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IRELAND.
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TO THE PEOPLE . My deae Fkiends , —For many years , ever « noe the year 1782 , when the Volunteers -with Lord Chaeleshcjt at their head , extracted their share of plunder from the Enelish Government , through patronage and by popnlarforce the power of the people has heen subdued by the treachery of their leaders ; anffl at length the Irish people have become so disheartened that they are driven to the alternative of popular combination , to overpower the
SEB ^^^^** *^ I havefrequenflyreminded you that "the folly of to-day may be the wisdom of the morrow ; and you are veil aware that Ihave been subjected to no slight censure for eiDosmg and combating the My of popular leaders ; while , upon the other hand , I rejoice in their discovery ot error , and their " new birth unto righteousness . " I think you will admit , that during seventeen years ot persecution by the Irish leaders and the Irish press , I have never once denounced tiie Insh priesthood or the Irish people ; that I have borne the slander and the revmngs ot O'Cosjsell and his party of fection and its press . '
You trill remember how often I have told jou that , for either to he free , England and -Ireland must be -united in one common bond marshalled under one banner , and directed to tne attainment of one common obiecfc—THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER . Neither have you forgotten the manner in which English Chartism has been repudiated and reviled by Irish patriots and the Irish Press . The GULF ™* S S ' ** * D ^ ft , of the " Nation , would resist any attempt to bridfrp
at over ; while now the fraternity has become so indispensable , that Mr . Do tfj sees no alternative bat the union of the two people Mr Duffy having seen the foll y of having slandered the Insh priesthood—perhaps as a body the most devoted and patriotic men in the ¦ world—w ould now assume to himself and his -writings the responsibilit y of Ireland ' s recent mishaps , misfortunes , and failures .
Well , I would be the last person to censure a public man for the confession of error , the avowal of repentance , and the resolution to sin . no more ; but has not Mr . Duffy saddled himself with a charge of such an amount of folly as has led to the destruction—or , at all events , to the postponement for many a year —of Ireland ' s regeneration ? Mr . Duffy , in an article in last week ' s "Nation , " headed
"What will the Pbiesis Do ?" says : —i There is another reason not to be passed over in silence by ThcFalim . A Luge class of persons in this country are deeply impressed with the conviction that if the Confederates had had only steel and fire to encounter in ' 48 we would ere now have had an end of foreign rule and social misery , if the priests suppressed the insurrection , we cannot refose to admit that the Confederateleaders had themselves largely to blame . They excited a profound jealousy Of their ultimate designs among the clergy , by indiscreet writings and speeches ; which to men who dia not lniow them , and who had been systematicall y prejudiced against them , meant many things they were never intended to mean . They were guilty in this of a fatal error for which hey have paid a terriblepenalty . Perhaps Thomas Jleagher and Tht . Nation were the chief sinnere in this respect
If so let it be known that they saw their error and admitted * t In the last conversation between Mr . Duffy and Mr . Meagherin Richmond Prison , the former said "You and I committed a blocl&ead blunder my Mend—we arrayed against us the most vital institution of Irish Ireland , by mere folly . O'Connell told the priests we were then-enemies and as if to conform this calumny we utteredand published many tilings absolutely certain to be misunderstood by them . And behold the result-an attempt to raise the country without their help ; a project as feasible as raisin the Scottish highlands a hundred years ago without the Scottish chiefs . " "True , true , " rejoined Meagher— "it ws a great error . One to be avoided again . Any future movement must be based more largely on the religion , the sympathies , the old traditions of Ireland . For if our country is to have a new birth to libertv , she must this time be baptised in the oMHolv Well . " *
Thomas Fbaxcis Meaghek , the gem of getas , the soul of patriots , the pride of his country , and the loved and honoured of all , 13 in the above made to confess his error ; while in his last letter , written to me before he was banished from the land of his birth—as Mr . Duffy now admits by the enthusiasm inspired by the " Nation—* was of a very different character , and conveyed neither sorrow nor repentance : indeed , so dear is that young patriot ' s name aud-memory to me , that I cannot refrain from publishing his defence , against the calumnious charge of repentance urged against tan by Mr . Duffy ; and although it is marked * ' private , " I cannot see that its publication can in any way damage the heroic young victim . Here it is : —
( Pr ivate . ) Richmond Prison , June 6 th , 1 S 49 . Mr Deab FtiAcrs 0 'CossoB ,-Ton will have seen , before these few lin < s reaches you , that our fate has been decided . We are to leave the country—( probably tomorrow night)—as convicts for Van Dieraen ' s Land . I write to bid you an affectionate farewell , and to thank you—as I sincerely and most gratefully do , for the deep sympathy you have felt for me , and the efforts to defend my name and conduct , you have so generously and bravely made . May the good ( rod , in whose justice all oppressed nations repose their trust—protect , aid , atld with his Almighty arm , exalt the cause of freedom wJiicn you have served so long and faithfully , and may you live to witness in its triumph , the reward of the sacrifices you have made in its behalf .
This , my dear , excellent friend , is the sincere pravcr of one who glories in the proud thought that the first days of Ms youth have been devoted to the struggle of his country , and that failing in that struggle , he was doomed to be removed , far , far from his old home ; in testimony of the love with which he clung to it , and the sincerity with which , ha strove to reudev her honourable before aU nations—a benefactress and a glory to humanity . Be so good as to hand the enclosed to that noble-hearted . Englishman , And ever believe me to remain , My dear Feargus O'Connor , "Wherever my lot may be cast . Your sincere and affectionate young friend , Thomas Fhaxcis Meacheb . 2 fow let me ask how the above letter tallies ¦
with"True , true , " replied Meagher , "hut it was a great error , one to be avoided again . Any future movement most be bassd more largely on the reli g ion , the sympathies , the old traditions of Ireland . For if our country is to have a new birth to liberty , she must this time be bapfeed in the old Holy WelL " III a letter previously written to me , the ; young Martyr says : — " Though my fate is now sealed , I do not repine , as my suffering may tend to regenerate my fallen country . " But what apoor importance the Irish people must henceforth attach to the Press , when they read the following extract from the above passage : — " THEY EXCITED A PROFOUND JEAIOUSY OF THEIR ULTIMATE DESIGXS A 3 IOXG THE CLERGY BY INDISCREET WRITINGS AND SPEECHES ; WHICH TO MEN WHO DID NOT KNOW THEM , AND "WHO HAD BEEN SYSTEMATICALLY PREJUDICED AGAINST THEM , MEANT MANY THINGS THEY WERE NEVER INTENDED TO MEAN . " Here then , we have the unequivocal admission , that the "iVaft * c » "publishedmany things that the writers did not mean , ov things which were not understood by its readers . We know not upon which horn of this dilemma Mr . Duffy will hang—whether upon " the
indiscreet writings and speeches" published in the " Nation , " or the ignorance of the readers of those writings and speeches . Howbeit , we have the free admission of Mr . Duffy himself , that the " Nation" and its party , were the originators and destroyers of the recent Irish enthusiasm " —I will not call it even revolution or outbreak—and the consequence is , that the Irish people , being deceived by Old Irelanders , and Young Irelanders , and their press , are now establishing local combinations ,
as the only means of saving themselves from the plunder and rapacity of feudal lords , by cutting and carrying their crops , and leaving the swept soil to the landlord—to whom they have " paid , not only rent , but feudal fees , legal costs , and other charges , to five times the amount of the rent ; and yet they are plunderers 2 While naught but pity and commiseration is heard for the real pluudeper , ytho , under the sanction of law , has driveg his serf to the alternative of defending the pro-
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fiWi ^ sr- « v ^~ ^ m « Sd ° ?? ? Temem ' > something bedeuce of ^ " &Q " Nation " as to ^ P'udence of delaying operations until the harVcst proSs Tho ?/ dy * the Sickle - *** if such a process should agam cause devastation and massacre in Ireland , surely Mr . Doffy will not have forgotten the "indiscreet writings and speeches" published in the Nation" of tnat ( late , and the meaning of which , the most ignorant of the peasantry appear to have literally construed , and criticall y understood . r » Ow , if there is any one danger to a political party greater than another , it is that of
leaders and their organs , repudiating a policy by which they have organised and directed the public mind . It is especially dangerous as regards the Irish people , as they are cautious , watchful , and jealous ; and the confession of past errors by which they were led into great difficulties , will naturall y make them sceptical as to the amount of reliance to be placed in future designB . Taking all those matters into consideration will any man—the best versed in politics , or in '
social policy—point out any hope for the regeneration of Ireland , and of England too , other than the fraternisation of the workino classes of both countries , supposed to bego " verned by the same laws ; and by which fcatermsation they may insure a FULL , FREE AND FAIR REPRESENTATION OF THE WHOLE PEOPLE IN THE
COMMONS HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT . Such a system once established , neither Press nor demagogue can mislead the public mmd by " INDISCREET SPEECHES AND WRITINGS , " nor can the most cunningso misinterpret them as to stamp them with an erroneous impression . There is no man more ready or willing than I am , to
make compensation to an injured person ; and I do think that the confession of Mr . Duffy ' s errors , should have induced him to offer some apology for his abuse of John O'Connell , who , with the exception of Mr . Greene , was the only Irish member who voted for the PEOPLE'S CHARTER—a fact which has induced me to forget my every difference with that gentleman .
Ireland is now about to suffer from another famine ; Ireland , as if designed by nature to be her oppressors' GREATEST DIFFICULTY , will also be found to be England ' s greatest difficulty— -not only the difficulty of the English Government , but the difficulty of the English people—as swarms of banished Irishmen will come to the Saxon laud , to compete with Englishmen in their own Labour
market—while there is a palace to be erected for the Queen in Ireland—the Cove of Cork is now QuEENSTOTTN—the lickspittles of the same city hope to change its name to Alberttown—and the future King of England is to be Earl of Dublin , as well as Peince of Wales . Why do not the loyal Scots insist upon his being Marquis of Modern Athens as well ?
All the writers in the "Nation" who touch upon the subject at all , are discussing the indispensable necessity of a fraternisation between the two people—the developement of the Land Plan , and the justice of reducing rents to the standard of the reduced price of produce , And let me asfe you—yon , the reviled Chartists of England—if there is one of those questions connected with Irish policy , and the necessit y for the Irish people adopting them , that I have not expounded over and over again ?
Arthur O'Connor— and not Grattan , although it has been ascribed to bin—declared in his speech in the Irish House of Commons , in 1796 , that " three million English slaves would rivet Britain ' s chains "—and Ireland has now more than double that number of slaves . However , the English Government may rest assured that agrarian disturbances will constitute a much greater difficulty than political quackery . In the one case , the policy U for the poor to save what they can from the ravager ; in the other , the policy is for the demagogue to extract what he can from the
credulity of the poor . However , » I hope and trust that ere long the confidence ' of the poor in their own order alone , will place them in that independent position , to achieve which for them , has been and still is , the darling object of my life , and in which course I will persevere until that object is achieved . And may God grant , that neither dread of persecution , nor newspaper policy , will ever compel or induce me to retract my principles , or mourn over the injury and injustice that mv " INDISCREET WRITINGS AND SPEECHES" may have imposed upon others .
I see before me now a great , a glorious , a noble and holy prospect—if the people are but true to themselves ; a prospect—the realisation of which , neither press nor demagogue willbs able to blight nor destroy , as the free mind of man has now ripened to that extent ; that will enable it to combat against and overpower all the elements of faction . I remain , Your faithful and uncompromising friend , Feahgus O'Cohhor .
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UNION OF THE MIDDLE AND WORKING CLASSES . TO THE EDITOR OP THE JfOBTBEBX STAR . ^ Sib , —In the Star of Saturday last , the 22 nd instant , in a letter addressed to the working classes by Mr . Feargus O ' Connor , there appears the following , amongst other remarks , to which , with your permission , I beg to offer a few words in reply : — " Let me now explain to you the reason for thus addressing you . I understand that Mr . James Leach—recently released from Kirkdale prison—has invited the Manchester working men to resist sternly the proposed union between tho veritable middle and working classes . "
Upon this part of Mr . O'Connor ' s letter there are only seven correct words hi it , as far as regards myself—namely , "that I have been recently released from Kirkdale prison . " Whoever was Mr . 0 Connor ' s informant as to me advising the working classes to resist an union being formed betwixt themselves and the middle classes must have teen greatly imposed upon himself . Perhaps he had read the lying and scandalous reports in the Manchester Examiner or Spectator , both of which seemed to vie with each other in their infamous misrepresentations of the proceedings . What I did say was— " That no man in England would hail with greater pleasure than myself an union of the middle and working classes ; hut that union must only he on the consideration that the working classes should fully participate in any benefits arising from the changes this union proposed to bring about . " To this declaration I am prepared to stand , regardless
of police spies , their perjured tools , or the more infamous proceedings of pretended friends . It were these latter gentlemen that I held up to the contempt of the meeting . They have heen caught at their dirty work , and are now running about the town , like so many furies , striving to do that by private slander and malignity which they dare not for a moment attempt before the people . Some of these gentlemen contrive , through the dint of audacity and mendacity , to eke out a living otherwise than , at more respectable labour ; and for some reason or other—which at present I can only guess at—some of these gentlemen seem to be in great favour with thjc scribes in the editorial department of the above-named papers , and seem to have formed a league with them to hound downtne , who have , on some previous occasions , been a stumbling-block in the way of their political frauds and falsehoods , and who toU , with God's help , trip up their heela again ,
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^ nwstpoJwerful districts , approve of the | P ^ g will take carethat the contract is CiSST ha ? » e slippery friends may be igiuedirom tho following * letter ; and I dare SSii anch . ester - Qk&tatB will read it with 22 $ X "f * ^ nent upon it would be m ^ tho dignity of a pickpocket ; there---S Se ^ e 4 dmak 0 hiS *^^ S £ fSi ^^^ SS i iiealthandhftSTasvZ nZ ^ ? njoying as n > uch permit , I have soon ? S / 1 ' Clrc ™ 8 tanc 6 s will mpation . I tata ft ? 5 since ' »» eraanpesSBsss *? F ^^ IsnlJSeS Association ; but allows Cropper ' s wife Sling ^ week ! '• ' ¦ ' , i « ' " y ° u c ° uld see the Star of Saturaav last JKg ®» - « aaaaES 5 irnnisMnyetfoke-MiiJttsw e pacer ^ M tmlonteflt four dis ivteKitet Kirkdale patriots . TKS 4 nW » tof W . p Boberts , solicitor , paid all the Kirkdale prisoners a visit last week , wlien Leach expressed to that gentleman Ins determination to smash all the cracked political earthemyare when he comes amongst us . Well , I will be on the platform ( God willing ) in order to help in preserving from his wrath all the sound vessels of State .
** * * In the new council a majority of one are in favour of the vile demagogues . . Last Tuesday night two persons waited on the council to induce them to join in honouring Leach on his release , but they prudently declined . . One incident I must acquaint you with . One Sunday evening , at the Institute , there occurred some disagreeable work betwecn . me and the O'Connorites , over reading O'Connor's letter . At the ' conclusion , a person , vrtS dressed , accosted me and told me that the people did not understand me yet but that they would do in time . I told him that I did not care whether they did or not . He went home with and staid till
me , twelve o ' clock at night I fancy he has been a Socialist lecturer . I shall tell you some day how serviceable he has been to me in matters of dispute between me and the contentious Chartists . In my next letter I shall send you a copy of the phUanthropiobond , tobetakenasaplcdge by all who join our new move . You will observe we will put the old things into the shade , and cast the old machinery aside as useless lumber unfit for present use . 1 am associated with men of mind , who are willing to commence with me the work of regeneration . They are waiting my time . I am waiting yours , though , I believe , I shall have cause to repent the
I am , my dear Itankin , faithfully yours until death , nc n , , . Geobge Henry Smith . P . S . —O Connor , that humbug , writes a very miserable article in Saturday ' s Star . Oh ! when will the dupes be nd of the king of impostors ? God knows , I'll do ray best . G H S Is it wonderful that THE SPLIT SHOULD BE INEVITABLE ? There ' s a "Princeof Democracy "—the "Chieftain of Chartism" —the " Man of the Future " - ^ -too wiso for the present generation ! May I entreat my eulogist to transmit me a copy of the " PHILANTHROPIC BOND , to be taken as a pledge by all who join our new move , " in order that I may append my signature to the SMITH-LIBEKTY-OHAETEB ; and may I request my good friend Grqcott not to allow his daughter to visit him . Peargus O'Coo tob .
The two following letters I did not receive till half-past Seven on Thursday Evening ; and the " Star" goes to press on Thurs day night . However , it is of no importance , as comment upon them would be unnecessary : they are ably written , our principles well defined , and the necessity of co-operation for the achievement of the Charter well advocated . : ^' „ ,.,, F . Q'C . It is a common case in which we are all interested in which we should all be engaged . * * ' jjie City of London lmth given an example , which I doubt not will be followed by the whole kingdom . —Junius Letters .
TO THE EDITOR OP THE NOBTIIEia STAB . Sib ^ —I rejoice that Mr . O'Connor has thrown open , the columns of the Star to those wbo wish to discuss tho propriety of a union of the middle and working classes in support of the new Reform Movement , and I shall at once avail myself of the privilege , aa I consider it the best course to adopt in order to ascertain tho opinions of the Chartist body on this important matter . At the outset , I will candidly admit that I am in favour of a most decided and cordial union of the middle and working classes , because the experience of the past has convinced me , that without this union thero is no hone for our
cause . What has been done by our Chartist agitations ? I will not deny that much information has _ been diffused among tho masses on political subjects—and that many nave thus been convinced of the justice of ouv cause ; but I maintain that all the good that has been done in this way , has been effected years ago , and that for the last few years we have made no real progress , anil at present wo are completely prostrate , and there is scarcely a good working association in existence . I believo that the groat mass of the working classes are already convinced of the justice of our principle ;* but it is evident , from tho history of
the past—that they nave no confidence m the parties who are compelled , or who assume to be leaders of the Chartist Movement . This is easily demonstrated . Various plans luvo been from time to time submitted to the Chartist body by National Conventions , and associations for tho obtainment of the Charter . Abstinence from all excisable articlesco-opevative and exclusive dealing—the sacred month—the distribution of tracts , and tho employing of Chartist lecturers—the establishmen of Chartist periodicals , newspapers , &c . ; but these plans have never been acted on , and scarcely one per cent , of the professed Chartists through o » t tho country , could bo found willing to give them
even a trial . If a few were sincere enough to commence any of these plans , they neither had the sympathy nor support of the general body ; and if expenses were incurred on the faith that they would bo supported by tho Chartists generally , these expenses have over and over again fallen on the shoulders of a few—the honest ana sincere portion of the Chartist body , and tho many have been completely disheartened , and have retired from the agitation . Various plans of organisation have from time to time been adopted , but theso have also fallen to the ground for want of tho confidence and support of the Chartists generally .
_ I am aware that some will tell us what the working classes could do , and how easily the Charter could be obtained if they were only determined to obtain it ; and enter into mathematical calculations to show that even a halfpenny a week f rom every working man would be more than sufficient to obtain their just rights . Butjwm ' experience has repeatedly shown us that we cannot even obtain this sum , small as it is ; and there is scarcely a town in Scot-?• u il Chart . ist associations ha ve existed in which . these associations are not either sinking in £ vi ™ t ? TA ° a few earnest Chartists for clearing them . It is true also that tho National Executive Committee have been , starved ou o / eS SEL& - ^ . 1 W ( . ^ d latterly the ' whole
MS ? ^ y ? W a single individual , and Low * Sw ^ Y w obliged to travel and hS , ft ? ° A 7 -. ° ? ' . instcad of attending to the duties of the situation in which he was placed . Hnl i ™ v \ haVe ha 4 Periods of excitement , mon ? ff + i ou 7 0 f us believed that the cnactl mentof the Charter was just at hand , but what WHi ™ ° Tr lt ? The transportation of Frost , Williams and Jones-the imprisonment of hundreds ! ;] 'iT , il ^? and . sinceie of the Chartist body ; and , latterly this has been acted over again , and has resulted in the deaths of Williams anlsh ^ -p . We nave had great meetings , muck enthusiasm , and strong resolutions , but in the end tho victims are allowed to gO to Prison . f . n nirlf n . nlcum . nv < lin if
they refused , while their wives and families were starving . Mr . O'Connor has been compelled over ° l ™ W heavy expenses attending the Chartist trials in England , for then the enthusiasm had passed away and ' many of those wliese votes at the great ' meetings had brought many to pnson . laughed at those who had thus been * w * i ! ' ft is plain and evident to me at least tnat the great body of tho working classes never nave entered the movement with that sincerity and aetermination which-is essencial to insure success , ana many have attended our meetings more for S ^ S" ™ ? ithop t 0 & ** w get information ? L * i . ^' om this it is surely evident that the great body of the working classes have not * £ L «* Me ? trusfc in ono another which alone can carry the movement to a successful ter-
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mination ; and though few may be ' willing to admit t ™? ' S fc lfc ! L a fact ' that fchey took « fth greater respect and confidence to tho men , of tho miK classes- who . profess liberal principles-, than they d o to men of their own class . This is- a fact which holds good t » every country in tUworUS so far as the general body is concerned . We may lament that it is so ; but instead of flying in the&eeof this general feeling , wo should take advantage of it ; , and endeavour to turn it to advantage in securing tho more speedy enactment of our principle ? , byusin * every honest means to effect a union of the two great classes . In the history of the world , we cannot find a single mstanco of the workirg classes alone , gaining any great political triumph over their combined oppressors ; so that the whole experience of thepast should
teacn us to unite with those whose interests ave in reality identical with ours , and who possess the power aud influence , when thus combined , which will at once ensure success . I have no community of feeling with the wati-a-little-longerwiny who tells us that if we do so the middle classes will soon , come out for tho whole of our demandsfor I cannot , under any circumstances , in times ^ v u ¦ ' V ? > a gKi ° to » stand-still policu , which , has only a-vague probability of producihir SL * !* ^ - > y refl ecting man will at once see , : that by uniting , with tho Reform pavtv we wm ^ tain . : the ..- Suff ^ ge ; - the Ballot ,- Equal ; W $ tt £ ^ m $ f U -and ^ IIg ,, . PJODertyvQuaMeation , ma very . short " time ; and" that a parliament elected on these could be pledged befordhand to pass the other two points at once as their first measure , whilo by remaining isolated we destroy the power of both classes and gain nothina .
It does not follow that when we unite with a party contending for less than tho whole of our principles , that we sacrifice any of our principles we only believo it to be the best line of policy to adopt in order to secure ultimately the adoption of all our demands . I am aware that some will tell us that they have no confidence in the middle classes , because they deceived us with the Reform Bill . But this is an erroneous notion , for tho fact is that a few designing men deceived both classes ; and though the middle classes have nominally tlie franchise , yet the real power of law making is still in the hands of the aristocracy . This r £ suit is brought about by the inequality of the representation . Thus a few small English borou » h <*
with a population equal to about the half of Manchester has fifty representatives , while the great manufacturing town of Manchester has only two ! By this system the votes of the middle classes are completely neutralised , and four-ffths of the electoral body are left in a minority in the House of Commons t Is it not evident then that they have also been deceived as well as we have been , and thus that both are still unrepresented ? Is it not then the best course for both classes to unito against the common oppressors ? Ono circumstance , however , requires explanation . The new Reform Party advocates the extension of the franchise to every occupier of a tenement , or any portion of a tenement , provided he is rated , or has
claimed to be rated , to the relief of the poor . Now in England all houses are rated , but in many parts of Scotland none are rated under a £ 5 annual rental , and in some country parishes there arc no poor rates at all , so that the condition thus annexed to the suffrage would still exclude the great mass of the working classes from the obtainment of their just rights ; or if the same system of rating as in England , were extended to Scotland , this would be adding to tho burdens of the working classes , which arc already rather too heavy , and would also be equivalent to paying for the franchise , which is the just right of every British subject , as laid down in the Charter . I am happy , however , to stale , that this has been already laid before the council of the Reform partv .
and that the poor-rate clause is only laid down as a substitute for the expense of registration , and is not a fundamental principle which will be insisted on , when it is thus shewn to be inapplicable to Scotland . I look , with great hope to the approachin " National ConfcvcucQ , atvd 1 am con-miceu , from tlic fact that tho'leading nioft of tho ' Reform party hold the most liberal principles , that " Manhood Suffrage will be the fundamental principle of the new agitation , if the working classos generally would at once unite with them , and elect men of honesty and principle to that Conference , they would ensure tho adoption of their principles . The opposition-at-allhazards policy of the Chartists must be at once abandoned—it failed when applied to the Complete Suffrage party , and tho folly should not again be repeated .
Let us rather invite than repulse the middle classes , for without a cordial union the isolated demands of tho people will continue to be disregarded ; but a cordial union will at once command success . I am happy to inform the working men of Scotland , that there is to be a great public meeting in Aberdeen early in October—that Sir Joshua Walmsloy , M . P ., and another Member of Parliament , along with our champion—P . O'Connor , M . P ., —are to be present . So fay as this meeting is concerned , there has been a cordial union of both classes , and we have the three tditors of three Aberdeen newspapers on our Committee , and a town-councillor as treasurer ; . Let the men of Scotland at once arouse , invite tho deputation to visit all the large towns , and at once form a union of lloformcvs ii'i-esistible . I am , Sir , your obedient Servant , Aberdeen , Sept . 25 . Pno Patria .
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viSWs , : ot : ideas ,, cannot ; . fallto ; the . _ gsonnd withont producing some fruit . Another view may be taken . It is a well-known : fact , that tho Clm-tist meetfoga nave not been " . atteuded by that portion of ' society whomconventionalusageterms " respectable . " This classy could not have , a correct-notion of what a Chavtist . is . pr what Chartism mean ? . Hence , the great . bulk : Of these . ' . ' respectables" in your city . look upon the Chutist ? m the blackest of characters , ca « pable of committing the most diabolical ' act ; whereas , wften they have an opportunity of hearing them to * e . men who rcaHjr ave , iii possession ^ of reasoning Faculties ^ arid'CanrtakeuseoYithesefaculties insuca % = ¦' njann ifr aS ; -w ^' . cirr . y- > convioUbtt to their kuorant mind * /' thai .. - -ine" . Chartist * »» „ 1
t ^(^' i » j [^ ineii ( - " « li ^ - % ra ; "' :. noi ; --t' > be despised- * $ w ' ould be very wnpolitidindeed for the Chartisttf tc . bo mere . specta | or ^ fl f . ' the movement , they ougfii * rathortp jo ^|| l ; ' and . ' thus secure a more favourable " oppprtu ' nify ' otft ? irwing thesr princi ples , whicfowuB -M conveytjd tfjj ? mgh the medium of the daJJiyr papers to ' paftnsY who never have an op . portunrijy- © fc seeing their view ' s ^ ' should the niiddla classes pi'bveinsincere , a certain organisation will ,, have becaenfeeied which ' . could , be token hold of by tfce ChartrafcS ) and carried oxt b > ttoaa . alone . Any ' real improvement to the workoig | classes eaa alone be produced by thenueta » . btt ? improvement cannot be produced -without ttie cx&feice of th « tho
necessary machinery ; monop ; oty of- governmenS must be destroyed And if it cariapf besffectued at onco it must be industriously federmined so that it may ultimately fait and eternally destroy the principle-which degenerates- Monopoly Let the people be * observant—strictly sober- ^ hoaost in their condaefc , whether it beof a-public op private character—cwitivato their reaeotivc powers —see to it , that political changes which they may seek to accomplish are- only considered as > instruments to' be used for tho social elevainon of man . Let them bo assured that the mere cbtainiag of Universal Suffrage will not do them any material good , nnless they have-a real knowledgeof the evils which cause them to- eomplain ; and possossino- &
knowledge which pencttates beneath the surface , they will then have a faith which will stimulate ! tiiem to constant action , and ensuro ultimate- success . One large Beotiou of the operative * are , at the present time , hanging as it wero * likea < dead weight upon the efforts of those who are desiraus of elevating them , . ^ o soofte ? do they obtain a little more remuneration for $ eir labour than ihey waste their resources in gratifying their co * supfc propensities ; to talk or think of emancipating this class of men from slavery is shere folly . Were tho Parliamant to attempt to govern , so that thoy could obtain their legitimate wages , they would kill themselves by their vicious habits—they arc prepared for nothing but slavery , and slavery would
be their lot whatever form of government was established—yet some of this class have the consummate impudence to call themselves Chartists . I trust that tho real Chartists will , on all occasions , embrace tho opportunity whenever it presents itself , of speaking against the indulgence of vicious practices , as being the principle cause and perpetrators of slavery . "When man is brutalised , ho is driven by animal feelings alone ; and as the laws of nature have determined that the combined exercise of the mtollcctual with the physical can alone modify tho raw material so as to make ifi suitable for the support and comfort of man , it follows that the man who neglects , or destroyed by . vicious habits , theintellectu . il portions of his nature , becomes a mere machine possessirg physical power but not the necessary intellectual power to give the physical its directions . Hence ? nothorm . in « t
mind must be brought to bear upon this stupid physical matter , which is obliged to receive and submit to every indignity which may be heaped upon it ; men of this character can do nothing but shout , and in times of excitement form National Guards , when danger appears they ave gone , those who relied upon them , nre seized and placed in prison—the prisoners rebel for want of five shillings per week to prevent them from oakum picking , arc placed in confinement upon bread and water" two or three dio of the cholera . An eternal disgrace rests upon the National Guard . What have ° thev contributed ?—absolutely nothing . These are not tho men to reform a nation ; we must seek a change from a more intelligent party—a union with tuo middle classes for an extension of the sutfra « tt . Yours truly , John Culpas , Jun .
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AH ! AH ! AH ! ¦ If John Brighi 1 does not kick his mother when lie reads the folio iving letter from his former co-adjutor , Riciiakd Cobden , she is safe for ever . What a joke ! The Jews not lend money upon good securit y i The English Brokci' 3 not make profit of Blood I W bile the En ^ 11 sh
Cotton Lords coin sweat , marrow , Wood , bones , and sinews into gold ! If the Autocrat of Austria , who has fraternised with tho Autocrat of Russia , offered Abnihiun a sixteenth per cent , more for money than tho monarch who promised perfect Jewish Emancipation , Abraham would give his ' money to the Autocrat rather than to the emancipating Monarch ; though it were to save Isaac from immolation .
Cobden wants a peg to hang his ' shattered popularity upon ; but all his " simple axd unadorned eloquence " will not induce Abraham , or John Bull , to refuse profit upon the blood of the Hungarians . It ' s rubbish ! rank rubbish ! and nothing else . Oaklands , near Sedlcscombo , Sussex . Sept , 25 . Mr dear Sir , —I have this moment read in a London paper tho prospectus for a new loan issued by tho Austrian Government . Xow is the time for tho friends pf poneo and disarmament to raise tlieir voices in condemnation and exposure of the system
by whicn Austria : ind tho other Powers maintain their enormous armies , and carry war and destruction not only into their own provinces , but into the territories of their neighbours ; A public meeting should bo immediately called in London to denounce this attempt to levy upon tho earnin « s of peaceful industry the means of paying llnynau and his Croats for their butcheries in Brescia and their atrocities in Hungary . There is not a friend or " admirer of the' oppressed and slandered Magyars or Italians who will not press forward to swell the chorus of execration at this audacious proposal to borrow from the European public the money with which to pay the price of successful violence and injustice
It is a matter upon which every man is called to express his opinion , for a \\ of us arc by the terms of the prospectus invited to subscribe tbv . the loan . Is there a Jew in London who will not be eager to attend such a meeting , to repudiate all . connexion with the projected loan , and to denounce yie authors of those atrocities against his eo-relijiionists at Buda-Pest—atrocities in which Haynau has surpassed everything that has occurred since the persecution of the middle ages ? I will be in town on Thursday to meet a committee of the friends of peace , and if it be decided to hold a meeting , I shall be there to take a part in it ; and believo me Faithfully yours , To E . Frv , Esq . It . Comes .
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THE CHARTIST CONVENTION AND ASSEMBLY . : TO THE CHARTISTS OP EDINBURGH , LEITH , K&V TIIE SURROUNDING DISTRICT .. Buother DEM 0 CBATs ,--IIaving had the honour to represent you in the National Convention , and the National Assembly , I feel . it to be my duty to draw your attention to a debt due to air . M'Go van , printer , for works executed by him for those public bodies amounting to upwards of £ 40 , but a small sum if every constituency paid its proportion . If ; frequently , happens , in public matters , that the printer comes in hindmost for payment , and is sometimes victimised to his own . generosity in
accommodating parties without demanding the cash . In the present instance , from the extreme forbearance of Mr . M'Gowan—although he is now determined to act with firmness against ' delegates , if a ' ofc satisfied —it has become ' a debt of honour , which we are mutually bound to pay . Subscriptions for thii ' purpose are received every Snturday . ' ntght , at the Land Company ' s Hall . Remittances from tho country may be adilrosscd to IVm , Davies , 24 , Greenside-row , or to the Executive ot' the Charter Association , 144 , High llolborn . James Cummino , Late Member of tho National Convention . 14 , DuncaiMtrecfc . ,
Ireland.
IRELAND .
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DEATHS . Diod , at Dundee , on tho 8 th inst ., Jninosltouortsou , in tlieafithj-Darofhisnge . His loss will 1 ) 0 much revetted miu long felt by the Chartists of Dundee , amont' whom lie took to aetive part , and was much vespccteG , being a man of sterling honesty , and of a kind and obliging disposition ; ho was truly one of nature ' s nobility . He died of inflammation m the head , and has left a wife and family to mourn Ins loss . . Died , atStoolipovt . ontheSth inst ., Isabella M'Kinlcy . She was an ardent admirer of the late Henry Hunt , and was present nt the Pctorloa Massacre ; and since that time she has zealousl y supported the principles of Chartism through good and evil report . She was an affcctionatci Patent and a true friend ,
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" Tiie fou J ^ to-day isthewisdom of themorrow . " " Alas ! poor country ! Almost afraid to know itself !"
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TO THE EDITOR OP THE NOMHERS STAR . Dear Sir , —Seeing in your Star of the 22 nd an invitation to the working classes to give their opinions on the proposed union of the middle and working classes , I take the liberty to send you these few remarks . Having been born and bred in Manchester , and being old enough to remember the massacre of 1819 when the middle classes rode down and butchered the peoplefor daring to ask for " cheap bread , " and an extension of the suffrage . Having taken part in the Reform , agitation of 1 S 30 , when the middle classes united with the worki ng people and made
great professions of radicalism , which ended in their imprisoning Broadhurst , Curran , Gilchrist and Ashmore , in Lancaster Castle , for not being satisfied with " The Bill , the whole Bill , and nothing but the Bill , " of the Whigs . ftow when we see men one moment professing Radicalism—nay , lauding a Republic to the skiesand a short , time after taking the baton of tho policeman , to arrest their poor dupes—when wo see the same men foremost in the ranks of the League , and the deadliest enemies to your philanthropic Land Scheme ; and atjaiu originating the damnable plug-plot , by which you , and many of our worthy brethren , along with James Leach , had nearly been sacrificed ; seeing and knowing these thincs . and . i
volume of other acts of deep treachery that could be told , I am in no ways startled at James Leach not being inclined to be made a cat ' s-paw of once again . Manchester has had its share of middle class oppression and deceit , and it is not without good grounds that they may suspect this " newest move . " The working classes have ever been the "tools " that the middle and higher classes have made use of to decide their differences . The illustrious" Reform agitation , " though to outward appearance a poplar move , is well kuown . to have been only a "Whig dodge , for the purpose of gaining and retaining place , power , and pension . It may be that the game iabout to be
s played now under another name certain it is that my Lord Russell ' s premiership is more than doubtful in the coming session . It may be that after the union of the two classes has , by the pressure from without , forced the suffrage and financial questions on the notice of government , that " Little John , " by some showy but shallow measure , will satisfy a large portion of the unionists , who will desert the ranks , and , as they did in 1831 , and join the " base , bloody , and brutals / ' to put down the remaining dissatisfied patriots . Such things have been , and may be again and if we do join the middle classes let us do it with our eyes open , and the recollection of their former traitorhood .
In the proposed union I see nothing to lose , and a good chance to gain ; in fact the working classes like a man with empty pockets , may laugh at the efforts of the light-fingered gentry . The down troiden labourer hardly , can be worse under any change of circumstances , but he may by a wise policy and masterly management , make the middle classes subservient to his purposes , and thus reverse the old customs . In the proposed union there will be one advantage that outweighs all others , and
wiicu was noticed by you last week ; that is , the opportunities we shall gain of propagating our views before the public . I may say , then , for myself , and the bulk of this part of the Charter Association , that we are in favour of the proposed union , and will give it every assistance , though we will still keep our society whole and separate / until we have gained our ends . „ , Yours , Thomas Dickissow . Sunderland , Sept . 25 .
Above will be found the reply of Messrs . Jas . Leach and Thomas Dickinson to my invitation of last week to discuss the policy of the proposed union between the working and the middle classes . There are only two points of Leach's letter which require a word of comtnent--or rather explanation . The one is the supposition , "that I derived my authority from some of the Manchester papers—or rather from some informant , who took those papers as an authority ! while the fact is , that I received my information from a Manchester correspondent , who made the communication in the most kindly spirit .
The second point is where Leach says : — "And yet the denouncing of these political fig-fags is the head and front of my offending . " Now , there is a difference between offence and discussion . I neither thought nor said that James Leach had offended , nor could the most fastidious person interpret one word of my letter to mean offence . How could . I be offended with a man—and especially with a man of no mean capacity —for expressing his opinions , however widely they may differ from my own—why , it is the very tyranny which has constituted the greatest difficulty in the way of progress ; and
having thus explained anything that did require explanation , Ihave only to-assure James Leach that his letter has given me tho greatest satisfaction ; while I trust that mine will remove any doubt that existed in his mind as to my motives . The letter of Dickinson requires ' no comment . He has—in the most graphiclanguage , and to my great satisfaction—showQ that the Chartistsin hislocality cannot beagain deceived by any party -with whom they may co-operate , as ^ to be forewarned is to be forearmed . " Upon the whole , no circumstance could convey greater satisfaction to " my mind than the fact that two prominent Chartist leaders , in two of
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"Is it expedient that the working classes should unite with the middle classes , who have co mmenced an agitation for Parliamentary and Financial Reform ?"
TO THE EDITOR OF HIE NOBIIEBN STA 1 J . Sin , —As tho spirit of the age is decidedly progressive it is important to ascertain in what class of society the sign of progress manifests itself . Society may be legitimately divided into two sections , viz ., the producers and the non-producers ; the producers are those who by the exercise of their intellectual and physical faculties fabricate out of the raw material , which exists in abundance—and exists not for man individually , but for man universally—commodities necessary for the supplying of man ' s physical and intellectual requirements . The non-producers are those who have illegitimately obtained the exclusive possession of tho raw material out of which alone commodities canbemanufactured
Tins class is constituted of priests , monarchs , and tho oligarchy , or the landed aristocracy . There is another order of men who belong to tho non-producing class , viz ., the usurers . or traffickers in money , who have a power given to them by act of parliament which they ought not to possess , inasmuch as this power gives them a chance to rob their fellow-men of the fruitB of their industry , which chance they arc ever on the alert to embrace . And should not the regular course of events conduce as fully to this end as they desire , they , by intriguing with governments , through their officers , foment quarrels , which invariably lead to the demand for money , which demand leads to augmented interest , which interest can only bo extracted from tho lowest grade of labourers .
Progress can only exist amongst the producers , because tho causes which generate the principles of progress are continually operating upon this class . The real and determined opponents of progress ave the non-pvoducers , who see that the onward course of events , if not arrested , will ultimately reduce thorn to a mere nonentity—inasmuch as they must lose the power which at present keeps them in their position . Hence , it follows , that tho party against whom the people have to contend , and who are , and ever will be , taeir divest enemies , arc the priests , the monarchs , tho landed aristocracy , and the usurers , who never added the weight of a feather to tho wealth of the nationwho are the real drones of society , wallowing in luxuriant extravagancs ; while the parties who produced for them the means of their sensual enjoyments , are scarcely capable of supplying themselves witntne
common necessaries of life . Theso opponents to progress are all-powerful ; and hence ; to overcome them it is expedient that tliri people should take advantage of every circumstance which appears at all likely to give them increased political power . Tho Chartists argue , that every sane man has a right to have a vote . They would be doing violence to their principles were they by their conduct to prevent tho accomplishment of the ostensible object of tho Parliamentary and Financial Reformers , which , when obtained , will give an increased political power to tho people . Many of the democrats argue , that the present movement is a n , L ? T " ' * no mMdlo classes are not sincere , llus is not of . much consequence . "While they are in the field they are disseminating ideas , perhaps , not so liberal as the democrats might desire . yet more liberal than the great bulk of the middle classes have been accustomed to hear .
Political changes are merely the embodiment of ideas which have had an existence a considerable time prior to the change ; therefore , the speeches that may be delivered at the meetings of the middle classes will be constituted of more liberal views than heretofore has emanated from that class . These
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whenever he discovers them at theirdisreputablo work of deceiving the labouring class . That voumay see what these parties mean , I send you a specimen of their productions , being a copy of a letter sent to Kirkdale before mv liberation . Mr . O'Connor can SSf . . T ^ . " * . * ¦ he may think proper , as it seems it is aimed as much at him as any one else ; and I am sure , when he has read it , he will see that lit t V I § l eat dlfference betwixt denouncing these cheatsandhumbugs , and denouncing an union of the middle and working classes ; and yet the denouncing of these political figfags is the head and ft rat or my offending . But enough of them ; I have said much move than I intendedwhen commencing
, these few lines . But it Will he seen , from what I Have said , that I am no enemy to an union of the middle and working classes ; but , on the contrary , fiom what appears in another part of his letter , I go much further in that respect than himself . Mr . 0 Connor asks his readers to "bear in mind , that the union formed is Dot an union betwixt the middleclass employers and the working men , but betwixt tne shopkeepers and theirworking-men customers . " lms , in my opinion , is a distinction without a diffe , reuco . The master-class buys the working man ' s abourascheapashocan , and sells the produce of that labour as dear as he can ; the shopkeeper buys the labourer ' s produce as cheap as he can , and sells it as dear as ho can ; and . from -what . I knnw nt
them bo-tli , ! am sure itf is only ^ siiiifctinEJiatofr t " o ^ a ^ smmm \ iimi ^ mt s ' msnmZiS f of the middle-class employers who have given to the world many sincere proofs of their attachment to liberty , and the desire to b etter the condition of the labouring class , as any of the shopkeeping special constable class I know of . Amongst tho former might be mentioned the late and lamented John Fielding and family , with a long list of others not necessary to name . However , whatever class will assist tho working people to throw off this monstrous incubus of oppres sion and political slavery , shall have my best wishes and hearty cooperation ; but I cannot take Mr . O'Connor ' s
reasoning , upon the security he offers , for the good intentions of these new leaders of the peoplo to bo sound . " The fact , " says Mr . O ' Connor , "that the principles of this new association are not based upon the mere policy of speculation , is irrefutably established , by the great fact , of Lord Nugent , Lord Dudley Stuart , Sir Joshua Walmsley , Mr . Lushmgton , member for Westminster ; George Thompson , member for the Tower Hamlets ; not one of whomhve upon labour , or upon speculation- " They do not live upon labour ! Wha t do they live upon ? Do they do as the bears are said to do in wint
er , suck their paws for a dinner ? I have always taught the labouring class , that those who did not Labour themselves , had nothing for it but to live upon the labour of others . I have not the least desire to speak disrespectfull y of these gentlemen ; but after what we have seen take place on the continent during the last two years , it will be time enough to place full confidence in these men , when they have shown , by their exertions and perseverance , that they are in earnest , I remain , Sir , yours respectfully , James Leach .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 29, 1849, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1541/page/1/
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