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— mt\l% RfcSEIVED t?«b ths Webs EsDEsa Thtosdat, *° Attta4,lS50.
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M&TTXRS TO THE WORKING CLASSES. LXXTTT
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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THE lOHEStY FU 3 SD . *^ & 355 £££ S ^^ Zi * ers t *! fjMMes 9 s 8 d . - « eceiveaatScou ' 8 ironWortas , * ! ' ^ I Tw S Sutnerfand-J . Sutherland 6 d-A . Black ¦ tfkWjrina&i-J . Oswald is 6 d-J . Mitchell and S . 6 a" 4- ISSipton 2 s- ^ T . Adams , Northampton 2 s 6 d-**^^ T < £ BacUey U-Ktttarctan , proceeds Leicester , per ^^^ j . Gi bson lOs-Criefl ; 1 ) . rfDl 3 mauc Enw ™ ^ 2 g _ ffd rfnfte-Miunrow , near Kochdale , perJ . Butter-J ^^^ T ^ lndllembere , Sheffield , per G . Cavil . 7 s 6 dtwru ) * 1 £ b . Hainer , Badclifie-T . B . Is 6 d-W . Clongta I 1 " * SS-iMinan 2 s 6 d-Notdi « liam perJ . Sweet 8 s . J * - * ^ r ^ rW . R ° we 3 s - «• Lund y » flnU Jfc-B * - " Xo ?^ j GUbertson-Holme iread J . Gilbertson ls 2 d—a cs «*?»_ - ' . ci . irtrtmv Works Ss —a few livers . Denton
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yATIOXAL IzAJfD COMPAXY . Tbe Board of Directors call upon all ISiIembers , preparatory to winding up the -aflairs of the Compauy , to send to this Office the amounts due for General Expenses ; and also to liquidate the Claims due to the several local Secretaries . By Order , Thomas Uiaee , Cor . -Sec . London , April 4 , 1850 .
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DESTRUCTION OP LIMSUOTJSE CHUECH . A roost disastrous fire broke out on Friday morning ; in the parish church -of-St . Anne , LitnehoBse , and in a comparatively short space of time laid in ruins the whole of that aagsilcent structure . The particulars are as follows . At seven o ' clock in the morning , a man named William Rumbold , who lights the stove fires ,. entered the edifice , and ignited both the furnaces , and , at half-past eight o ' clock , was abont to satisfy himself of the degree of temperature in the interior of the church , when he perceived a strong smell of turning wood , and shortly afterwards saw a quantity of smoke issue from the xoof . He raa off to tbe residence of Mr . George Coningham , the beadle stud engine-keeper of the garish , who returned with him , giving the
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7 ? f ?* ^^ e " . « " * a imaU drop of Ink FaUing-like dew-upon a thought , produce ! l ?^™^* ^ "sands . perhaps millions . "" ft-, " : - . ¦ ¦ raoif . SHAM-RADICALISM versus SOCIAL SEFORM .
FRENCH AFFAIRS . Brother Proletabians , It is not difficult to distinguish sham from real Reformers , the former , though loudmouthed against political abuses , have iiot a word to say against the evils—a thousand-fold worse—which form part and parcel of the existing social system . Your mero political Reformer -will declaim against the corruptions of the Established Church , the abominations of sinecures and unmerited pensions , the cost of Generals , Admirals , and Ambassadors ; and set op for a model regenerator of hie
country , on the strength of demanding a redaction often thousand men in the army , or a gradual return to the forty-four , million " standard of 1835 . " To the above named abases the rentable Reformer also objects ; and is quite willing to lend a hand to measnres of retrenchment and political amendment , much more sweeping than those advocated by the " Manchesterschool . " But he desires to go somewhat further ,. being well assured that " cheap government" is not , of itself , sufficient to redeem the millions from misery and slavery .
The hostility exhibited by the genteel reformers to every scheme propounded for the amelioration of the social condition of . the masses , is sufficreatly indicative of the meaning they attach to what they-term " reform . " The monarchy shorn of its " barbaric splendours "—the church compelled to disgorge its superabundant wealth—the scions of the aristocracy forced to give place to fee sons of cotton-spinners—lower taxation aftording a plausible pretext for still lowering wageB—and finally , tbelittle shopocracy and working-class
aristocracy , -exercising the franchise , and combined with the capitalist class , to keep down the ragged , wretched , and despairing Proletarians—behold the genteel reformers' beauideal of ** good and cheap government . " To such reformers , any plan devised for the purpose of rescuing the workiag people from the thraldom of wages-slavery—whether such plae be a Socialist community ,, a Chartist Land Scheme , or a Co-operative Workers ' establishment—is , in their -estimation , the " abomination of desolation . "
Every one is aware that the « ' Daily News " claims to be considered the diurnal champion of Manchester liberalism . To that paper must be accorded the honour (?) of having been the first io attack the band of earnest men who hare taken the initiative in iffee grand experiment of associating capital with labour—with the " ? iew of excluding the idle capitalist from sharing the rewards of industry . The " Daily News'' -avers , that the . working tailors have ne reasonable complaint against competition ; that , in this country , wages are , and must be , the only means of
remunerating the -working classes , and tbat cooperation of the working men must fail . The first of these averments is in glaring contradiction to the immense mass of evidence published in the "Morning Chronicle , " which evidence has been confirmed at innumerable meetings of tailors , held both at the east and west end of London . Thousands of men and women have testified to the fact , that competition amongst themselves for employment , and the competition -of itheir employers "for profit , have so brought down prices , that even the imprisoned felon , and bastilled pauper ,
are better lodged , clothed , and fed , than the majority of those who , by ^ the cunning of their fingers , provide articles which , next * to food , are of . primary importance . The assertion that wages must be the only means of remunerating the working classes , and that cooperation on then * part must fail , is as impudent in assumption as it is false in economical reasoning . For , though -it is admitted that , under existing arrangements , labour needs the aid of the capitalist , yet-the truth is evident that , ^ without the reproductive power of labour , capital would soon be absorbed . Therefore ,
labour has the power—inherent in itself—of reproduction . AVhile capital is the mere assistant , labour is the -essential principle of production . But it is not the cause of capital that the " Daily News" advocates ; it is that of the capitalists ; of those who , by chicanery and fraud , have possessed liheinselves of the accumulations of industry .. Under the present system , the capitalist depends upon labour to produce the means -of paying the labourer's wages , to replace the capital otherwise absorbed , and , over and above these items , to afford himself -profit whereby
to live an luxury , and to make additions to his capital . Why , in the name of commeB-sense , should not tihese beneficial results be wholly appropriated by those who labour , and ihe profit-grasping . employer give way to the skilled manager , appointed by his co-operatives , and sharing with them the fruits of thek common industry ? One fact , however , is worth a thousand argaments . The Co-operative Tailors , of Castle-steeet , Oxfordstreet , are giving practical refutation to the Manchester philssophy . They are already in a condition to commence the repayment of the
borrowed capital out of their profits , in addition to their having received a far higher remuneration for tbeii' labour than they would have had under ihe ordinary arrangements . It may be urged , that the tailors could not have commenced operations , had they not had the assistance of borrowed capital ; and the objector may demand how are the working classes to obtain capital for co-operative purposes ? I r-eply , that the better paid of the working classes may supply capital by the same mode that they
support their Benefit Societies , Trades Unions , Strikes , &c , &c . The less fortunate may possibly , like the tailors , be able to borrow the neeessary capital . A third , and still more powerful and efficient ' aid , would , under just political and social institutions , be afforded from ihe resources of the state . Of course , the bare supposition of such economical arrangements must excite the abhorrence of speculators in labour generally—the Manchester school in particular , and especially their liberal organ , the "Daily News . "
I have not space to follow this apologist of profitmongering rapacity through his tortuous course of sophistry and humbug . I will notice hut two more points of the article under
. The sapient editor advises , as a remedy for the evils of the tailoring trade , that the higher elass of employers should lower their prices , and thereby attract enstom from the present cheap establishments . He emphatically adds , " reductions of price , by better sorts of master tailors , ought to be the first hope of the working tailors . " Even a greater idiot than the editor of the " Dail y News , " might understand , that the Tesult of such a course would be a redaction of the wages of the comparatively well-paid hands to a scale approaching that of the Hebrew blood sucker .
Leaving Professor Matjbice to reply to the " News" editor ' s sneers at " Christian Socialism , " I will merely observe , that Christianity is only reverenced by the Manchester school , bo long as it is made to minister to their selfishness . The mere prospect of its being identified with economical arrangement ! to elevate the labourer from his present miserable condition , suffices to set these reipecfcable and liberal Christians in a rage . In faet , they value religion only as they value law and literature , politics and philosophy—as instruments of oppression , imposture , and spoliation . BwimR FRQmmws «• The Red Xto
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publicans of France have gained' another victory , in electing their candidate for the department of the Vosges , to take the . seat of a representative deceased , Yidaij , \ elected along with Carnot and Db Flottb , was elected also for the Bas Rhin , and has decided on sitting for that department . This will occasion another election for Paris . The Ordermongers have not yet fixed on a candidate . It is said , that Gibardin , of the " Presse , " will be the man of the Democracy . If so , and if the Socialist Democrats will unanimously accord him then- votes ,
there can be no doubt of his election . Not forgetting the antecedents of that personage , there must , nevertheless , be taken into consideration , the good service he has of late rendered to the good cause , and that his election would possess a peculiar significance , most distasteful to the ruling tyrants . Taking into account , therefore , all the circumstances of the situation , it appears to me that the Reds of Paris would show a wise discretion , and adopt a politic course , b y giving their support io Girardin .
On the 27 th of March , the Editor of the ( extinct ) "Reforme" was condemned to a year ' s imprisonment , and a . fine of 2 , 000 francs , for having published the " Address of the French Exiles of the 13 th of June , resident in London to their democratic brethren in Eagland . '' To fully comprehend the iniquity of this sentence , the reader must have before him the "Address , " here repeated from a former number of the " Star : "— - TEE FRENCH EXILES OF THE 'nsra OF JUNE , " AT PKESEKT 21 ESIDIXG 1 M LONDON , ' TO THE FRATERNAL DEMOCRATS OF ENGLAND . , Friends and BrothersI
From the bottom of pur hearts we ttinnk you for the noble manifestation of syrapatny contained in your addresses to our suffering compatriots , to their families and friends , and to ourselves . Your sympathy is a gloriaus proof of the rapid progress of the ideas for which we are suffering . You have truly said that the religion of Fraternity is arising from the ruinsof false systems . Traealsoitis that our enemies are yours ; for « ur cause is the cause of the oppressed of every land . For the moment vietory is to Falsehood and Treason . It is Falsehood which has delivered up France to th , e sham
republicans . It was under the influence of Falsehood that a French army was led to . attack Some . It was Falsehood that disarmed the heroes of Hungary . Treason is everywhere . It forced our brethren , the soldiers of France , although ragmg with despair and shame , to destroy a fret people whom they loved . Treason has subjugated the libine and the Danube , opened Use gates of Milan , Home . Vienna , Eastadt , Venice , and Comorn . Treason is extending , and scaffolds are the monuments of its triumphs . We repeat , victory for the moment . ' The Democrats of Europe struggle for Truth , for Bight ; and Truth cannot perish , and against Right even majorities are powerless .
Liberty ! Equality ! Fraternity ! Immortal principles that move the world . Those ctf your defenders who have not suffered death are consigned to dungeons , reduced to silence , or driven into exile . But the love of mankind , the hope of triumph , the faith oi tfoe maytyr remain to them , wad their sufferings are mitigated , while they press the hands offered to them by their brethren of all countries . Thanks to you , English < leniocrats , for your words of encouragement and aftectiton . Be assured we shall remain firm to the good cause , aad "believe t'uat you will soon hear resound from all parts ef France the rallying cry , Vive la REPOBLIQDE DSMOCKATrQCE ET SoCIALE . { Signed ) . lEDED ROLL 1 N , CH . HlBEYTlOUXS , ' Landoipbe , Etienxe Abago , . r F . Fabdigon , Majitin Behnim */ Rattier , . Sonoeon , B . Dovebdieb , E . Madler de Montjau , London , December , 1819 . Jun .
Mark the persecuting spirit of the ruffians r a power . Not content with extinguishing the " Keforme" byfioes , seizures of the caution money , and Benteaces of imprisonment , they jmrsue with implacable hatred every man who has been connected with that journal , and against whom they can concoct a charge of any kind . Generosity is unknown to these miscreants , who give daily proof that they are of that order of wretches who , not content with committing murder , will even gluttlieirrevenge bymaiiglingtkelifeless remains of | their victim . How infamous to the persecutors is this continued war of vengeance against the staff of a journal , which ' no longer exists to trouble them . It is the intention of the Committee of the Society of Fraternal Democrats to contribute towards the sum inflicted as a fine . It is
to be hoped that members and friends of the Society will aid the Committee in carrying out an intention , ; so truly laudable , and worth y of a body established to practice , as well as to preach , the great principle of Fraternity . The infamous law for transforming the French schoolmasters into police agents , and teachers of the Ordermongers , has been for some time past in operation ; and the consequence has beeathe dismissal from their employment of a vast number of able and excellent men , whose < crime is that of being faithful
to the Republic . These -victims of the ruffianly Ordermongers being reduced to beggary , an attempt has beea -made to obtain public subscriptions for their relief . On Saturday last a private meeting , held to prganise the subscription , was pounced upon ; by the police , and a number of persons were dragged prisoners to the Prefecture . < Gan such infernal tyranny fail to evoke universal disgust and indignation ? And when the hour of retribution arrives , will not the just punishment of the tyrants be hailed with shouts of joy , by the people of every land ? L'AMI DTJ PEUPLE . April 4 , 1850 .
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TO THE DEMOCRATS OF BRITAIN . ( From the Irishman of March 30 th . ) Brothers of England and Scotland—children of the Saxon and the Gael—we no longer fear to address you . Democracy is no longer an Eutopia—the dream of a cloistered visionary—but a broad , solid , and consistent principle , wide as Europe , and strong as manhood .
Heard ye the shout from France the other day ? Marked ye the magic in the names of Carnot , Vidal and De Fiotte , the chosen of the workman , and the representatives of France ' s proud capital ? Triumphant were they—those brave ' owners—over rank , wealth , power , and the intimidation and intrigue of a profligate Government . Listen to the echoes from Switzerland—how the spirit often thousand Tells raises the warshout from the rough breasts of the AlpB . Hark ! again from Germany comes the din of preparation . The old Teutonic blood is one © more stirred , and the battle of liberty is again to be kindled on new and fairer fields .
Europe , as one man , is on the move ; one voice rises from the shores of Kerry to the sraggy heights of the Ural . Freedom is shouted in fifty tongues ; liberty and independence are echoed from hill to hill , scaring tyranny , and confronting oppression . The Pole onoe more brandishes his broken spear . The Magyar and Wend , the Sclave and Saxonthe inheritors of Rome ' s glory and fall—unite with one heart to call for , and fight for , the rights of man .
Shall we be behind , friends , in the young dawn of this great political millenium ? Shall free-born Britons alone clank the chain in cowardly contentment , amid the sneers and scorn of struggling Europe ? Long , men o ; England , have ye been trained to lay your heels upon the neck of the trodden Celt , and to laugh with exultation over the wrongs of fellow-slaves / Ye were made to believe that to oppress was to be free , and that to enable your masters to tyrannise , was to glorify and ennoble yourselves . the iron
At last have ye awaked ; has pierced sufficiently deep into your bouIs , or must another half-centary degrade you lower than your brother brutes ? N < o ; we are proud to Bay the spirit of the age burns bright in the hearts of our English brothers . The throes that convulse Europe for the birth of a new race , are felt through the hamlets of Britain ; and , in the great struggle that already looms dark on the horison , the men of the Western isles—white-cliffed Albany and Green Erin—will not be behind . Our war-cry has risen for masters through the four corners of the world : at length we
are to raise it for ourselves . Let us go on with the courage of men . Our rights , our interests , and our honour , arc at stake . Let US not be behind in asserting them . We trust
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you have learned the value of a constitutionthe door of which has been rudely and haughtily slainmed in your face . It is none of yours ; you areParias , and aliens to its provisions . ; You stand outside its sanctuary . -That boasted figment , that organised hV-the Charter of British liberty—thinks more of brick walls and green acres , than it does of Gods haadivrork- ^ his living and reasoning creatures . Look , men of England—look round you ; it is houses and lands , not men , that make your laws ., It is the city tenement , or the rural freehold , that votes the owner is but an accident . Let him have an estate of five hundred a year , and he is recognised as a free-born Briton , with all the
rightsprivi-, leges , and immunities belonging thereto . Strip him of his wealth ; let the hand of misfortune press heavy on him , and he is nothing—the paradise of the constitution is barred against him ; and , like a second Adam , he ! is driven out , found guilty of the crime of poverty . Where is the change ? Is it in the man , or the fortune ? Is he less wise , less honest , or intelligent , because he is less wealthy ? And what does this prove , but that your legislators care nothing for men or their knowledge , or independence—but only for their riches ; and that your constitution is not a constitution for free and patriotic citizens , but for brick walls , and houses , and factories , and estates , and farms , and freeholds ?¦ : ¦ ¦ ¦ - ¦ ¦
Away , then , with this brick-wall Constitution ; tear it down , it is an iniquity and and : i reproach . ; To tolerate it , is to be accessories in your own shame . Rise , be men ; you are the strength of the nation , and the just side i » yours ; and when strength and justice are united , they are irresistible—in action becomes a crime , and apathy a cowardly vice . Think how the Charter , was wrung from John . Did those bold barons crouch before
the throne—lick the dust on which the tong and council trod—and beset the royal ear with whining petitions and sanctimonious prayers 1 Did they ? Was the Stuart pushed from the throne of his fathers by the pressure of loyal signatures and sweet-mouthed allegiance ? How did the aristocracy rise above the crown , and trample dowii both sovereign and people ? —how , but by the naked sword and the thundering artillery ? i . ¦ ...
History is not written for nothing friends : the traditions of the past are the guides to the future . Your path is chalked out ; the track is well beaten ; dare ye follow it—are ye c 6 wards , or are ye men ? We do not repel the highwayman with a drawing-room compliment ; we do not greet the assassin with a complacent bow , but with a blow well struck home , with a heart , a hand , and a will . What , then , are we do with the legalised highwayman ? How are we to hail the assassin of our rights and liberties as freemen—the plunderer of our toil and property as citizens ? Shall we write our names on foolscap , and bid him read the scroll ?—shall we enter into
subtle argument and pious discussion with the murderers of our commonwealth ?—shall we litter the halls of Westminster with monster petitions , and make our humble prayers to Men redolent of London hells , to full-fed gluttons , and drunken debauchees ?—shall we ask our rights of those to whom the very name of justice ia a sneer and a bye « word ?—men who have given to themselves special immunity from the ordinary claims of " law , " ' and are not rotting in prisons because they have erected statutes to . enable them to cheat
the working classes , and to rob and plunder religiously and constitutionally . " These be your gods , O Israel ! " These , men of England , are the legislators before whom you must crouch like an eastern devotee , and whose ear you must gain b y the whining cant of a Puritan . These are the men whose dignity honest citizens must not offend with honest words , but whom we must approach by roundabouts , and conciliate by tho prostrations of a Persian slave .
> . Long live the Constitution , its provisions and its laws , its statutes and its enactments , its equity and its justice , its patronage of the great and its oppression of the humble—long live the slaves who bear and the tyrants who oppress . Perhaps we have wronged "Parliament " and mistaken "legislators . " Perhaps we have overrated the value of the working classes . The American wise men tell us that God made the blacks for slaves , and that to elevate them above that rank would be to insult
His providence and frustrate His intentions , Who knows but Be may have ordained white slaves also ? Who knows but pauperism and poverty , and misery — created , aggravated , and continued by Parliamentary enactmentmay be the destined condition of the men of England ? Who knows . but they are fit for nothing else than grinding at the mill and clanking the fetters of degraded serfdom ?
" Parliament'' says this , the press says this , and the pulpit is the echo of both . We long to hear the voice of England itself . Will they submit , those brawny workmen , to be mulcted by law and insulted b y statute ? If they do , they prove the charge . The contented slave is unfit for liberty . The cowardly patriot is unfit for anything . Action is the life of man . Dare the men of England act—dare they first lay the foundation , and then build the edifice ?
Brothers of England , we will not wrong your manhood , oi your good sense , by doubting your determination . Our heart tells us you are ready . Go on , in God's name ; spread your principles , and unite and consolidate your numbers . Time presses ; use "it well ; another twenty-fourth of February may , ere long , summons onco more the despots of Europe to judgments Be ready for the issue . We shall call you to sit as jurors on the trial of our common wrongs . We shall weave together tbe rose and shamrock— -the one no longer tyrannical , the other oppressed . Wo shall fight no longer the battle of * a party , a creed , or a class , but shall grave on one shield , and write on one banner , " The r ights of liberty , of labour , and of man . "
On a future occasion we shall enter more fully into this question . We shall discuss with you that bottomless pit , that swallows up all prosperity—that strength of a rotten Government , but weakness of a struggling peoplethe National Debt . Wo shall survey your properties , and we shall see that the only difference between Irish and English slavery is , that ours is ostensible , while yours , though less apparent , is equally real and oppressive .
In the meantime , be prepared for the battle ; be practical , be determined . Remember , the most enchusiastic patriotism and the most indomitable courage are nothing while isolated . If you would succeed , you must multiply your strength by uniting , ysur numbers . Train yourselves to combine and act harmoniously together . Hold your meetings regularly , and consult like brothers . We should recommend the formation of branch associations without delay . It is hard to say but your services may , era long , be wanted . A crowded society is an inconvenient and unwieldly engino ; you will , therefore , probably conclude that numerous small mcetiugs will be more decorous and manageable than a great aggregate aBsembly .
As a common action , common principles , and a harmonious movement , are of all things desirable , it will be necessary that a close and intimate connexion be kept up throughout . This can only be done by fixing on a common centre , which may act as a heart to the organisation ; Dublin has so far answered this end , and may still , till a better can be procured From our Dublin brothers you will meet every courtesy , and a heroic readiness to sacrifice everything for the good cause .
In fine , . men of England , be worthy of your selves ; act with courageous prudence . Re cruit and drill for the great army of liberty
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Associate with the intensit y of men who have lost all , and have all to win back . Be not discouraged , Europe is with you •; toark to the loir , heavy hum , that tells of the rising storm . Look to your wrongs , look . to . your rights—be sure that the day has gone by for oppressionthe shackles are rusted to the heart , and it wants but ahold pull to break them . Will you help us , men of England—help us to make our twin-islands sisters in freedom and prosperity , as they have been in degradation and misery ? Your faithful friend , The Irishman .
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TO THE MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL LAND COMPANY . Allow me as a member , not paid-up , to offer a few words on what I conceive to be the only course left for its members to adopt . No one for a moment doubts but that a man with ordinary labour and perseverance can support a family and make provision . for sickness and old age upon the Company s allotments . We know that by our united saving wo have accumulated a sum of upwards of £ 100 , 000 ; the object of that sum subscribed was to lessen the fierce strife between man and man , and which made liim work at such fearful remuneration as almost to amount to starvation , accompanied with an early and premature death . This was the primary object of bringing the Land Company into existence .
At this moment the property . is at a stand-still , and our Champion has applied for leave to bring in a bill to wind up its affairs ) . Without knowing much of law , I do think we might save a deal of money , anxiety , and trouble , and above all the distribution of its capital back to tho shareholders , which would give our tyrants the satisfaction of seeing us disunited , and enable them to use tho iron rod with still greater force on the unprotected artisan . The seeming confidence its members possess in Feargus O' Connor could , I think , annul the existence of the Company , without any legal expense , in a short time , and pay all the dissatisfied and unworthy members back their subscriptions , by making him a present of all monies paid into the Company . Let
the paid-up " shareholders' send their scrip , and the other members a declaration to that \ -tiecv , ryu thereby 6 et the legal protection on one side , and enable Feargus O'Connor to purchase , sell , or mortgage as he thinks best , and go on as fast as he possibly can without ; ill these quibbles of law . Then he could give the allottees a lease of ninetynine years , and two lives , on their immediate possession , tho allottee paying for tho same . It would not matter to the occupier if he sold it the next day , and this would enable him to go on buying , selling , and leasiDg . We have had much talk and no work about class legislation ; let us then show our rulers that it is not a selfish combination of working men , but that a true philanthropic spirit
pervadea this large body to emancipate the working population of . the country from a state ef destitution to happiness and plenty . Some persons may say how would you locate on the land ? First , bear in mind , that it is the competition of our brother workers in endeavouring to get employment or starve , that creates that anxiety to free ourselves from our taskmasters . Remove the surplus labourer ! and we shall be able to show our employers that wo are worthy of our hire , and , then , and only then , will the producers be acknowledged something more than slaves . Let , then , Mr . Feargus O'Connor sell the allotments to the highest bidder , in single allotments , or the whole of nn estate , as may seem to him best . This would bring capital back to purchase more land in the wholesale to sell in
the retail market , which the government seem determined shall not be done by the Company . 1 am convinced , if the allotments were sold to-morrow , that they would realise twenty shillings for every pound expended thereon . I think I henr some one ask , would you allow O'Connor to receivo £ 200 for that which cost only £ 150 ? Yes ; because the whole of the country w . ould . reap the benefit . First , the tradesman with his capital leaves his shop , which is instantly filled by a mechanic . Tim unwilling idler gets work thereby , giving employment to others , and at last you will find that it has snatched the labourer from the bastile . Lose not sight of ihe fact , that it Is you that are in work . thfit not only support the aristocracy , and all those who fill our gaols and workhouse 3 , and every unwilling idler .
The ballot has been a stumbling-block to our rulers , let U 9 see if we cannot find a better substitute for it . When we cannot find single purchasers for the allotments ,, let the country be equally divided according to numbers subscribing to the Redemption Fund as I will callit ; then let each subscriber have one vote or recommendation , however small a sum ho may have subscribed ; then let our friend say how many districts are to vecommend so many persons , and the district having the most votes , to be entitled to the little paradise , he trusting in our intelligence to select an honest , ~ upright , industrious , persevering , ana practical man , thereby guarding the scheme against such vermin that have brought disgrace on our order and Company . Let them , one and . all , show to the powers that be , although they will not legislate to protect our small savings , that we have found out a different savings bank to what our forefathers did—to make a rod for their own
backs , thereby giving them additional capital to crush the artisan and speculate in order to increase their incomes , or in case of failure , as in Rochdale and other places , to console ourselves with the loss . Have you forgot tha dreadful cry in France of ' 48 , f the right to live ? Are you going to let our brothers across the channel solve the question of labour ' s rights without one single effort to free yourself ? The struggle of our order on this side the channel has a powerful effect on the tyrants of all other nations , France is doing much by co-operation and stern perseverance , as has lately been proved by the terror displayed by the enemies of labour , and the acknowledgement that the proletarian cause is gaining ground . Let . those , who have more ability than myself , propound their plan of winding up the Compauy ' s affairs , and the good sense of the majority will best judge that which will redeem themselves from bondage . I beg to subscribe myself ,
Reading . An Unwilling Slave . Brother Shareholders , — Having seen with sorrow that our noble benefactor has been driven to give notice for a bill to wind up the Land Company through the ingratitude of those whom he has studied to serve . I beg to offer my opinion to your consideration . Our enemies having named the argument as to the legalisation of the Company , on the last day of the term , showed their weakness , as they must have known there was not sufficient time to hear the case . A little more oatleace on our part , and I trust that justice will be done . Give Mr . O'Connor your support , and he will yet conquer . Frustrate our enemies , by not allowing the Company to he wound up . What gmter- proof of the practicability of the Land Plan is there than the native countryman who pays £ 13 per annum to Beattie for three acres of his land and no house , giving six months rent in advance . I could name
instances in the neighbourhood , where £ 4 a year per acre is paid for inferior land and no house . I have laboured under great disadvantages , being nearly sixty years of age , and afflicted with bad legs for this last twenty ' years . I have three children under fourteen years of ago ; two of them boys , the eldest twelve years of age . At the age of four years lie was nearly burnt to death , and both his arms were contracted and disfigured ; he is now growing strai g ht and improving in health . These boys are my right hand . My health is better than it has been this last twenty years , and these are blessings which I have derived from the glorious Land Plan . To you I am grateful for the means given to ouv noble founder . I have every hope , and I trust that many more will speedily be placed on the land of freedom . I be # to subscribe myself , Yours gratefully , C . Willis , an Allottee . Charterville , March 27 th .
P . S . —I beg to dissent from those who have called on our directors to retire . They woro chosen by Conference upon the principles of democracy , and by no other means ought they to be discharged . They have . worked hard for our cause , and deserve our praise . —C . W .
TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAB .. Sin , —Mr . Sherrington , in his address to the Land Members in last week's Star , i ' s of opinion that a number of members would be found willing to give their paid-up shares to purchase an estate , for the purposo of testing and showing those who oppose the plan that the scheme is no way Utopian . This may bo very good , and may meet with approval from many ; but , alas . ' man is too selfish . In my opinion , Mr . Sherrington might have extended his views a little farther , which might have attracted attention .
suppose ho Had made a calculation , and counted upon ten thousand members having every confidence in Mr . O'Connor and the Land Plan ; these members to engage to give their paid-up shares to purchase an estate , ana also to agreo to make voluntary weekly payments , according to their will and ability , the highest payers to receive theu allotments first . These are my views : they aro practicable , and wero they acted upon and taken up in good earnest , they would accomplish the great desire of that noble minded , and patriotic gentleman , Feargus O'Connor , Esq . I am , A Paid-up Shareholder . Dunfermline , April 1 st .
Pklt-ow-Memdbbs ,- —Having read the summing up of Judge Pollock to the jury , in the recent trial of O'Connor v . Bradshaw , I perceive that we cannot be registered ; therefore , to save useless expense and trouble , I beg to suggest that no opposition may bo made to Mr . 0 'Connor s . attempt to procure an Aot of Parliament , to enable him to wind up the matter—which , I trust , will result ia the sale of
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all the property ! and proportionate ' division o f the proceeds amongst the members , as being the " cicst effectual way of showing to the world at largo ; how little foundation . there is for tho assumption that Mr . O'Connor would wish to , enrich himself at our exponse . Taught by past experiencei there would be no difficulty , after the present Company is dissolved , in ; forming a fresh one , and obtaining jts registration , if but ten shillings in the hundred pounds b& paid before the deed is obtained , and an honourable settlement of our present proceedings would strengthen , rather than weaken , public confidence . Further , we shall be able to purchase land iu future at a cheaper rate—as I am sure that there will be more for sale than ever j and , if the duty on bridkt should be abolished , we shall be able to build at a cheaper rate _ ; and the complete registration of the Company will enable us to borrow money , as our property will then become legal security to' the louder . ¦ . ¦>
I beg leave , to tender my hearty approbation of the recent changes of officers in the Chartist Exe-Dtitive , and hope that none will ever be retained that seek pre-eminence at the expense of their fellow labourers by trying to denounce them for accumulative crimes , extending over a lapse of years—a proceeding that was justly denounced Jot ita wickedness in the ease of Stratford , an imitation of which I was little prepared for , most especially from an advocate of democracy-I remain , your obediont servant , Ugbovough , Devon , E . Robsrtsos . ' April 1 st , 1850 .
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THE LAND MEMBERS OP NORWICH TO THE EDITOR OP THE NORTHERN STAR . , Dear Siu , —We , the undersigned , being members i > l the Norwich branch of the Land Company , beg that you will favour us with a small space in the Star , to reply to a letter we have received from une of the Directors of the Land Company , iu which letter is enclosed a part of a letter ; from a Mr . Smith , of Otley , in Yorkshire , reflecting on a resolution that appeared in the Star of the 16 th ult ., and asking us by what authority we presumed to set ourselves . np as a majority opposed to the Directors longer remaining in office . Now , we beg most respectfully to tell Mr . Smith , that we did not set ourselves up as . the majority . of the Company : what we did say was , that the majority of this branch were opposed to it ; of the other branches we only know from what we have seen in the Star . We are inclined to think that the Directors have
received information from a party in JJorwich , respecting our meeting , and we beg to state that the meeting was open to all the members ; they had notice a week previous , and if the majority of the branch did not attend , it was not the fault of the conveners of that meeting . We are inclined to think that it would have been more straightforward to have sent the letter of Mr . Smith for insertion in the Star , that it might have stood on its own merits , instead of sending a part of it , to our secretary ; but , as wo wiBh to act openly , we beg to say that at that meeting Mr . J . Hurry presided , and John Long moved , and James Townshend seconded } the resolution which has given so much offence . Why , we ask , is this isolated locality singled out as though this was tho only place that had adopted such a resolution , when much stronger resolution ! have been passed by other branches , and no uctiee taken of them ? As for the sneer about '' .-. certain
parties that composed the meeting , jre--. beg . to say ,, that it . is those . certain parties—or the fevs- as they are called—who have always carried' on the movement in this locality . Did not the £ i eat bulk of the members of this branohmost sham / ully desert the cause ? Did they not engage a large place to transact business in , when they thought all was going on as they could wish , and then , leave the few who are now sneered , at , to pay all the expenses . * * * * * * As a proof of what the few have done in this locality , they have sent , within the last few months , between six and soven pounds to the " Macnamara ' s Costs , " and the " Honesty Fund ; " yet this is the reward we have icot , to be told tbat we aro setting ourselves up as the majority of the Company , which we iiaJ no thought of doing ; we stated our opinions in the form of a resolution , and by tbat resolution we will stand , despite of all that any one may say respecting U 8 ,
We beg to subscribe ourselves on behali of tha meeting at which the aforesaid resolution wat passed , Jonathan Hobht . John Long , James Townshesu
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Crieff , —Monday , the 25 th ult ., being the annU versary of the Crieff Debating Club , the members , with a number of friends , sat down to an excellent supper in the Weaver ' s Hall . Peter M'Ainsli , president of the society , was in tho chair , and John . Cram officiated as croupier . After doing anipto justice to the good things provided , tho chairman , in an excellent speech , adverted to the origin and history of the club , showing the progress various members hnd made in public speaking , and concluded by wishing prosperity to the institution . — Peter Gow , in a feeling speech , laid bare tbe cruelties of non-responsible governments , and pointed to the fact that a number of the best men of France , Germany , and even England , were in exile , but . he trusted the time
was not far distant when tho banished patriots of every land would return to their homes . —George M'Gibbon , in addressing the meeting , called attention to the fact , that in the middle of the nineteenth century , Ernest Jones and others were confined in the gaols of England for daring to teach that liberty was the bivUnnght of man ; but he hoped that the arm of liberty would soon be strong enough to destroy all relics of despotism . —John Pearco , in an eloquent manner , showed the bad effects of national prejudices , and explained how they retarded democratic principles . He saw with pleasure that they were fast giving way , and hoped that the fraternity of nations would soon he accomplished . — David Scriniegour reviewed the progress
of democratic principles in Europe ; adverted to the impulses liberty had received from the various French revolutions , and concluded with wishing the speedy triumph of free institutions over the world , James M'Ainsh then proposed , " 6 . Julian Harney , and the democratic press , " and with mercilesa satire lashed the Ordermongers , proving that reaction was impossible , for the march of nations was onwards . Several excellent songs and recitations were given by various members , and after spending an harmonious night , the meeting broke up . The supper was conducted on total abstinence principlesj This Duke o * Monmouth . —Prom Notes and Queries . —I made the following note many years aso .
and am now reminded oi its existence by your admirable periodical , which must rouse many an idler bosides mygelt to a vunmt&ge amongst loncnegleoted old papers . This small piece of tradition indicates that the adventurous but ill-advised duke was a man of unusual muscular power and activity . " On the 8 th of July , 1085 , the Luke of Monmouib was brought a prisoner to Ringwood , and halted at an inn there . My mother , who was a native of Bmgwood , used to relate , that her grandmother was one of the spectators when the royal prisoner came out to take horse ; and that the old lady never faued to recount , how he rejected any as-ist * anco-m mounting , though his arms were pinioned ; uiaumg iooi in
uuu , ma -me sywnp * euz&og usuwy into his saddlo , to the adrfKD ^ tAttllSfvers / 5 Sss . Br "" TO ^ iEfr g fetlyH WISH
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TO FEARGUS O'COKNOR , ESQ ., M . P , Honoured Sib , —At the weekly meeting of thia locality , held at the Malt Shovel , North Church Side , Hull , the following resolutions were carried : — " We , the undersigned members of the National Land Company , from ouv confidence in the integrit y and honesty of thepropounder , F . O'Connof , Ssq ., and also from a firm conviction that the Land Scheme is capable , if fairly tested , to redeem the
whole working population of this country from slavery of the worst description , hereby avail ourselves of the hint thrown out by our friend , Mr . Duncan Sherrington , in the Northern Star , and join him in a request that some portion or portioii . v of the property may be repurchased with the scrip of the paid-up shareholders , who are disposed to entrust the same to the care of our noble champion , and the world ' s benefactor , F . O'Connor ,-Esq ., so that the great hopes of the sanguine—yet honest shareholders—be not entirely blasted . "
This was at once signed by holders of c-it'hteea scrips . " We , the non-pnid-up members of this losallty of the National Land Company view , with una&cted grief , the present position of the Company , aiui fear lest the government compel tho full and comjdete annihilation of the same . but would recommend , i £ possible , that F . O'Connor . Esq ., shall use our portion or portions of money , to establish another , entirely under his own control or management , to purchase property in his own name and righr , and grant leases for life and ninety-nine years , in the following way , viz . —priority of location to be awarded to those who have paid the most per share into the funds of the Company ; and should , a easo of equality occur , give the preference to the oldest on the register . "
This was also signed by thirteen shareholders , who have not quite paid up . During these proceedings , the . female col it otori entered the room , and placed in the hands of our secretary , 11 s ., as the proceeds of their exertion * on behalf of the Honesty Fund , which elicited a . vow of thanks , when they retired to renew their exertions . It was resolved that these resolutions lay foe signature for a few weeks , and then all the rifijr . es be forwarded to F , O'Connor , Esq ., after which tha meecmg was adjourned till next Monday evening , for the above purpose .
I am , Dear and Honoured Sir , Your most obedient servant , Hull , April 1 st . Gbobqs Barnbix , Sec .
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M&Ttxrs To The Working Classes. Lxxttt
M&TTXRS TO THE WORKING CLASSES . LXXTTT
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 6, 1850, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1568/page/5/
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