—la Lreak theiee of finality—to give the country some practical proof that Progress is possible without knocking the constitution all to pieces , and that Conservatism does not mean standing still with folded hands while unreformed abuses , unrcdressed grievances , and uuappeased discontents are jrrowins at corauouad interest .
The appearance of such sentiments in a paper well known to represent a powerful party of able men , possessing practised administrative habits , affords a much more correct indication of the , future influence and results of the new agiiation for Parliamentary Iteform , than the coarse and unreasoning abuse and opposition of the "limes . " Itisthe vocation and the habit of thai unprincipled journal to calumniate and obstruct every popular movement iu its early stages , and when it is foiled in the effort , to turn round and become the heartiest eulogist and advocate of the very principles it has done its best to crush . No doubt , as in the case of the . Anti-Corn-Lav League , we shall have it some morning , not far distant ,
proclaiming to the -world , " the Parliamentary and Financial Beform Association is a great faet ; " and commencing to defend its principles and objects with as great a command of words , and as great a lack of principles , as it now opposes both . During the agitation for the Reform Uill , when the middle and working classes were formerly united , the' Timts " exceeded all other journals in the violence of it 3 language , and the intensity of its abuse of the opponents of "the hill , the whole hill , aad nothing but ilie bill . " Time and the increased strength of the movement are all that is necessary to convert it once more into the advocate of a decidedly popular cause . It lives bv swimming with the stream , and the
perception of that , fact makes its thunder harmless , and its abuse and opposition ridiculous . As to the course which the Ministry are likely to take with reference to the movement , there can ie no donbt that , rather than be turned out of office , Lord Jons and his colleagues will readily try their hands again upon a re-constitution of the elements of popular representation . The extent to which they will co will mainly depend upon the attitude
a 33 uincd by the leaders of the movement , and the nature of the proposals they insist upon the adoption of . In this respect , the tone of the meeting of Monday last was excellent . Almost every one of the speakers clearly intimated their preference for the principle of Universal Suffrage , and their opinion that the p lan of the Association was based upon the supposed expediency of conciliating the- more timid class . of Beformers . The enthusiastic reception of Mr . O'CONNOR—the representative of the Chartists—was an unmistakeable
proof of the feeling of the immense assemblage . Lord Nugent — whose speech was , as to argument , diction , breadth of view , acd boldness in the enunciation of principles , the gem of the nig ht—distinctly asserted and upheld the great and fundamental princip le of Manhood SufiragO . Mr . CHAELES IiUSHISGION , in an equally frank and unreserved manner , proclaimed Lis adhesion to that principle ; and , on the authority of the great Lord Cambes , denounced taxation without representation as a " robbery J "
It is for the " robbers" to say whether they will reject the modified proposals now made to them . Let them remember that each successive refusal will be followed by augmented demands , and it depends on themselves -whether the full and complete enfranchisement of the people shall proceed gradually and quietly , or be accomp lished at once , in a manner which may possibly injure particular classes by the rapidity of an extensive change . One thing is certain , they will find themselves utterly
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I l l : REGEIPTS OF THE NATIONAL LAND COMPANY Fob the " Week Enddtg Thdbsdat Abgusi 16 , 1849 . ' SHARES . £ 6 - 4 £ s . d . Newbnry .. 1 19 8 R . T . IIalla ; n .. 1 n 0 Nottingham .. 0 7 10 J . CoUinson o i " n Belper .. 010 0 J . C . .. " „ , Sheffield .. 1 3 11 W . Clarr idra " nit , Peterhoroush .. 1 » J llta * ^ 0 ° T . Hodge .. 0 4 0 J . Greenwood .. 0 2 0 C . Mowl .. 0 10 ,. „ r , T . Hodge .. 030 jjjs ^ EXPENSE FUND . "" ¦¦ AYalsoken .. 020 B . Bielie 3 .. 020 0 4 0 MONIES RECEIVED FOR THE PURCHASE OF MATHON . t'iF" *!?" ? . " 10 ° ° J . B ., Devonport 62 0 0 J . a ., iamngton 30 0 0 J-S ., Sowerby .. 19 10 0 £ 12110 0 TOTALS . Land Fund ... 9 5 1 Expense ditto ... 0 4 0 Mathon 121 10 0 Bonus ditto 0 2 0 loan ditto 0 10 New Land Society 10 8 6 £ 141 10 7 TY . Dixoi * , C . Doyle , "" - ~~—T . Clark , Cor . Sec . . P . M'Grath , Fin . Sec . 2 f . B . —The digest of the proceedings of the Conference shall appear next week .
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TO THOSE WHO EARNESTLY DESIRE THE TRIUMPHANT ESTABLISHMENT OP HUNGARIAN FREEDOM . Friends , Should confirmation arrive of the glad tidings which have just reached this country , of the glorious victory gained by the heroes , led by Georgey , over the combined Russian and Austrian army commanded by PaskiemTSCH , there will be reason for entertaining the hope that the Hungarians may of themselves succeed in winning then : independence
without the aid of England ' s arms , and iu spite of the wordy nonsense of English " moral force" sympathisers . Nevertheless , be sure that that victory will , not terminate the war . The semi-savage hordes at the command of Nicholas are almost innumerable , and although they should be " mowed down in masses" by the heroic Hungarians and Peles , still in renewed masses they will be precipitated against the champions of Freedom , until either the Polish tragedy shall be repeated or the Russian empire itself shall perish . The Austrian empire has perished .
Even the final subjugation of the Hungarians could not restore the power and pride of Austria . From the day that the Kaiser called in the Russians he ceased to be the wearer of an independent crown ; and is henceforth , at best , but a satrap of the Tsak ' s . If the Muscovites conquer , their empire will extend from the Baltic Sea to the Mediterranean , and from Siberia to Switzerland . If beaten , not only will the Austrian empire be
dismembered , and the actual rule of that emp ire be lost to the Tsar : that tyrant's own empire— 'torn by internal insurrection , and assailed by foreign force—will crumble and perish ; " a consummation devoutly to be wished . " To win immensely much , or lose all , is the pre-ordained issue of this war for Nicholas . Judge you , then , whether he wilJ not play his last Cossack rather than be beaten in the mighty game to which he has committed himself . He must conquer , or he must fall— "Never to rise again . " As long , therefore , as a chance remains of the Autocrat ' s triumph , I shall never coaso to cry to my countrymen to follow up their lip-sympathy by deeds ; I shall never cease to call upon the people to compel the Government by the power of public opinion , to take the proper , the honest , the dignified coursethe course prescribed both by national duty and sound policy—of launching the bolts of British miglil on the side of Hungarian right . That there may be no mistake as to my meaning , I will here set forth my programme of " British sympathy . "
1 st . —The recognition ( by the British Government ) of Hungary as a free and independent nation . 2 nd . —An intimation ( on the part of the British Government ) to the Russian and Austrian despots , to withdraw their armies from Hungary by a stated time , accompanied by a further intimation that non-compliance on the pail of those despots will be immediately followed hj a declaration of war on the part of England .
3 rd . —A solemn declaration by the British Government , that in acknowledging the independence of Hungary , and , if necessary , affording armed aid to the Hungarians , it has only in view the preservation of the interests of Humanity , and the guarding of Europe , against Cossack aggression ; and has no intention of dictating any particular form of government to the Hungarians , or at all interfering with the formation of their laws and institutions .
If Public Opinion has the power to influence the Government to acknowledge the independence of Hungary , Public Op inion could force the Government to make , and act np , to the " solemn declaration" I have suggested . The parties who pass resolutions , calling on the Government to immediately acknowledge the independence of Hungary , and who , at the same time , set then : faces against war , exhibit remarkable inconsistency . If , indeed , this country gives no aid to the Hungarians during their struggle for independence , but merely acknowledges that independence when
vnfait accompli , there will be but little danger of that acknowledgment bringing war in its train ; but that will be a very different affair to the immediate recognition of Hungary as a free and independent nation . Lord Palmerston will not dare to open diplomatic relations with Hungary as an indedendent power , without at the same time preparing for instant war . The immediate acknowledgment of Hungarian independence means war . The difference between myself and the anti-war
" sympathisers" is , that while I would prepare the people for the natural and necessary consequence of " immediate recognition , those precious politicians would lead the people blindfold into a state of war . To put this question in a proper li g ht , let me ask you to imamne that an Irish insurrection had been so far successful that the insurgents had beaten the Queen ' s troops in several battles , and that , although the final issue wa s still doubtful , there was every prospect of the war continuing for somemonths , perhaps a year or
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two . You know that in those circumstances , meetings would be held throughout the United States , calling on the Government to immediately recognise the independence of Ireland . If the President and his advisers desired to avoid war , they would refuse to acknowledge Ireland as an independent state , until such time as the Irish had completely vanquished the British troops , taken possession of the entire country , and were permitted to hold possession without further molestatioH on the part of England ; but that would not be " immediate recognition . " Suppose , on the other hand , that the war was still raging in Ireland , and that public opinion forced the American Government »
¦ to an immediate recognition of Irish independence , ask yourselves what would be the course of the British Government ? Every man of you must be persuaded that the Government of this country could , and would , do no other than declare war against the United States . Now for the application : —If Lord Palmerston and his colleagues obey the wishes expressed by the people , for the immediate recognition of Hungary as an independent state , Russia and Austria will declare war against this country . Be not too sure that in those circumstances France would be on oui « side .
The chances are more in favour of the French Government joining Russia ' and Austria against England and Hungary . Remember the assassination of the Roman Republic . Bear in mind that the infamous Buonaparte and his crew arc capable of any perfidy—of any crime ' . The organs of the French Government eagerly announce every reported defeat of the Hungarians , and every fabulous victory of the Aastro-Russians . Home eighty members of the " Mountain" having drawn up a resolution affirming the recognition of Hungarian independence , a committee appointed by the Ministerial majority have reported ,
unanimously , against taking the resolution into consideration . Every allusion to the "Hungarian Republic'' is receivei with shonts oi derisive laughter by the "Right . " These facts show that the majority of the French Assembly would much rather go to war against , than in favour of , Hungary ; The fleets of France , Russia , and Austria combined would be no contemptible match for the naval force of England ; and such a triple alliance of hostile forces might , and not improbably would , be one of the fruits of T £ nglaiid ' s immediate recognition of Hungarian independence .
In the name of common sense , then , let the " sympathisers" be consistent ; let them either vote for Hungarian independence , and war ( if necessary ) , or let them cease to demand the former , if they have no stomach for the latter . By their present course they are deceiving either the Hungarians , or their own countrymen . If they really mean to eschew war under all circumstances , then they are deceiving
the Hungarians , for to so mean , and at the same time talk about Hungarian independence is deception and folly . If , on the other hand , they really desire the immediate recog nition of Hungary as an independent state , at the same time that they pretend that such recognition may take place without any danger of war , they are deceiving their own countrymen .
Amongst other critics of my proceedings in relation to the Hungarian question , I have now to include my old friend Thomas Cooper , who , both on the platform and through the press , has done me the honour to criticise my doings at the Marylebone meeting . As I know only by hearsay Mr . Cooper ' s remarks at the John-street Institution on Sunday last , I will not comment upon information which has reached me in a necessarily imperfect form . I shall confine myself to the article in No . 31 of the Plain Speaker . The article is headed " Shall England go to War to help Hungary ? " and is put in the form of a dialogue between a Youth and a Septuagenarian . The " Youth" taking my side of the question , and the Septuagenarian doing duty for my critic .
Here I must observe that the tone of the article differs widely from those precious concoctions of Fox and Miall , on which I commented in my last letter . Not questioning my sincerity , Mr . Coor-Eit imputes to me ? . " want of reflection , " - and the advocacy of a mistaken policy . Of course in the Plain Speaker , the " Septuagenarian" has the best of the argument ; but the parties to the argument are not fairly matched . I admit that Thomas Cooper may
be as wise a man as any " Septuagenarian " that ever existed ; I know him to be much wiser than most of the Septuagenarians I have known in the course of my time ; I know , too , that I am very considerabl y Mr , Cooper ' s junior ; still I am not so juvenile , nor so void of " reflection , " but that I can give my " Septuagenarian'' friend certain answers the unfortunate " Youth ' seems never to have thought of . The following I understand to ' be the substance of Mr .
Cooper ' s arguments : — 1 st . —That the Hungarians are in arms , not merely for national independence , but for the establishment of a republic also—that if England intervened , her soldiers and officers would not be sent to fight for a Republic . That If an English army were sent to Hungary , it would be with the understanding that the Magyars should re-accept the House of Hapsburg with a constitution—or some Coburg for a king ; or if a Protectionist Ministry wore in power , a war , if undertaken by England , would be for the restoration of legitimacy ,
2 nd . —Home . Reform is the proper and instant work of the English Democrats . When that is secured , the Government and the army will then become fit instruments to help on the freedom of Europe ; till then they cannot and ought not to be trusted with that great
mission . I invite the reader to examine the dialogue himself , and he will find that I have faithfully rendered the substance of ill . CoOPElt ' s arguments . I answer : — 1 st . If English soldiers were sent to Hungary they might aid , but they could not overawe the Hungarians ; they would be too few for that ; moreover , those soldiers might return ( as the French troops returned from America ) , imbued with sentiments to which , at present , they are strangers . It is not likely , however , that Eng lish soldiers would be sent to Hungary , wherever else they might be sent to ; the grand blow for Hungary weukl It would
be struck by . England on the seas . he-optional with the Magyars whether they would accept English aid , on "the understanding " imag ined by Mi ' . CoOPEll if they are fighting for a Republic , they would uot . If public opinion can compel the british Government to go to war in behalf of Hungary it could prevent that Government going to war avowedly for the restoration of Legitimacy . Public opinion being omnipotent—as we are daily assured is the case by Parliamentary and non-Parliamentary orators—could compel the Government to couple with intervention , the declaration contained in the third article of the programme iilready put forth in
this Letter . , ¦ . .. i But declaration , or no declaration , and whatever mig ht be the motives or wishes oi the English Government , the kind of government established for Hungary would be—and will be-determined on by the Hungarians themselves . If victors , whether with or without English aid , they are foo s enongh to submit their necks to a renewal of the Austrian yoke , or any other royal yoke , it w , 1 be their own Avork . Ifdetermmcd on establishing
Republican institutions they will do so , no matter the ill-will or otherwise of the Eng lish Government . France sent a monarchical army to America , but could not establish a Monarchy in that country ; and no more could England ' s intervention establish Monarchy in Hungary . It would be nonsensical to compare
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—^—————^ MemiHuiM . Hungary with such states as Greece and Portugal ; both in her' geographical position and the number and character of her people , she possesses that strength and power which are altogether wanting in the countries ruled over by Otiio and Donna Mama . Powerful for good , England may be courted as a friend by Hungary ; but powerless for mischief , the Hungarians have nothing to fear from her as an enemy . If they re-establish the follies and crimes of Royalty , the act will be their own . It will be for Kossuth and his g lorious compatriots to see that no such degradation shall dim the lustre of that triumph , which 1 fervently pray may be the issue of their mighty struggle . —i ^«»—^ emmarm « csm »»™
2 nd . -- To postpone g iving aid to the Hungarians until we have secured' " Home Reform" constitutes no part of my political belief . I should be most happy to postpone intervention in favour of Hungary for a month to come , if I thought that " within that time there was any prospect of our obtaining Home Reform ; but is there any such prospect ? Is there a prospect of obtaining Reform this year , or next ? Mr . Cobden tells Sir Joshua vUwisley and his friends that they have ( nlanv years' good work before them . " When the Poles rose in insurrection in
1830-31 , those who demanded that England should take up the cause of that cruelly-wronged people were told to "first secure Home Reform , " and the Poles were allowed to perish in their un aided struggle . When Cracow was " annexed" we were seeking the Charter , and so could do nothing for the victims of that Imperial crime . Now , we are told by high authority , that there are many years of good work before us ere the newly-projected instalment of Reform is likely to be secured ; and until that Reform , or something more sweeping , is secured , we are to do nothins - for tho Hunnra .
nans , Romans , or any other wronged people—at least , so argues my friend Thomas Cooper . I beg his pardon , wo may do something for our brethren—we may talk for them . " 0 ) most lame and impotent conclusion . " I , too , say th . it " Dome Reform is the properand instant work of the English Democrats ; " but I say , also , that to assist the struggling , suffering Democrats of othor lands , is also " the proper , " ann should be tho " instant work" of the people of this country . From the " weak , washy , everlasting flood" of pacific sympathy , which has deluged so many of the meetings called to sympathise with the Hungarians , it affords me real pleasure to turn to the plain , bold
sentiments given uttcranco to , this week , at Derby and Birmingham . At the Derby meeting , Mr . Bass , M . P . for that borough , almost went tho length of the Marylebone demonstration , and Mr . Councillor Madeley said : "He would ask any reasonable man , whether , having to deal with the savage hordes of Russia , the . moral foree of this country would have any weight , but for the knowledge that it is backed by a gallant fleet and « brave army . ( Cheers . ) " He ad tied that Englishmen should demonstrate , "that we can , if we wish , unsheathe the sword-in the cause of liberty , and are prepared to defend the oppressed , not only with our purses , but with our . inns . ( Several rounds of cheering . ) " At the Birmingham meeting , that
pacific twaddler , Mr . Joseph Sturge , having entered his " protest against all fighting , " and even ( according to the report ) condemned the Hungarians for taking up arms ,- Mi ' . Mi'Mrz ,. M . I ., delivered a speech which I earnestly commend to your attention—by far the best speech yet delivered in support of the Hungarians . Mr . Muntz observed , that " li the world at largo desired to be tree , it musi " not only acknowledge the independence of Hun" gary , but be ready to go to war to secure it . «• • ¦ "• * * ¦ He hoped iliafc they " mig ht get the government to acknowledge the in" dependence of Hungary , but he feared they woul < i "do no such thing ; and supposing they would do " so , of what use would it be unless they were
pro" pared to back it up : What was the use of moral '' force if physical force was not close upon it ? It " was the fear of physical force that gained for the " people the Reform Bill . So , in the absence of this " physical force , he feared they were looking for " something that they would not obtain—a recognition of the independence of Hungary by thego" vernment of this country . . * * . * " The fact was , we had not the pluck to interfere . "Ours was an emasculated government . Then " was . no such thing as heroism left amongst us . " We were nil talk now . A nation of shopkeepers , " money-getters , and spiritless . * * " ¦ . * The truth was th . it there was no high "feeling left in England . We might talk of the " heroism of the Hungarians ; it . was a thing only " known in-name to us ; . everything was lost in the " beggarly pounds , shillings , and pence feeling , A " declaration of sympathy in this matter might hv
" all very well ; but , in las opinion , the proper " thing to do would be to call upon our government " to declare war against Russia , if she did not leave " Austria and Hungary to settle the quai'l'ol " amongst themselves . ( Cheers . ) " Of course Parson Miall is very wroth with Mr . Muntz . It may be so , but ho takes very good care to keep his wrath to himself . The Nonconformist ot Wednesday contained not a word denunciatory of Birmingham , or its member . "Why does not Miall denounce tin-Birmingham people as "demented ? " Why does he not denounce Mr . Muntz ' s speech as " sheer contemptible brag , " " as con . plete a piece of folly , as downright and stupid a blunder , as physical-forcr-Chartism , or Leduu Uolun Republicanism ? " Will the Dispatch of Sunday next denounce Messrs . Bass and Madei-ey ? Will " Publicola " insinuate that Mr . MusfTZ is a Russian spy , or denounce his speech as " bluster and brnggadocia ? "
In one of his recent addresses Kossuth thus apostrophises this country : —" Thou haughty English " nation ! Hast thou forgotten that thou hast de" creed the princip le of non-intervention , that thou " now suficrest an intervention directed against " constitutional liberty ? ¦ Not only dost thou not " defend the holy cause of constitutional liberty , " but tliou lcndcst aid to the banner of tyranny by " suffering this coalition of tyrants . Tho proud " pennon of the British mast is threatened with " disgrace . God will withdraw tho'blcssing ho has " lent it , if it prove untrue to the cause to which it " owes its fame , " And he ¦ adds : — " Awake , O , People of Europe " On Hungarian ground tiro battle for the freedom " of Europe is fighting . With this country the free " world will lose a powerful member . In this na" tion a true and heroic champion will perish . For
" we shall fight until wo spill the last drop of our " blood , that our country either may become a " chosen sanctuary of freedom , consecrated ' . vith " our blood ; or ' shall , form a damning monument " to all eternity in token of the manner in which " tyrants can league to destroy free peoples and free " nations , and of the . shameful manner in which free " countries abandon one another !" Reason and reflection , as well as feeling and zeal , bid perseverance in the course I have adopted . A"ain I cry unto my Countrymen to do their duty ; to ° takc the ' side of Humanity and Freedom , no matter at what cost , and strike for Justice , all hazards notwithstanding . Let not History confirm the terrible accusation launched against us by Kossum that we " bui lent to the banner of tyranny by suffering this coalition of tyrants . " G . JULIAN HARNEY .
August ICth , 18 i 9 . T ; S . —Thursday night , Twelve o ' clock . 1 have just returned from a magnificent meeting iu the ' aristocratic Assembly Rooms , Hanover Square . Mr . Lusmngtox , M . P . for Westminster , presided , and the meeting was addressed-by Lord Kugext , Lord Dudley Stuart , and a host of other speakers , including two Americans : one an Episcopalian Clergyman , and the other a Military Officer on his way to Hungary . My reception was ample compensation for the abuse and sneers of t )> o Nonconformist and the Dispatch . The meeting was , and in every sense of the word , " up to the mark . "
TO THE DEMOCRATS OP NOTTINGHAM . My Friends , — -Although indifferent health , and other circumstancps ,. render it difficult for me to leave town at present , I nevertheless accept your invitation with pleasure , and will , I trust , be with yon on Monday next , to take part in your public meeting , at the Exchange Hall , in behalf of the glorious Hungarians , who most assuredly deserve the sympathy and aid of all lovers of liberty throughout the world . G . JULIAN HARNEY .
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INDEPENDENCE OF HUNGARY . GREAT MEETING " AT BIRMINGHAM . On Monday afternoon a public meeting , convened in consequence of a requisition to the mayor , held at tho Corn Exchange , Birmingham , for the purpose of adopting a memorial to the Queen urging the- recognition by the British government of the national independence of the Hungarian people , and to take such other steps upon the subject as might be deemed advisable . The Mayor ( Samuel Thornton , Esq . ) presided ; amongst the gentlemen on the platform wero U 1 . Muntz , Esq ., M . P ., Mr . Scholefield , M . P ., Mr . G . Dawson , M . A ., the Rev . Dr . Raphall , Mr . Bray , the town clerk , Mr . Edmonds , clerk of the peace , Mr . Alderman Palmer , Mr . Councillor Bavnett , Ml ' . Councillor Baldwin , Mr . Alderman Mwfcineau , Mr .
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aggi ^^ . ^ . ja ^ . d ^ . gaagKBmLiM ^ j ^ jii '^ jggLIiiff ^ -ir ^ f ^ Alderman' Weston , &c , Ac . Tho attendance was very numerous , tie building being crowded in every part . Mr , ScnoiBFiBLD , M . P ., moved the first resolution . The lion .- gentleman said that this was the third meeting he had attended on this important subject , and great as had boon his plcasuro in doing so . he confes .-ed that it was with even more infinite satisfaction that he witnessed such a demonstration in Birmingham in favour of those great principles of liberty which were being now asserted in the persons of the braro Hungarians . Tho principle of \ Y' nmtj ¦ - .. < .- »» w »»» ii .. miiim . jiiijii . inxi ui- —! uuit
right and wrong was never more strongly marked than iu this dispute between Austria and Hungary —for , time out of mind , the Hungarians had had a constitution of their own , their own ministers , thoir own king ; and it was because the Emperor of Austria refused to swear to the Hungarian constitution , the Hungarian people had determined to depose the House of Hap ^ burg , and for his part , he said , " God grant they may bo successful . Some said that the Hungarian constitution was too democratic ; others thought it savoured too much of the old feudal aristocratic principle ; he was disposed to believe that it was little understood in this
country ; but one thing was quite certain , that the Hungarians had risen as one man , and declared in favour of a constitution ; and whatever the sovereign people willed , he knew of no human arbiter whatever who had a right to dispute it . ( Cheers . ) There were two features in this contest deserving of especial notice : one of these was the cruelty with which Austria was carrying on the war , and the other tho intervention of Russia . He was sure that any man who read the proclamation of the savage Haynau could scarcely find it in seul not to denounce the man and the government who cmployed him . Ko one who had any regard for the law of nations , so flagrantly violated by Russia , could say that the time laid not arrived when England should interfere . ( Cheers . ) Ho hoped that the news of the recent victories by the Hungarians would be fully confirmed ; and that thereby the f . ite and the triumph of Hungary would bo decided . Let England take her stand in time . He
hoped that a strong protest would at once be made by our government against the intervention of Russia , and in acknowledgment of the independence of Hungary . He believed that in a few days a memorial aigned by members of all parties in the House of Commons would be presented to tlio government pressing upon it the necessity of acknowledging immediately the independence of Hungary . Beyond the highest considerations there were others , though of minor importance , wbieh made the result of this struggle a matter of . considerable interest to the people of this country . In a commercial point of view it was impossible to over estimate the advantages that would accrue to England if the Hungarians were successful in their struggle for liberty . Therefore did he call upon them , in the name of humanity , to . speak out in this great cause ; in the name of those noble Hungarians who were struggling for their independence ; in the name of the suffering but undying cause of liberty . ( Cheers . ) tl iS
_ _ , , __ The llev . Dr . Rapiiaij . seconded the resolution , lie strongly denounced the interference of ltussi « in this quarrel between Austria anu Hungary . Russia was ( he said ) the incarnation of despotism ; the knout , the axe , and Siberia , these were the instruments of her government . Her movements for the last 150 years had been those of aggression . In this contest her defeat was ( he botievedj inevitable ; that the eternal principles of right and justice would triumph , and that Hungary would be free . Mr . T , H . G ill said , that however- enthusiastic and full of sym athy we mig ht be , it often happened that between conflicting individuals and conflicting causes we hardly knew how to dispose of our sympathy , and where to bestow our enthusiasm , as in the best causes there was generally something bad , and in the worst something good . But here , happily , we were in no such dilemma . Austria was so wholly in the wrong , and Hungary so entirely in the ri"ht ; the Austrian government so monstrously
aggressive and wantonly oppressive , and the Hungarian people so calm and forbearing ; the Austrian mode of warfare so horribly savage , and the Hungarian so gloriously merciful and wonderfully magnanimous ; the "Austrian generals were so delighttully stupid , and charmingly unsuccessful , and the Hungarian leaders so wonderfully successful and victorious , that we are under no necessity . of splitting our admiration and dividing our enthusiasm by giving i " . huge slice to Hungary and a little bit to Austria . It was all g iven to Hungary , and given iiy all Classes and parties here—Conservatives , Whigs , Radicals . Our approval is earnest , entire , and unreserved . On either side of the Hungarian tricolour hangs our own national flag . M-. y the heart of England be ever as close to tho heart of Hungary as their banners now are ; may our whole strength be put forth in behalf of that dear , and ijlorious Hungary—that Hungary , our younger sister in freedom , our imitator in much , and our superior and mistrqss in how much more—m heroism , in self-sacrifice , in transcendent national virtue , and supreme national wisdom .
Mr . Joseph Siuuge next came forward , and said that he concurred in denouncing the conduct of the UKSsians and Avistrians towards the Hungarians ; lie concurred , too , in the prayer of the memorial to recognise the independence of Hungary , and in ilciiouncing tlic oppressive conduct of the Austiians towards the Jews . But as a Christian , he felt called upon to enter his protest against all fighting ; he jelieved that passive resistance , was the best : neither could he concur in recognising . all that the Hungarians did in the way of taking up arms . The resolution was then put and carried with enthusiastic cheering .
Mr . Muntz , M . P ., in moving the second resolution , said , that he regarded this as one of the most important questions that had ever been brought under the notice of the people of this country . Itwas not because of the thousands of our fellow-men who had been slaughtered , although that was bad enough ; it was not because of the commercial consideration , although that was important enough ; but the great question was—has a nation that quarrels with its own people a right to call to its aid another nation to assist it the moment it finds itself tu difficulties ? If that princip le is to be recognised fti a just one , then there is an end to all the liberties of tlie people ; because a bad government—and there are a stood many of them—may slay and rob its people to any extent , it has nothing to do but call hbourand the le
iu its nearest tyrannical neig , peop over whom it has tyrannised has no alternative but to succumb ; such a principle would be in fact to perpetuate the despoti&m of bad governments in DVt > ry corner of the globe . ( Cheers . ) If the world at large desired to be free , it must not only acknowledge the independence of Hungary , but be ready to ' 0 to war to secure it . ( Cheers . ) He was not disposed to throw cold water on the principles Mr . Stur « e advocated ; be had as great a horror of war as any man , but if a man wanted to kill him— f a man broke into his house , and wanted to kill him to prevent a discovery , he would as soon kill that man as he would kill a dog . That was the position of the Hungarians just now : their lives , and their propertiesand their liberties were assailed , and they stood
, up in their own defence accordingly ; and a noble stand they had made . ( Cheers . ) He hoped that they mi-lit get the government to acknowledge the independence of Hungary , but he feared they would ilo no such thing ; ami supposing they would do so , of what use would it ho unless they were prepared to back it up ? What was the use of moral force if physical force was not close upon it ? It was the fear of physical force that gained for the people the Reform liill . So in tho absence of this physical force , he feared they were looking for something that they would not obtain—a recognition of the independence of Humrary by the government of this country . Wliiit had been done in other cases ? England had only ventured to interfere with some bc ° 'arlv country , that was . utterly powerless .
Look at Portugal — what had been done there ? Why , as soon as the people got an advantage over the government of that infamous Queen the British' fleet interfered to protect the sovereign , and tho consequence was that the government remained as despotic and tyrannical as ever . Here the question was the principle of one nation being permitted to interfere with the other ; was England prepared to support any recognition of the independence of the Hungarians by means of arms ? No . The fact was , we had not the pluck to interfere . Ours was an emasculated "overnment . There was no such thing as heroism left amongst us . We wero all talk ' now . A nation of shopkeepers , money-getters , and spiritless . ( Cry- of "No . " ) The time would come when they would
regret that this country had not interfered to assist the Hungarians in this struggle ; that would be whpn the barrier against an incursion from the Russian barbarians would be less than it was just now , and when it mig ht be of vital importance to this country that the tide of these incursions should be turned . ( Hear . ) And upon them wero we to depond ? Was it the French ? No . What did we do with respect to the recent exploits of the French at Rome ? Why we stood by and looked on whilst those cowards , who had just obtained their own rights , were trampling down the people of that small StiltC wliO were so nobly struggling for theirs . ( Hear . ) The truth was , that there was no high tcelitiff left in England . We might well talk of the
heroism of the Hungarians ; it was a thing only known in name to 119 ; cvcrttiing was lost in tho beggarly pounds , shillings , and penco feeling . A declaration of sympathy in this matter might be all very well ; but , in his opinion , the proper thin" to do would be to call upon our government to declare war against Russia , if she did not leave Austria and Hungary to settle the quarrel amongst themseives . ( Cheers . ) This was what it would come to ultimately , and something wovso . ( Hear . ) Why whero was this sort of thing to ond ? Suppose that next year Russia wanted some slice of territory or other , of course Austria would be bound to assist in ob « taming it . In fact they would allow this sort of thin ? to go on until they vwM bo obliged to go to
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war to defend their own interest . It was Utopian at present to talk about doing without soldiers if UnVy wanted to preserve , their own liberty , lie would go any length to carry out tho principle of economy ; but he would never leave the country to bo pounced upon by the despots of the world . ' Ho went the full length of the resolution ho had moved , and he only wished it had gone a great deal further . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Dawbox . M . A ., next rose and said : Some years ago , Hungary had a party who did for it what the Whigs did for England in their palmy days , before that party became but a sexton , "uarding the ashes of mighty ancestors , or an OlJ Mortality keeping fresh the annals of olden time , but addiii" nought thereto . Hungary , too . had its
r idical party , and when the French rovolutii & of 1 S 48 shook Europe , Kossuth and his party pushed on the greatest reform . Such was the character of these reforms , that none need fear that in now supporting the Hungarians he is aiding the cause of feudalism , religious persecution , or peasant oppression . The question is , what are we to do ? In answering it , I shall differ from Mr . Sturge and from Mr . Muntz . I loathe war , but I cannot yet say that it must never be undertaken . Many of us feel in a strait , and in all difficulties it is best to state the difficulties plainly . We hate war , and we hate oppression : wo could not go to war , and yet we cannot say that a case may not arise when the protection of the helpless , the ' defence of the weak , m : iy not call for it . God forgive , if I am wronir , but
I c-mnot say lhat in no case must the sword be drawn . It is said that we should be careful not to weaken Austria , that' we want a strong kingdom , so placed , as a barrier against Cossackism . Wo do want such a barrier—we want a free state there , but Austria is not that barrier , and now sold to Russia , can never serve as such . Let the sceptre depart from Austria , she has been an unfaithful servant , let her power be given to another . Mako Hungary our bulwark—in days of old the crescent was checked by Hungarian heroism , let the Russian bear be muzzled by it too . I need not dwell upon the mode in which this war has been carried on ; the cries of scourged women , tortured children , and harmless priests have pierced our ears . A Haynnu exists to show the 10 th century what were the barbarities of olden times . Our present duty is to enable Kossuth to say : Hungarians , the English nation has pronounced your cause to be just , the men of Milton ' s isle cheer you on ; and then I know
each arm will strike with double force , each heart will heat with quickened glow . The praise of the English people i 9 no light matter , this then we em--plmticuUy giro , and with equal energy we Joatho and condemn Russian tyranny and Austrian cruelty . The emperor of Russia is defied , he dreams as he will of his " mission "—if he is to be the saviour of the west it must be by annihilating us . ( Great cheering . ) The remaining speakers were Mr . Langford ( who was much applauded ) , Mr . Mason , Mr . Councillor Baldwin , Mr . Partridge , Mr . Councillor Burnett , and Mr . Alderman Weston . The meeting called upon the worthy alderman to read from the Daily News the latest accounts from Hungary . lie at once complied , and the intelligence therein contained was received with much applause . The proceedings terminated with a vote of thanks to the mayor , who sympathises warmly with the Hungarians in their struggle for independence .
The meeting , which had fcecn of a most enthusiastic character throughout , terminated at five o ' clock . Before separating , Mr . T . II . Gill proposed three cheers for Kossuth , and the independence of Hungary , which was responded to with much heartiness . *
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( From our Second Edition of last week . ) MANCHESTER . On Thursday . 1 crowded and even overflowing meeting was held at Manchester , to express sympathy with the cause of the Hungarians and Romans , and to protest against the interference of Russia and Franco in the affairs of those countries . The meeting had been called by the Mayor ( John Potter , Esq . ) , upon ii requisition highly-respectably signed , and was held in the Town-fiall . Along with a large body of the working classes there wero present many of the most respectable of tho merchants and public men of the borough and neighbourhood , including two members of the county , Alexander Henry , Esq . and James Ileywood , Esq . ; and James Kersliaw , Esq ., M . P . for Stockporc . The proceedings lasted nearly four hours , and yet from
no individual among the numerous speakers , of all classes of men , was a word breathed contrary to the spirit in which the meeting had been called . Mr . T . Bazusy moved the first resolution -. —" That this meeting , recognising the rig ht of every nation to the management of its own internal affairs , undisturbed by the intervention of foreign powers , sympathises with tho Hungarians and Romans in their heroic struggles to possess that right , and protests against tHo infringement of-it by the Russian and French governments . " A . Henry , Esq ., M . P . for South Lancashire , seconded the retohition , which mis supported in a very lengthy , able and patriotic speech by the Rev . lioiiuni Vauoiias , L . L . D . James IIkywood Esq ., and Mr . Ciiarlks Southwell also supported the resolution , and it was carried without a wOrd of dissent , amidst loud cheering .
Mr . Absalom Watkik , merchant and manufacturer , moved the second resolution : — " That a memorial to her Majesty be drawn up and signed by the chairman , on behalf of this meeting , humbly beseeching that sho will be pleased to instruct ; her Secretary oi State for Foreign Affiiivs to protest against the armed intervention of Russia and Prance in the internal affairs of Hungary and Home , and to use all the niontl influence her government possesses in behalf of the liberties of the oppressed nations . " James Kebshaiv , Esq ., M . P ., seconded the resolution ; and it was supported by tlio l ? ev . Dr . Meard , who , like Dr . Vaughaii , wont into the history and habits of the Hungarian people , with a view to show that they were justified in tho course they were now taking . The resolution was carried uuaufmously . ' ¦
. Mr Kobem Wobtiii . noton moved a resolution , protesting against the atrocities committed by the Austrians and Imperialists in the war with Hungary , especially the unprecedented cruelties practised by General Ilaynau . Mr . JouxStoiujs Smith seconded the resolution , and it was agreed to unanimously . After a vote of thanks to the Mayor for calling the meeting , and for presiding , and a few expressions from his worship in warm approbation and approval of the proceedings , the meeting separated .
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EXETER . A very full meeting assembled in the Reform Institution Room , in Exeter , on Wednesday last * for the purpose , as the bills expressed it , of sympathising with the brave Hungarian nation in iheir present struggle for independence . Mr . Charles TiTHEHLKi . the president ofthe institution , wvsinthe ch . 'iii * . Mr . Councillor lUitnixoTax proposed the following resolution : — " That this tueeting regards with tlie
greatest admiration and sympathy the iicImo exertions of tho Hungarian nation to maintain inviolate their ancient liberties ajid constitutional independence from the tyrannical encroachments , of Austrian despotism ; and it views with abhorreaco the atrocities committed by She Russo-Austrian authorities in lh » "flvy and rewards the intervention of llusaift as a violation of tb » law of nation * ftnd dangerous to the peace , freedom , and geueral welfare of Europe . " Mr . SraowaWDCE seconded the resolution , which was carried unanimously amid great applause .
Mr . Councillor IIiciiaivqs moved : — "That her Majesty ' s government be . respectfully requested to protest against thft interference of Russia , and to recognise tho independence of Hungary and its provisional government ; and that these resolutions be embodied in a memorial signed by tlie chairman , ami forwarded to Lord John Russell . " Mr . Staxdlakr , a working man , seconded the resolution , which was carried by acclamation . A vote of thanks was gircn to tlio Chairma n , ami Uiq meeting separated ,
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GREAT MEETING AT DERBr . One ofthe largest and most enthusiastic meetings ever held in the town of Derby took place in the Town-hal ) , on Monday evening . The hall and corridors were crowded in every paifc , and hundreds went away unable to get within hearing . The meeting was convened by the mayor , in compliance with a requisition signed ' hy men of all parties—clergymen and dissenting ministers , lladicals and Tories . The object was to unite with the citizens of London , and other towns , in an expression of sympathy
with the Hungarians , and to consider the propriety of addressing a memorial to g vernment . The Mayor presided , and the speakers included Mr . Bass , M . P . for the borough , the Rev . C . P . Shepherd , the Rev . Mr . Stevenson , Mr . Alderman Moss , Mr . Alderman Mozlcy , Mr . Councillor Mailclcy , ami Mr . Councillor Pe # g . Mr . Bass ' s speech excited great enthusiasm , which was much increased by tho speech of Mr . Madeley , who advocated direct armed intervention in favour of Hungary . The resolutions and the memorial to the Queen were unanimously adopted .
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¦ O " CARLISLE . We have received a letter from Mr . Kydd , which wo are sorry we cannot find room for . Mr . Kydd informs us that a crowded meeting of the inhabitants of Carlisle , convened to sympathise with the Hungarians , was held in the AthciiLeum , on Monday last . Joseph Ferguson , Esq ., in the chair . Several excellent resolutions woi-o unanimously adopted , and the proceedings were altogether of iv most enthusiastic character .
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unable to resist the demands of the people for enfranchisement . The ' battle which has now commenced can have but one termination—Victory ! nn . vu 11 - _ -.-.-i 3 - -: •¦¦ ¦ -1 ¦• - » :.. - .... _ ..
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FOR COSTS OF MACNAMARA ' S ACTIONKeceivea by TV . Rideb . —T . A . C , 64 ; Leicester , per W Bradsnaw , 12 s . ; Jlr . Iladdon , Wimeswould , ( id . ; Norwich , Messrs . B . and J . Palmer , and TV . and W : Roberts , 6 s . 3 d . It Sandi&rd , Bolholt , Is . j ilessrs . King and Flanders Melbourne , Is . FOR WIVES AND FAMILIES OF VICTIMS . Received % W . Hides . —A few Friends , Swansea , per J . Phillips , 10 s . ; Kottingham , per J . Sweet Is . ; T . Kerr Ashb j-de-la-Zoneh , 60 . ; A . Smith , Ashbv-de-la-ZoOch , 6 d . T . Stone , JJewbury , Cd . ; Richmond and Twickenham Shoemakers , per Smith andlound , 19 s . Gd . ; Norwich . Messrs R . and J . Palmer , and W . aud AY . Roberts , Cs . 3 d . FOR W . CUFFAY . Received by J . Gkassbt . —Glasgow , per Duncan Shernngton , 5 s . ; Mr . Munday , and Friend , Is . ; Mr . Foxtail , Is . _ CUFFAY AND OTHERS . Received bjr J . GaissBr . — Land Office , per Boonham . 4 s . Gd .
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A 0 OTSI M T 849 ' THE NORTHERN STAR 6 ii « i iiiiimiiiii naBB » - ^ mj-ij » , .. .. — , ,, . . — ¦ >—^ w—„ , „
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Aug. 18, 1849, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1535/page/5/
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